The Peishwa secures Rughoojee Bhonslay in his interest – Poona becomes the capital of the Mahrattas – Arrangements made by the Peishwa on the will of the late Raja – Insurrection of Yemmajee Sewdeo – suppressed by Sewdasheo Rao Bhow – Agreement of Sangola between the Raja and the Peishwa – A difference arises between the Peishwa and Sewdasheo Rao Bhow – Origin and progress of Ramchundur Baba Shenwee – The Peishwa supports Ghazee-ud-deen, the eldest son of Nixon Ool Moolk-- Death and character of Nasir Jung – Muzuffir Jung, supported by the French, assumes the viceroyalty of the Deccan – Rise of Raja Rugonath Dass and Hyder Jung – Death of Muzuffir Jung – Elevation of Sulabut Jung – The Peishwa, for the purpose of opposing Sulabut Jung and M Bussy, proceeds to the Kistna, but is suddenly recalled to Satara, in consequence of an attempt to supersede his authority on the part of Tara Bye, supported by Dummajee Gaekwar – Gaekwar circumvented – treacherously seized and imprisoned – Tara Bye retains possession yzz the Fort – Rigid captivity of the Raja – Peishwa attacks Sulabut Jung – War carried into the Mahratta country – Moghul army, directed by Bussy, penetrates as far as Korygaom on the Beema Negotiation broken off – renewed – Armistice concluded – Raja Rugonath Dass assassinated – Successful operations of Rughoojee Bhonslay – Death of Meer Hubeeb – Affairs at the Imperial court – Abdallee – Rohillas – Holkar and Sindia, called in by the Nabob of Oude, to assist in subduing the Rohillas – conquest effected – Holkar recalled to the Deccan – his march suspended – Approach of the Abdallee – Mahrattas evacuate the Rohilla territory – Mooltan and Lahore ceded to the Abdallee – Ghazee-ud-deen, accompanied by Sindia and Holkar, commences his march for the Deccan – Proceedings of Sulabut Jung – Syud Lushkur Khan, and Shah Alums Khan brought into power – Arrival of Ghazee-ud-deen
at Aurungabad – Extensive cessions granted by him to the Peishwa – Ghazee-ud-deen is poisoned – Sulabut Jung confirms the cessions made to the Peishwa – Intrigues of Syud Lushkur Khan against the French – Cessions made to the French for the support of their subsidiary force – Affairs at Satara – Expedition into the Carnatic and Guzerat – History of Guzerat from the year 1735, until the capture of Ahmedabad in 1755 – Rugonath Rao proceeds to Hindoostan, and returns to Poona in the ensuing year – The Peishwa sends another expedition into the Carnatic – Death of Rughoojee Bhonslay – his sons – Janojee succeeds as Sena Sahib Soobeh – Affairs accommodated between the Peishwa and Tara Bye – Progress of Janojee Bhonslay – Affairs at Delhi – Meer Shahaboden, son of the late Ghazee-ud-deen – his rise and progress at the imperial court – his unprincipled conduct – calls in the aid of the Mahrattas – is appointed Vizier – deposes the Emperor – deprives him of sight – and raises Jehandar Shah to the Throne
Previously to Shao’s demise, orders in his name had been sent to Yeswunt Rao Dhabary and Rughoojee Bhonslay, requiring their presence at Satara. The former had become totally imbecile from habits of debauchery, and, as had probably been foreseen, neither Dhabary, nor Dummajee Gaekwar, the commander of his army, at tended. Most of the other jagheerdars were present, but if any were disposed to resist the Peishwa’s authority, they remained passive, until they should see what part Rughoojee Bhonslay would assume. But Rughoojee’s ambition was now controlled by the caution of age, and the admonition of experience. He was not only intent on directing annual incursions into Bengal, but owing to the absence of his son Janojee, who accompanied Nasir Jung into the Carnatic, with ten
thousand horse, and to the number of troops which he was compelled to leave in his own territories, he arrived at Satara in the month of January, 1750, with a force only estimated at 12,000 men. His disposition was pacific towards the Peishwa, but he made some demur in acknowledging Ram Raja. He required, in testimony of his being a Bhonslay, and the grandson of Raja Ram, that Tara Bye should first eat with him in presence of the cast, deposing on the food they ate together, that Ram Raja was her grandson. On this being complied with in the most solemn manner, Rughoojee declared himself satisfied; and after a long conference with the Peishwa, he gave his assent to the propriety of the plans submitted for his consideration. As a proof of the good understanding which subsisted between them, Ballajee took occasion to proceed in advance to Poona, leaving the Raja in Rughoojee’s charge, and requesting that he would accompany him to Poona, with the whole of the jagheerdars, for the purpose of concluding the arrangements made by the will of the late Raja. From this period, Poona may be considered the capital of the Mahrattas. Ballajee, in the success of his schemes, almost overlooked Tara Bye; but although upwards of seventy years of age, she soon convinced him that it was dangerous to slight a woman of her spirit. On pretence of paying her devotions at the tomb erected over her husband’s ashes, in the fort of Singurh, she went there, and endeavoured to persuade the Punt Suchew to declare for her, as head of the Mahratta empire. Ballajee, after much persuasion, induced her to come to
Poona, and having flattered her ambition with the hope of having a large share in the administration, at last obtained her influence with Ram Raja, in confirming the many schemes he had now to carry into effect.
Rughoojee Bhonslay received new sunnuds for Berar, Gondwaneh and Bengal; and some Jagheer lands, which had belonged to the Pritee Needhee, adjoining Berar, were transferred to him. The sunnuds for half of Guzerat, were sent to Yeswunt Rao Dhabaray, which, as he had never yet accounted for a share of the revenue to the state, gave Dummajee Gaekwar to understand, what he might expect from the increasing power of the Peishwa. Ranoojee Sindia died43 about this period, and his eldest son Jyapa, was confirmed in his Jagheer. The whole of Malwa, estimated at about one hundred and fifty lacks of rupees of annual revenue, was, with the exception of about ten lacks, divided between Holkar and Sindia; that is, seventy-four and a half lacks were conferred on the former, and sixty-five and a half lacks on the latter. The remaining ten lacks were held by various jagheerdars, of whom Anund Rao Powar was the most considerable: all of them were subservient to the views of the Peishwa, and from them he had to apprehend no opposition.
Ballajee Rao, without intending to employ them,
confirmed the eight Purdhans, and for a short time, nominated Gungadhur Sree Newass, as Pritee Needhee; but, on the application of Rughoojee Bhonslay, and of some other jagheerdars, when about to return to their respective districts, he made them a promise to release Jugjeewun Pureshram, and did accordingly restore him to his rank and liberty. But, as the Raja’s establishment was to be much reduced, and it was necessary to secure in his interests, such of his officers as he could not employ, the Peishwa reserved a great part of the Pritee Needhee’s lands, as Jagheers and assignments to the persons in question, particularly the tract west of Kurar, between the Oormooree and the Warna, where he apprehended an insurrection supported by the Raja of Kolapoor.
Futih Sing Bhonslay, the adopted son of Shao, was confirmed in the possession of his jagheer, in various minor claims on shares of revenue, and in the title of Raja of Akulkote, which, except the detached claims alluded to, are still enjoyed by his descendants. An appointment created by Shao, for a relation of the Muntree, and which was termed Ajahut surdeshmookh, or general agent for collecting the surdeshmookhee, was nominally preserved; but jagheer lands were assigned in lieu of the right of interference, in the collections of the ten per cent., on the six soobehs of the Deccan.
The appointment of Sur-Lushkur was taken from the family of Somwoushee, and given to Nimbajee Naik Nimbalkur. All these changes and appointments were made in name of the Raja, but
it was now well understood that the Peishwa’s authority was supreme in the state, and generally admitted without dissatisfaction.
But Yemmajee Sewdeo, who recovered his liberty at the same time with the Pritee Needhee, threw himself into the fort of Sangola, near Punderpoor, where he raised an insurrection, and made head against the Peishwa, until suppressed by Sewdasheo Chimnajee Bhow.
The Peishwa, in the measures which have been detailed, owed much of his success to his Dewan Mahadajee Punt; who, next to his cousin Sewdasheo Rao, possessed greater influence over Ballajee Bajee Rao, than any other person. Sewdasheo Rao Bhow, on his expedition to Sangola, was accompanied by Ram Raja, for the purpose of giving Yemmajee Sewdeo no excuse for resistance; and during their stay at that place, the Raja agreed to renounce the entire power, and to lend his sanction to whatever measures the Peishwa might pursue, provided a small tract around Satara, was assigned to his own management; conditions to which Ballajee Rao subscribed, but they were never fulfilled. The Raja, under a strong escort, returned from Sangola to Satara, when an extraordinary difference arose between the Peishwa and his cousin Sewdasheo Rao, which had well nigh overturned the whole of the plan, which Ballajee Rao had been labouring to establish.
Sewdasheo Rao, had at this time connected himself with Ramchundur Baba Shenwee; a person, to whom, although his conduct was extremely exceptionable, especially in the manner by which he
obtained power, the Mahratta country is much indebted. This person, originally known by the name of Ramchundur Mulhar44, was Koolkurnee of the village of Aroolee, subject to the Sawunts of Waree, from whose power he was obliged to flee, as a defaulter in the revenues of his village. He came to Satara, where he was taken into the service of Kucheswur Baba Uteetkur, and by him recommended to Bajee Rao, under whom he distinguished himself, both as a soldier and a man of business. Bajee Rao appointed him Dewan to Ranoojee Sindia, and it partly accounts for Ranoojee’s proverbial poverty, that Ramchundur made a large fortune. At Ranoojee’s death, he bribed Sewdasheo Rao Bhow, in hopes of being continued, by his interest, as the Dewan of Jyapa; but as Jyapa disliked him, and Mulhar Rao Holkar opposed the arrangement, the Peishwa removed him from the situation. This circumstance, trifling as it appears, was the seed from which sprung much mischief. It was the foundation of enmity between Holkar and the Bhow, and between Ramchundur and the Peishwa. Sewdasheo Rao appointed Ramchundur his own Dewan, and at his suggestion, applied to the Peishwa for the same share of authority, as had been held by his father, Chimnajee Appa. Ballajee refused, as it must occasion
the supercession of Mahadajee Punt Poorundhuree, to whom he owed innumerable obligations. On which, Sewdasheo Rao Bhow, after his expedition to Sangola, made overtures to the Kola-poor Raja; was appointed his Peishwa, and obtained the cession of three forts Pargurh, Kullanidhee, and Chundgurhee, together with a jagheer of five thousand rupees a year. A war was prevented by the admirable conduct of Mahadajee Punt, who voluntarily resigned his situation, and Sewdasheo Rao, quitting his Peishwaship at Kolapoor, returned as prime minister to Poona.
The arrangements before and consequent to the Raja’s death, had, as already adverted to, prevented the Mahrattas from seizing an opportunity of enlarging their conquests in the Deccan, afforded by the absence of so great an army in the Carnatic. A negotiation with Ballajee Rao, had been opened by Ghazee-ud-deen, the eldest son of Nizam Ool Moolk, through Mulhar Rao Holkar. The Peishwa agreed to support his pretensions, and wrote to the Emperor, Ahmed Shah, requesting, that Ghazee-ud-deen might he appointed Viceroy, assigning as a reason, that the whole Deccan, from the absence of the army, and the disorders in the Carnatic, would soon be overrun by independent plunderers45. In the meantime, the Peishwa having prepared his troops, moved towards Aurungabad, but before quitting Poona, he prevailed on the Punt Suchew to give him the fort of Singurh, in exchange for Toong and Tikona, and in order to
soothe Tara Bye, whose great age had not rendered her less active and intriguing, he incautiously removed his own troops from the fort of Satara, and, having placed in it the Gurhkurees and old retainers, who had great respect for the widow of Raja Ram, gave up the entire management to her. The Raja was kept with a separate establishment in the town of Satara, but perfectly at large, and a splendid provision was assigned to him and his officers; the expence of which amounted to the annual sum of sixty-five lacks of rupees46.
About the time that Ballajee Bajee Rao was summoned to Satara, on account of Shao’s illness, Nasir Jung proceeded on the well known Carnatic expedition, which ended so disastrously for that prince. Moorar Rao Ghorepuray, and some other Mahrattas, continued in the Carnatic Payeen Ghaut; but Janojee Bhonslay, Rughoojee’s son, left the army, either upon the defeat of Muzuffir Khan, in March, 1750, or, with Shah Nuwaz Khan, who quitted Sulabut Jung, and repaired to Aurungabad, during the siege of Kurnoul47, in March, 1751. The fall of Nasir Jung was wrought by the intrigues of M. Dupleix. He gained a Bramin, named Ramdass, a native of Sicacole, in the confidence of Nasir Jung, and through him, raised seditions in the army, which Dupleix called into operation, by an attack on the camp. Nasir Jung was treacherously shot, on the 5th December, 1750, by Mohummud Khan, the Patan Nabob of Kurpa, one of the conspirators. Nasir Jung was totally
destitute of his father’s prudence, and if successful in his fortunes, would probably have sunk into a Mahomedan sensualist; but he was, in some respects, a superior person, and with a better education in a European country, he had many of the qualities to form the gallant knight, and the accomplished gentleman. He possessed bravery and generosity, a taste for poetry and literature, and as he came to an untimely end, his memory is cherished by the Deccan Moghuls, to whom he is known partly by his own writings, but principally from the works of his friend Meer Gholam Ally of Belgram.
Muzuffir Jung assumed the viceroyalty of the six soobehs of the Deccan, by aid of his allies, the French. The traitor Ramdass, a fit instrument for the unprincipled ambition of Dupleix, was raised to the situation of prime minister, by the title of Raja Rugonath Dass. Nor must we omit to mention, Abdool Rehman, the Dewan of Monsieur Bussy, better known by his title of Hyder Jung. The father of this man, a defaulter of revenue under the Nizam’s government at Masulipatam, had, on several occasions, when in power, been friendly to the French, and in his distress, fled to Pondicherry, where he was protected and treated with, much kindness by Dupleix. His son Abdool Rehman, then a boy, soon acquired the French language, was useful to Dupleix in carrying on his intrigues with Ramdass; and upon the success of them, accompanied Bussy when he marched with, Muzuffir Jung: he was soon styled the French Dewan, and received, from the new made Nabob,
the title of Hyder Jung.
But the Patan Nabobs, dissatisfied at not receiving all they had expected by the death of his predecessor, conspired against Muzuffir Jung, who, although victorious, fell in action in the end of January, 1751. Sulabut Jung, third son of Nizam Ool Moolk, was chosen to succeed him.
Ballajee Bajee Rao, on the plea of requiring money to assist his ally, Ghazee-ud-deen, demanded a contribution from Syud Lushkur Khan48, then Governor of Aurungabad, the secret friend of Ghazee-ud-deen, which, on pretence of coercion, Syud Lushkur Khan levied to the amount of fifteen lacks of rupees. On obtaining this supply, the Peishwa proceeded to the banks of the Kistna, in order to oppose Sulabut Jung, who, attended by the French corps under Monsieur Bussy, was advancing towards Hyderabad. The armies had scarcely come in sight of each other, when news from Satara, of an alarming nature, was received by the Peishwa, in consequence of which, he closed with the first overtures made by Sulabut Jung, and returned to the westward with the utmost expedition49.
Tara Bye, when the Peishwa departed to Aurungabad, sounded Ram Raja, in regard to his assuming the control usurped by his servant Ballajee Bajee Rao, but not finding him fit for her purpose, she pretended to have had no serious intentions in the proposal, but despatched messengers to Dummajee Gaekwar, representing the unprotected state
of the country, and recommending his immediate march to Satara, to rescue the Raja and the Mahratta state, from the power of the Bramins. This request was immediately acceded to, and Tara Bye, as soon as certain accounts were received of Gaekwar’s approach, invited the Raja into the fort of Satara, and made him prisoner. She then reproached him with his want of spirit; regretted that “she had ever rescued him from a life of obscurity, for which only he could have been destined; declared, that he could not be her grandson, or the descendant of the great Sivajee; that he was neither a Bhonslay, nor a Mohitey, but a base born Gonedulee50, changed in the house where he had been first conveyed; that she would make atonement on the banks of the holy Kistna, for ever having acknowledged him.” She ordered the havildar to fire upon his attendants, most of whom, unconscious of what had happened, remained near the gate of the fort; and she directed the guns to be pointed at the houses in the town below, belonging to the partizans of the Concanee Bramins. Trimbuck Punt, commonly called Nana Poorundhuree, Govind Rao Chitnees, and the officers in the Peishwa’s interests at Satara, were at first disposed to ridicule this attempt as that of a mad old woman, but on hearing of the approach of Dummajee Gaekwar, from Sonegurh, they quitted the town, and assembled troops at the village of Arla, on the banks of the Kistna. On the advance of
Gaekwar, by the Salpee Ghent, although they had twenty thousand, and their opponent only fifteen thousand men, they made an irresolute attack, and retired to Neemb; where they were next day followed up, attacked, and defeated, by the Guzerat troops. Dummajee Gaekwar immediately went to pay his respects to Tara Bye; and several forts in the neighbourhood were given up to her. Satara was well stored with provisions, and the Pritee Needhee promised to aid her cause. It was the intelligence or these proceedings which recalled the Peishwa; but before he returned, Nana Poorundhuree had redeemed his lost credit, by attacking and compelling the army of Dummajee Gaekwar, to retire to Jore Khora, where they expected to be joined by the Pritee Needhee, from Kurar, and by troops from Guzerat. In this hope, however, they were disappointed; and as Shunkrajee Punt, Soobehdar of the Con can, was assembling troops in their rear, whilst the Peishwa’s army, which had marched nearly four hundred miles in thirteen days, was close upon them, Dummajee sent a messenger to treat with Ballajee, who solemnly agreed to abide by the terms proposed, and enticed him to encamp in his neighbourhood; where, as soon as he got him into his power, he demanded the payment of all the arrears due from Guzerat, and the cession of a large portion of his territory. Dummajee represented that he was but the Mootaliq of Dhabaray, the Senaputtee, and had no authority for complying with what was required. On this reply, the Peishwa sent private orders to seize some of the family of Gaekwar and
of Dhabaray, residing at Tullygaom, and imprison them in the hill fort of Loghur; whilst, at a set time, he treacherously surrounded, attacked, and plundered the camp of Dummajee Gaekwar, and sent him into confinement in the city of Poona51. The Peishwa next tried to induce Tara Bye to give up the fort and the Raja, but having assembled her garrison, she required an oath from every man, that he would stand by her to the last; such of them, however, as chose, were allowed the option of quitting the fort or joining in the solemn asseveration. Some of the Peishwa’s troops became impressed with an idea, that she was a Deo (or good spirit), and others, that she was a Dyt (or evil spirit), but all the Mahrattas were so strongly of opinion, that Tara Bye was the rightful regent, that Ballajee found there was more to be apprehended from proceeding to extremities, than leaving her unmolested; although her party, to become formidable, only required a leader of reputation. Perplexing as, the affair was, in the mean time, the conduct of Tara Bye, proved in the end advantageous to the Peishwa, as it took from him the odium of being the first to confine the Raja to the fort of Satara. Tara Bye did not merely confine him to the fort; his prison, which still exists, was a damp stone dungeon, and his food was of the coarsest grain.
Dummajee Gaekwar, was the only person whom the Peishwa dreaded; but as he was a close prisoner
at Poona, Ballajee now proceeded towards Aurungabad, in prosecution of his engagements with Ghazee-ud-deen, and wherever Sulabut Jung’s authority was acknowledged, he carried on the usual Mahratta plan of contribution or plunder. Monsieur Bussy, who was the principal adviser in directing the movements of the Moghul army, was himself at the head of a battalion of five hundred Europeans, and a body of five thousand disciplined Sepoys, and, as the best means of repelling these aggressions, recommended that the war should be carried into the Mahratta country. Sulabut Jung advanced accordingly to Ahmednugur, where he deposited his heavy stores and baggage, whilst Raja Rugonath Dass, his prime minister, opened a communication with Tara Bye52, and also with Sumbhajee, Raja of Kolapoor53. The Peishwa and his officers were not prepared for this unexpected plan of operations, and were proportionally disconcerted, on finding their own schemes anticipated. They had intended, by supporting Ghazee-ud-deen or Sulabut Jung, according to circumstances, to weaken both; to conquer the whole Deccan; or to obtain large cessions, which, they foresaw, must at all events be granted to them by the one party or the other. To repel Sulabut Jung, they had recourse to the Mahratta system, and with forty, thousand horse, surrounded and attacked the Moghul army, in their usual desultory
manner; but the French artillery, consisting of eight or ten field pieces, galled them severely, and the Moghuls, supported by this powerful auxiliary, advanced towards Poona, totally destroying every village in their route. The Peishwa alarmed at their progress, endeavoured to negotiate; and, at the same time, to augment dissension and jealousy, which had already become considerable among Sulabut Jung’s officers, in regard to the views of the French. Monsieur Bussy, as the best means of counteracting such schemes, and securing his influence, exerted himself with judgment and energy. On one occasion, he planned an attack on the Mahratta camp, and chose the night of the 22d November, at the moment of an eclipse of the moon, when the Hindoos are employed in devotional exercises. The whole Mahratta army fled before him, and some valuable booty was taken, particularly some gold utensils belonging to the Peishwa. This exploit, although the Mahrattas sustained very little loss54, made a great impression, and had, perhaps, more effect in raising the reputation of Bussy amongst the
natives of India, than affairs of moment, where he displayed much ability and decision.
The Mahrattas, although surprised, appeared in the course of the ensuing day, as active as ever, but the Moghuls continued to advance, plundered Ranjangaom, and totally destroyed Tullygaom (Dumdairay). At last, on the 27th November, they were attacked by the Mahrattas in the most determined manner, and nothing but the French artillery prevented a total defeat. The Mahrattas, on this occasion, were led by Mahadajee Punt Poorundhuree, the late Dewan, supported by two of the sons of Ranojee Sindia, Duttajee and Mahadajee, and Koneir Trimbuck Yekbootee. The last mentioned person performed feats of valour, obtained the distinguishing appellation of Phakray, or the heroic, and from that day bore a silver bangle on his horses leg, which, among Mahrattas, implies, that the rider is always to conquer or die55. This success did not prevent the advance of the Moghuls, but on their arrival at Korygaom, on the Beema, a spot which was afterwards to become so famous to the British arms, Raja Rugonath Dass, in consequence of overtures from the Peishwa, had an interview with Sewdasheo Rao Bhow, and an armistice would have taken place, but news arrived that one of the Mahratta officers had surprised the
fort of Trimbuck, which the Peishwa refused to restore, and Sulabut Jung insisted on immediately proceeding to retake it.
The Moghul army returned to Ahmednugur, to replenish their ammunition, and take on their battering guns. They moved towards Joonere, but the Mahrattas constantly harassed them: accounts of difficulties of the road for transporting their guns, and intelligence of Rughoojee Bhonslay’s progress to the eastward, conspired, with other circumstances, to damp the hasty and short-lived ardour of Sulabut Jung. His troops were in arrears, and clamorous for their pay, and the more their services were required, the more urgent they became: many of the principal officers were discontented, and it was at last determined, by Bussy’s advice, to close with the Peishwa’s overtures. An armistice was concluded, and the army of Sulabut Jung returned towards Hyderabad. But the symptoms of disaffection did not cease, Rugonath Dass, the Dewan, was assassinated at Balkee, on the 7th April, in a tumult, apparently created by the soldiery on account of their arrears56.
But whilst these events were passing in the west, the experienced Rughoojee, whose operations have been alluded to, was engaged in making those acquisitions which closed his long and active life, with great reputation among his countrymen. His anxiety to return from Poona, towards Berar, in
1750, was owing to apprehended commotions in his own territory, and to his desire of seizing what he deemed a favourable conjuncture for prosecuting his views. His son Janojee, having returned from the army of Nasir Jung, was sent into Kuttack, to support Meer Hubeeb, and invade Bengal. That province had been freed from Mahratta ravages for a whole year, but they now returned with a keener desire to possess themselves of its resources; and Aliverdy Khan, seeing no other relief, ceded the whole of the province of Kuttack, as far north as Ballasore (1751.), which was granted in name of Meer Hubeeb, as the nominal deputy of the Nabob of Bengal, but as the real servant of Rughoojee Bhonslay. Meer Hubeeb did not long enjoy the situation thus acquired. Owing to the jealousy of his coadjutor, Janojee, he was, on pretence of having withheld balances of revenue, confined until he should render an account, but unable to brook the disgrace, he rushed out with a few followers upon the guards placed over him, and was cut to pieces. Twelve lacks of rupees, in lieu of further claims, was the amount which was settled for the chouth of Bengal and Bahar; but the reason of Rughoojee’s accepting a sum so inadequate, is found in the events which were passing in the Deccan. As soon as the Peishwa and Sulabut Jung went to war, Rughoojee surprised and took Gawelgurh and Nurnallah, made himself master of Manikdroog; occupied the districts dependent on these forts; and whilst Sulabut Jung, by Bussy’s advice, advanced towards Poona, Rughoojee not only laid the whole country
between the Payn Gunga and Godavery, under contribution57, but drove out the Moghul thannas, and established his own.
Before the succeeding events in the Deccan can be explained, it becomes necessary to revert to the eldest son of Nizam Ool Moolk, and to those affairs of the Imperial court, in which the Mahrattas were engaged. Ghazee-ud-deen Khan, although desirous of proceeding to the Deccan, had been detained at Delhi since the death of his father, and it seems probable, from his commencing the negotiation with the Mahrattas, that bribes may have been employed by his brothers, to insure his being kept there.
The Imperial court soon after the accession of Ahmed Shah, was subjected to a fresh alarm, by intelligence of the return of Ahmed Shah Abdallee, towards Lahore, of which, as well as of the province of Mooltan, Meer Munnoo, son of the late Vizier, Kummur-ud-deen Khan, was Governor. Meer Munnoo purchased the forbearance of the Abdallee, by the cession of the revenues of four districts; and this expedient, left the Vizier, Sufdur Jung, at liberty to follow up certain schemes, which he had in progress against the Rohillas. The growing power and encroachments of these adventurers, excited the Vizier’s particular jealousy, as they threatened to extend themselves over his own territories, in the province of Oude. The death of Ali Mohummud Rohillah, which happened a short time before Sufdur Jung’s appointment as Vizier, had afforded
him an opportunity of raising dissensions amongst those who pretended to the succession, and, during the period, when Ahmed Shah Abdallee threatened Lahore, civil war raged amongst the Rohillas58. At last, Sadoollah Khan, the third son of Ali Mohummud, by the abilities of Hafiz Rehmut, his guardian, became the successful competitor, and although his two elder brothers, who during the struggle, were prisoners amongst the Abdallee, afterwards returned to claim their inheritance, Sadoollah Khan, whilst supported by Hafiz Rehmut, maintained the ascendancy he had gained59. But Sufdur Jung, as soon as apprehensions from the Abdallee were tranquillized, marched into Rohilcund, reduced the territory to temporary obedience, and appointed one of his dependants, a Kaeeth, named Newul Raee, to be governor of his new conquests; the Rohillas, however, soon rose upon Newul Raee, whom they defeated and slew. Sufdur Jung proceeding to punish their rebellion, was also totally defeated, and therefore called to his aid, Mulhar Rao Holkar, Jyapa Sindia, and the Jath Prince, Sooruj Mull. With these auxiliaries, he soon overran the country of the Rohillas, forced most of them to seek refuge in the Kumaoon hills, and gave up the greater part of their territory as assignments, in lieu of subsidy, to Holkar and Sindia60. Whilst Mahratta affairs were in this prosperous state in Hindoostan, their capital in the
Deccan, was, as we have seen, endangered by the advance of Sulabut Jung. Rugonath Rao, who had proceeded on an expedition to Surat, was recalled; and Mulhar Rao Holkar received the most pressing letters from the Peishwa, to repair to the Deccan, with or without Ghazee-ud-deen. Holkar, then near the Kumaoon hills, immediately, on receipt of these letters, moved to the southward, and had crossed the Ganges, when he was informed by the Vizier, and by news from Delhi, that peace had been concluded in the Deccan. Upon this intelligence, Holkar wrote to the Peishwa, stating his readiness to advance to his aid, but that in consequence of these reports, he should await further orders61. In the mean time, the Vizier, Sufdur Jung, was summoned to Delhi, in consequence of another invasion of Ahmed Shah Abdallee, who, on this occasion, made himself master of Mooltan and Lahore; the entire cession of which, was conferred upon him by the Emperor, before Sufdur Jung could reach the capital. Had it not been for this precipitate measure, the Vizier would have used every endeavour to expel the Abdallee, and had engaged Holkar and Sindia as auxiliaries, by promise of great rewards, the more necessary, as they were obliged to withdraw their troops from the lately assigned districts62.
On this occasion, the Mahrattas, before they evacuated the districts, consistent with their usual
policy, of making the best bargain they can on both sides, are said to have exacted a bond for fifty lacks of rupees, from the subjugated Rohillas63.
When Sufdur Jung arrived in the neighbourhood of the capital, he heard of the irrevocable concession that had been made to the Abdallee, and was, therefore, at a loss, how to employ or compensate his Mahratta auxiliaries64; but the Peishwa, who had only concluded an armistice, until a favourable opportunity of breaking it should offer, continued to urge the advance of Holkar and Sindia to his support, and carried on a close intercourse with Ghazee-ud-deen, both through Holkar, and his own Wukeels at Delhi65. It was, therefore, easy to satisfy all parties, by permitting Ghazee-ud-deen to proceed, accompanied by his Mahratta allies, to try his fortune on that field of adventure, the Deccan.
On the assassination of Raja Rugonath Dass, Sulabut Jung, who was at Hyderabad, sent for Syud Lushkur Khan, and Shah Nuwaz Khan, the ablest and most popular men under his government, who were then residing at Aurungabad. – Both were inimical to the French, the former secretly, the latter openly; both, however, had latterly endeavoured to obtain the good opinion of
Bussy, whose influence over Sulabut Jung, was already paramount. By Bussy’s advice, Syud Lushkur Khan was raised to the office of Dewan, and Shah Nuwaz Khan was made Soobehdar of the province of Hyderabad. Syud Lushkur Khan was intimately connected with the Mahrattas, and secretly favoured the cause of Ghazee-ud-deen. When positive accounts reached Sulabut Jung, that Ghazee-ud-deen was on his route to the Deccan, Syud Lushkur Khan had the address to persuade Sulabut Jung and Bussy, that by his resigning his situation as Dewan, and pretending to go over to the Mahrattas, he should be able, from his influence with many of their chiefs, to induce a great number of them, either to join Sulabut Jung, as allies, or to remain neutral in the quarrel. Shah Nuwaz Khan, was accordingly appointed to act as Vizier, whilst Syud Lushkur Khan proceeded to the residence of Janojee Nimbalkur, at Kurmulla66. On the approach of Ghazee-ud-deen, the Peishwa moved towards Burhanpoor. Syud Lushkur Khan and Janojee Nimbalkur had an interview with him, at which, Syud Lushkur Khan, as if the envoy of Sulabut Jung, began by stating, that his master had received letters from the Emperor, from which it appeared, that Ghazee-ud-deen was merely to proceed to Aurungabad, settle the government in his own name, appoint his brother deputy, and return to Delhi. The Peishwa, however, perfectly understood that he intended to join Ghazee-ud-deen, and wished to obtain his support; but, however desirable
it might be to have a fit minister at Hyderabad, in his own interest, he was sensible of the abilities of Syud Lushkur Khan, and doubtful of what might be his conduct, when he obtained power. He, nevertheless, wrote to Ghazee-ud-deen, respecting these overtures. The letter was referred to his ministers, Syud Ashkar Khan, and Mohummud Anwar Khan, who dreading Syud Lushkur Khan, more as a rival than an enemy, desired the Peishwa to detain both him and Nimbalkur, and bring them on to camp67.
When the whole army, joined by the Peishwa, and the Moghul troops from Burhanpoor, who declared for Ghazee-ud-deen, arrived in the neighbourhood of Aurungabad, it amounted to one hundred and fifty thousand men. Whilst both sides were preparing for the campaign, as soon as the rains subsided, negotiations began on the part of Sulabut Jung; and circumstances appeared, which rendered it as impossible to deny the validity of the elder brother’s title from Delhi, as his undoubted claim, by priority of birth. In the mean time, the Peishwa required, and obtained, from Ghazee-ud-deen, in behalf of himself and his officers, the entire cession of the territory west of Berar, from the Taptee to the Godavery68. There seemed to be a prospect of settling the claims of all parties, when Ghazee-ud-deen, in an evil hour, accepted an invitation to an entertainment provided in the city, partook of a poisoned dish, prepared by the
hands of the mother of Nizam Ally, and expired the same night69.
Sulabut Jung was thus left without a rival, and became desirous of withholding the cessions yielded by his brother to the Mahrattas; but having once admitted the validity of Ghazee-ud-deen’s appointment, the whole Mahratta power being now collected, supported by Mohummud Anwar Khan, and the Burhanpoor chiefs, whose safety for the time lay in making common cause with Ballajee Row, Bussy saw that it was both consistent and necessary to avoid war, and the alienation of the
provinces in question, was confirmed by Sulabut Jung, on condition that Rughoojee Bhonslay withdrew his garrisons beyond the Payn Gunga, with which he immediately complied.
After peace was thus restored, the Mahratta armies proceeded to their respective territories, Holkar and Jyapa Sindia to Hindoostan, and the Peishwa to Poona. Syud Lushkur Khan was reinstated as prime Minister, and Sulabut Jung departed for Hyderabad. On the route to that place, M. Bussy was taken ill, and was obliged to proceed to Masulipatam, on the sea coast, for the recovery of his health. Syud Lushkur Khan took that opportunity of weaning Sulabut Jung from Bussy’s influence, and in the course of a few months, artfully detached the French corps, and contrived to carry Sulabut Jung to Aurungabad, preparatory to the entire removal of Europeans from his territory. Bussy’s illness was long and severe, but as soon as he could travel, he collected his troops and repaired to Aurungabad, where he procured the dismissal of Syud Lushkur Khan, and the appointment of Shah Nuwaz Khan as minister.
The excuse made for detaching his corps, was the difficulty of raising funds, which was obviated for the future, by territorial cessions on the east coast, consisting of Sicacole, Rajamundree, and Ellore70. M. Bussy placed a body of one hundred and fifty Europeans, and two thousand five hundred Sepoys, to protect his new acquisitions, the
gross revenue of which, was afterwards extravagantly estimated, by the French, at upwards of thirty millions of rupees71. Bussy farmed the revenues to Vijyaram Raje, a principal Deshmookh, who had recommended himself by his ability. The rent was moderate, enforced without rigour, accurate accounts were prepared, and most of the hereditary officers, if not those possessing rent-free lands, were confirmed in their property. Facts which do Bussy and his nation great honour72.
The Peishwa had no sooner made the arrangements immediately necessary for the occupation of the districts ceded to him, and their appropriation amongst the chiefs, than he prepared a large force for an expedition into the Carnatic. The troops of Mysore were engaged as allies of the French, in the well known war of Coromandel, and the period was so favourable for recovering arrears of tribute, that he, on that account, deferred other plans, which he had projected on the side of Guzerat. But before he took his departure in person, Ballajee endeavoured to pave the way for effecting a compromise with Tara Bye. During his absence at Aurungabad, she had occupied the districts of Waee and Satara, aided by five or six thousand Mahrattas and Ramoosees, whom she had entertained in her service. A large force was therefore sent to invest Satara, and starve her into submission. Anund Rao Jadow, the havildar of the fort, convinced of
the folly of resistance, had formed a design of carrying the Raja out of her power, but the circumstances coming to her knowledge, she ordered him to be beheaded, a sentence which the garrison executed on their own commander, as well as on several others subsequently implicated in a like scheme. Baboo Rao Jadow, a person unconnected with the late havildar, and a relation of the Jadows of Sindkheir, was appointed to the command of the fort. The Peishwa, on his way to the Carnatic, sent to assure Tara Bye, that if she would submit, the control of the Raja’s person and establishment should remain at her disposal; but to this proposal Tara Bye would not listen, unless Ballajee Bajee Rao would come to Satara, acknowledge her authority, and give such personal assurances as should satisfy her on the subject.
The expedition into the Carnatic was the most profitable, in regard to the recovery of tribute, of any in which Ballajee Rao had been engaged. When the Mahrattas proceeded beyond their boundary, to collect revenue, and to make war, were synonymous; whenever a village resisted, its officers were seized and compelled by threats, and sometimes by torture, more or less severe, to come to a settlement; ready money was seldom obtained, but securities from bankers, with whom all the villages had dealings, were preferable, as they were exchanged by the holders for bills payable in any part of India. When the garrisons of fortified places made an unsuccessful resistance, they were put to the sword. On the present Moolkgeeree, (such was the name given
to these expeditions,) Hooly Onore was taken by storm, and the Peishwa was bought off from attacking Seringapatam, by a sum of money; whilst professions of attachment and submission, and promises of greater regularity in the future payment of the Mahratta claims, were also tendered on the occasion. Ballajee Rao, content with this success, returned with his cousin Sewdasheo Chimnajee to Poona, in the month of June, and his brother Rugonath Rao, as soon as the rains abated, set off, accompanied by Duttajee Sindia, and Sukaram Bappoo, on an expedition to Guzerat.
In regard to the history of that province, it has been already mentioned, that Nujeem-ud-Dowlah, Momin Khan, was appointed, by an order from the Imperial court, to the charge of its government, on the removal of Abhee Sing, in 1735. Nizam Ool Moolk was re-appointed Soobehdar of Guzerat, in 1737, when he returned to Delhi; it proved, however, but an empty honour, as the confusion of the period left nothing but nominal authority to the Emperor in Guzerat. Baroach, which Nizam Ool Moolk had assigned to himself as one of the districts of his personal jagheer, when he superseded Hyder Koolee Khan, was held by an officer named Abdoollah Beg, as Foujdar, under the government of Sur Boolund Khan, but when the latter was superseded by Abhee Sing, Abdoollah Beg placed himself under the authority of Nizam Ool Moolk, from whom he received the title of Nek Alum Khan, and neither acknowledged Abhee Sing, nor admitted the pretensions of the Mahrattas.
In the mean time, Momin Khan had been endeavouring to establish his authority, but the deputy of Abhee Sing, a native of Marwar, named Ruttun Sing Bhandaree, continued to dispute the possession of Ahmedabad, until at last Dummajee, after making a treaty, and exchanging turbans with Momin Khan, sent a force along with him, under an agent named Rungajee, to expel Ruttun Sing. They were repulsed in an assault, but Ruttun Sing at last capitulated. Rungajee and Momin Khan obtained possession of Ahmedabad, about the 20th of May, 1737, and an equal share of the authority and the revenue was assigned to the Moghuls and the Mahrattas, which, as might have been expected, occasioned constant disputes.
Dummajee continued to levy all the usual Mahratta dues in Guzerat, undisputed, and an annual tribute from Kattywar, until the death of Momin Khan, in February, 1743. Abdool Uzeez Khan, then at Aurungabad in the Deccan, was appointed his successor by an imperial firman, and immediately began to raise troops. After he had got together a few thousand men, he departed to assume the charge of his new government; passed Surat, and arrived near Baroach; but he was suddenly attacked at Oklaseer by Dummajee, or one of his relations, and his party totally destroyed. Abdool Uzeez Khan was never after heard of; and Futih Yab Khan, the supporter of Nasir Jung’s rebellion, was among the killed. Fukhir-ud Dowlah was then sent from Delhi, to take charge of Ahmedabad, in 1744. At that period, Dummajee was obliged to repair to Satara, until the dispute
with Rughoojee Bhonslay and the Peishwa was settled; but a detachment of his troops, under his agent Rungajee, opposed Fukhir-ud-Dowlah, and prevented him from obtaining possession. Khundee Rao Gaekwar, taking advantage of his brother Dummajee’s absence, made several important changes, removed Rungajee from Ahmedabad, and appointed an agent of his own in his stead. He also gave some support to Fukhir-ud-Dowlah, but Dummajee speedily returning, dissolved their connection, before it proved injurious to the Mahratta cause, by giving up to Khundee Rao the fort of Boorsut, the valuable district of Neriad, and appointing him his deputy at Baroda. Dummajee, by this judicious management, preserved an ascendancy over the numerous members of his own family, which was probably more difficult than other obstacles, in maintaining his power in the province. He would not acknowledge Fukhir-ud-Dowlah, but supported Fidaee-ud-Deen Khan, the brother, and Mohtuffir Khan, the son of his old friend Momin Khan, in the government.
The precise period when Dummajee Gaekwar obtained a share of the revenue and customs of the town and port of Baroach, has not been ascertained; but in 1747, Kedarjee, the cousin of Dummajee, was invited to take a share in disputes among several competitors for authority in Surat, and was by one party promised three lacks of rupees, as the reward of his assistance. He accepted this offer, but the object having been effected without his interference, and the stipulated payment refused, he began to plunder the country in the vicinity.
Syud Acheen, the person who had entered on the agreement, having no other means of satisfying him, offered one third of the revenue of Surat, until the amount should be liquidated, a proposal which Kedarjee, at Dummajee’s desire, accepted. Great disturbances continued to prevail in Surat, when Dummajee was a prisoner at Poona, and this was one of many reasons, which made Dummajee so anxious to procure his liberty. The Peishwa was desirous of effecting a general arrangement in Guzerat; but before he would listen to Dummajee’s overtures, he bound him down by the strongest securities. He fixed a sum of fifteen lacks of rupees, as an acquittance for the amount then due, which was far from immoderate; but the lenity of the Poona government is accounted for, by a bribe of one lack of rupees, which was paid by Dummajee to Ramchundur Baba Shenwee, for himself and his master, Sewdasheo Rao Bhow. The Peishwa also exacted a bond for an equal partition, both of the districts then held by the Gaekwar family in Guzerat, and of all future conquests. Dummajee agreed to give up half the territory, and after deducting his expences, to render a fair account of half the surplus, in all situations where tribute, shares of revenue, contributions, or prize property were realized. Dummajee also engaged to maintain ten thousand horse; and to assist the Peishwa when necessary; to pay, as the Mootaliq of Dhabaray, Senaputtee, an annual tribute of rupees, five lacks and twenty-five thousand, for his share of the Guzerat province; to contribute annually a certain sum for the support of the Raja’s establishment;
to aid the Peishwa in establishing garrisons in the districts ceded by this agreement; and finally, to join in enforcing their mutual claims to tribute, over the whole peninsula of Guzerat. But, until a convenient period of fulfilling these conditions, Dummajee, though no longer closely confined, was kept a prisoner at large, attended by a guard of Ballajee’s confidential troops73.
Of the port of Surat, which was still accounted the chief emporium on the west of India, the Peishwa was very desirous of obtaining complete possession, and, at the time of the above agreement with Dummajee, was, as will be hereafter noticed, engaged for that purpose in negotiations with the English, who had views in the same quarter.
In 1751, in hopes of obtaining possession of it without the intervention of allies, Rugonath Rao was sent to Surat, but he was, as has been mentioned, recalled to the Deccan, before his object could be effected. His second expedition, which brings us to the period at which we had arrived,
was undertaken with the more extensive view of completing those general arrangements, comprehended in the settlement, with Dummajee; whose release appears to have taken place a short time previous74 to the march of Rugonath Rao, as he joined him with his army soon after he entered the province, and they proceeded together, levying tribute, and reducing the country.
Their progress was not interrupted, until their arrival before the city of Ahmedabad. – During Dummajee’s confinement, Juwan Murd Khan Babey, an officer originally appointed to the charge of the Moghul quarter by the brother of the deceased Momin Khan, had usurped the whole power of the city, but he permitted Dummajee’s collector to realize his master’s dues. When the Mahrattas arrived at Ahmedabad, Juwan Murd Khan Babey happened to be absent at Pulhanpoor, but hastening back, he was just in time to save the city from being carried by escalade. A new spirit was communicated to the garrison by his presence, and both the siege and defence were maintained with great resolution. Wittul Sewdeo, the ancestor of the great jagheerdars of Vinchoor, here greatly distinguished himself, and Naroo Shunkur, the person who built the strong fort of Malygaom in Candeish, was one of the most active of the assailants, having under his command a large
body of Arab infantry. The conduct of Juwan Murd Khan Babey procured him an honourable capitulation, and on condition of his giving up the city, Puttun, Burnugur, Radunpoor, Beejapoor, and several other districts north of Ahmedabad, situated between the Saburmattee and the Bunass, were, conferred upon him in jagheer; but about ten years afterwards, Dummajee took the greater part of these districts from him.
Ahmedabad, the capital of Guzerat, was finally taken possession of by the Mahrattas, in April, 175575. The revenue was to be equally divided between the Peishwa and Gaekwar, but the whole garrison was furnished by the Peishwa, except one gateway, which was occupied by the troops of Dummajee; the latter, however, paid six thousand rupees annually, to assist in defraying the expences. An officer, named Sreeput Rao, was left as the Peishwa’s agent in Ahmedabad; when Rugonath Rao, having taken leave of Dummajee at Baroda, proceeded with Duttajee Sindia to Hindoostan, where he was joined by Khundee Rao, the only son of Mulhar Rao Holkar. They overran Ajimere, levied the chouth and surdeshmookhee in the imperial territory, and insisted on receiving tribute from friend and foe. The Rajpoot
states were compelled to pay a contribution, and the Jaths also yielded an acknowledgment, although they resisted the demand, and repulsed an attack on the fort of Kombhere, in which Khundee Rao Holkar was killed. Rugonath Rao did not return to the Deccan, till 175676.
Whilst the Peishwa’s arms were thus successful to the northward, in November, 1754, another expedition from Poona, proceeded to the Carnatic, and levied contributions as far as Bednore. The Peishwa accompanied the army to Eroor on the Kistna, where he gave over the command to Mahadajee Punt Poorundhuree, and returned on a pilgrimage to the source of the Godavery, where the waters of the Ganges are supposed to emerge every thirteenth year, and where many thousands of Hindoo devotees, repair for the purpose of bathing in the sacred stream77.
Ballajee Bajee Rao, was naturally of an inactive disposition, and as he had agents on whom he placed dependence, habitual indolence was a natural consequence. The principal military arrangements were entrusted to his brother Rugonath Rao, whilst the whole weight of the civil administration devolved on his cousin Sewdasheo Chimnajee. The system of village government had
always preserved the country from total anarchy, and some protection was now afforded from that general system of plunder and violence, which had been universal for a period exceeding the life of man. The commencement of a system of order, is ascribed to Ramchundur Baba Shenwee, and after his death, Sewdasheo Rao Bhow improved on his suggestions.
In regard to events in the eastern part of the Mahratta dominions in the Deccan, the most important was the demise of Rughoojee Bhonslay, which, after his great success in the war against Sulabut Jung, happened in the month of March, 1753. He divided his territory amongst his four sons, Janojee, Sabajee, Moodajee, and Bimbajee; the two elder sons, Janojee and Sabajee were born of the younger wife, and the two younger sons Moodajee and Bimbajee, born of the elder wife, were nephews of the late Ranee of Satara, Suckwar Bye Sirkay. Rughoojee, however, left the supremacy to Janojee, with the certain prospect of being confirmed as Sena Sahib Soobeh, by the Peishwa. Rughoojee, with his last breath, recommended to his sons, the advantage of preserving union in the Mahratta empire, and amongst each other; but precept, however solemn, carries no such weight as the most common experience. In the course of one month, Janojee was compelled to reduce his brother Moodajee to obedience by force of arms, and owing to the time lost in operations, he was prevented from receiving his title and investiture, until the Peishwa’s return from the Carnatic.
Encouraged by Janojee’s approach to Poona, and on assurances of safety and protection from the Peishwa, Tara Bye, leaving the garrison of Satara, and the custody of the Raja’s person to Baboo Rao Jadow, repaired to the Peishwa’s capital, accompanied by Bimbajee Bhonslay, the youngest brother of Janojee, who had attached himself to her party, and married one of her relations of the Mohitey family. At Poona, Tara Bye was received with so much attention and consideration, that she agreed to the Peishwa’s proposals, as formerly made, provided he would promise to accompany her to the temple of Jejoory, and there solemnly swear to abide by his present declarations. The Peishwa acquiesced, on condition that Baboo Rao Jadow should be dismissed, to which Tara Bye reluctantly consented. Taking advantage of her obstinate temper, he gained his end of keeping the Raja a prisoner, by pretending a great desire to see him released.
Ram Raja was a prince deficient in ordinary ability, and the miserable thraldom he underwent, during a long confinement, under the circumstances we have described, entirely broke his spirit, and ruined his health.
Janojee Bhonslay, having agreed to the terms before subscribed by his father, of furnishing ten thousand horse, when Called upon, for the service of the state, and of paying nine lacks of rupees annually to defray the expenses of the Raja’s establishment, obtained formal investiture, as Sena Sahib Soobeh, and the concurrence of the Peishwa to those articles, concluded with Aliverdy Khan, in
regard to Orissa, in 1751. He then took his departure for Berar, carrying with him Bimbajee, whose relationship to the Sirkays, and his new connection with the Mohitey family, excited jealous apprehension at the court of Poona. Janojee, on his route to the eastward, levied the tribute of Ghas-dana, both from the Mahratta and Moghul territory. This exaction excited the resentment of Sulabut Jung, on which Janojee began to plunder his districts; but being attacked by a very inferior force under a Moghul officer, who took his Dewan prisoner, he was compelled to restore a great part of his plunder, and to retire to Nagpoor78.
It was probably, when smarting under this disappointment and disgrace, that he accepted an invitation from Jaffeir Ali Khan, the dispossessed Soobehdar of Sicacole, and Rajamundree, to invade those districts, which he laid waste, and for a short time plundered with impunity, until troops were assembled to repel him. He then sent off an escort with his plunder; and to insure its safe retreat, maintained a partial engagement with the troops of Vijyaram Raje, the zumeendar, who rented Sicacole and Rajamundree from M. Bussy. The zumeendar was supported by a body of French troops, but Janojee secured the object for which he fought, and the booty reached his own territories in safety79.
Affairs at Delhi were not long exempted from Mahratta interference, owing to the dissensions of
the court, which arose to a height greater than ever. Meer Shahabodeen, the son of the late Ghazee-ud-deen, bore a conspicuous part in the troubles and crimes of the period. This youth, on the news of his father’s death, pretending to be absorbed in grief, a garb which wickedness frequently assumes, interested the Vizier so much in his apparently melancholy situation, that he obtained for him all his father’s honours, the title of Ghazee-ud-deen80, and the post of Umeer Ool Oomrah. But no sooner were his ends attained, than he perfidiously conspired to ruin his benefactor, assisted to obtain the office of Vizier for Intizam-ud-Dowlah, the husband of his aunt81, and finally brought on a civil war between the late Vizier and the Emperor. This war continued, in and about the capital, for six months. Sufdur Jung, at the end of that time, relinquished the contest, and retired to his own territory at Lucknow.
During these troubles, Meer Shahabodeen, who audaciously took the lead, had called to his aid Mulhar Rao Holkar, and Jyapa Sindia, but they, arriving after the departure of Sufdur Jung, Meer Shahabodeen carried them with him to act against Sooruj Mull, whom he wished to punish for joining the late Vizier. The Jath Prince retired within his forts, but Meer Shahabodeen persevered in his
plan, and applied to the Emperor for a train of artillery. Intizam-ud-Dowla, however, being aware of the unprincipled disposition of his relation, as well as of his talents and ambition, notwithstanding the services capriciously rendered to himself, dissuaded the Emperor from sending the guns; an advice which was supported by strong political remonstrances from Sooruj Mull. To counteract these representations, Meer Shahabodeen sent an agent to Delhi, but he, finding the Emperor disposed to follow the advice of the Vizier, enticed away a number of the soldiers belonging to the artillery, and began to plunder the environs of the capital. The Emperor intending to succour Sooruj Mull, moved out from the city against Meer Shahabodeen and the Mahrattas. Mulhar Rao Holkar, who regarded Jyapa and Shahabodeen, as young men whom he was not bound to consult on such occasions, without intimating his design, set off by himself; came upon the Imperial camp when totally unprepared, threw a few rockets, which created such confusion, that the whole army fled in terror, and Holkar gained all the advantages of a victory, by the plunder of their baggage. – Meer Shahabodeen, on this success, joined Holkar at Delhi, and obtained from the Emperor the office of Vizier for himself; to the exclusion of Intizam-ud-Dowlah. He next deposed the Emperor, raised a grandson of Jehandar Shah to the Imperial dignity, by the title of Alumgeer the Second, in the end of May, 1754, when the unfortunate Ahmed Shah was confined and deprived of sight. This revolution was soon after followed by the
death of the former Vizier, Sufdur Jung, who was succeeded by his son Shujah-ud-Dowlah, in his government at Oude82. Violence, rapine, and anarchy, continued to increase in Hindoostan; but affairs of greater interest carry us back, for a series of years, to the detail of Deccan affairs, directly connected with the history of Maharashtra.
43. I have not been able to ascertain the date of Ranoojee Sindia’s death. By a history of Sindia’s family, procured for me by Major Robert Close, the resident envoy with Doulut Rao Sindia, it appears that the event happened at Shujahalpoor, but the date is not recorded.
44. When Bramins rise in the world they generally drop their father’s name, unless they were very great men. For instance, Sewdasheo Chimnajee, had his father been a person of no note, would have styled himself Sewdasheo Punt; Ramchundar dropped his father’s name, Mulhar, when he became a great man.
45. Mahratta MSS.
46. Mahratta MSS.
47. Khuzaneh Amirah, Suroo Azad, and Mahratta MSS.
48. or Rookun-ud-dowlah.
49. Mahratta MSS. Orme, Khuzaneh Amirah, &c.
50. Gonedulees are a low cast of musicians, in the house of one of whom, Raja Rain had been first concealed.
51. In consequence of this treachery, it is said that Dummajee ever after refused to salute the Peishwa, except with his left hand.
52. Original letter from a spy in the service of Tara Bye, to Govina Rao Chitnees.
53. Copy of original letter to the Raja of Kolapoor.
54. The Mahratta army was encamped at Rajapore, on the bank of a river, which I am inclined to think is Rajapore on the Ghore river, not far from the spot which was long a cantonment of the Bombay army. Only one man of any consequence was wounded, Baboo Rao, the son of Rammajee Punt Mahdoo Bhanoo, by a cannon ball in the foot; from this circumstance, and the Mahrattas not having suffered materially, it is evident that their account is correct, and that the surprise was incomplete; if the French had got close they would have used grape or cannister, which, independent of the still more destructive musquetry, would have told both on the men and horses.
55. This Koneir Trimbuck afterwards led the assault at Hooly Onore and escaped, but was shot through the head when standing with Sewdasheo Chimnajee Bhow, in Monsieur Bussy’s batteries, before Savanoor, in May 1756. His relations were handsomely provided for by Jagheer assignments.
56. Khuzaneh Amirah, Mahratta MSS. Hudeequ-i-Alum, and Tareekh-dil-ufroz.
57. Mahratta MSS.
58. Seyr Mutuakhereen.
59. Forster’s Travels.
60. Seyr Mutuakhereen.
61. Mahratta MSS. where his letter is given.
62. Seyr Mutuakhereen.
63. Forster’s Travels. The Mahratta MS., in this part, merely says, that Holkar interceded with the Vizier for the Rohillas, and made peace between them: the writer of a Mahratta MS. would probably leave the article of the bond, or some equivalent, to be understood as a thing of course.
64. Seyr Mutuakhereen.
65. Mahratta MSS.
66. Mahratta MSS. and Khuzaneh Amirah.
67. Mahratta MSS. Hudeequ-i-alum, Khuzaneh Amirah. Orme.
68. Mahratta MSS. Khuzaneh Amirah, &c.
69. Mahratta MSS. Mr. Orme following a common, but certainly an unnatural supposition, states, that he was poisoned by his own mother, a mistake which may perhaps have arisen from not being aware that all Nizam Ool Moolk’s sons were by different mothers, except Ghazee-ud-deen and Nasir Jung, who were full brothers. Colonel Wilks mentions, that the poison was administered by the mother of Sulabut Jung; and Mr. Mill, without adverting to the relative situations of Aurungabad and the Moghul capital, because the author of the Seyr Mutuakhereen is better informed regarding the affairs of Delhi, and because the murder of Ghazee-ud-deen was favourable to the French, accuses both of patriotic credulity, and rejects the story of the poison. That the fact is not stated in Persian MSS. is easily accounted for; the authors wrote under the government of Nizam Ally, of whose mother, whether true or false, but especially if true, such a story would have cost them their lives. The Seyr Mutuakhereen may be cited as written far beyond the stretch of his power, but its information is avowedly derived from the works of Meer Ghoolam Ally, written in the Deccan.
The author of the Seyr Mutuakhereen, in some extracts regarding the Mahrattas, seemed to me to misunderstand the Khuzaneh Amirah, but as I never saw the entire original of the former, the supposed errors may be those of the translator, not of the author.
70. Orme, Hudugu-i-alum, Khuzaneh Amirah.
71. Orme.
72. Grant’s Political Analysis. The native historians do not agree with Mr. Grant, respecting the French management of the northern circars, but his authority is quite conclusive.
73. The amount originally paid by Dummajee is invariably stated both in Persian and Mahratta MSS. at upwards of a crore, or ten millions Of rupees; but the above is extracted from the state accounts found at Poona. Besides the annual payment of 525,000 rupees, it appears, by these accounts, that Dummajee Gaekwar paid, during the time he was at Poona, in the season of 1752 – 53, nuzurs and exactions amounting to 110,000 rupees; of which one lack was equally divided by the Peishwa, Sewdasheo Rao Bhow, Ramchundur Baba Shenwee and Gopika Bye Rastia, the Peishwa’s wife. Nana Poorundhuree got 5000 rupees, and 5000 rupees probably went amongst the inferior servants. In the ensuing year he paid, in all, 790,000 rupees.
74. It is generally stated that Dummajee was not released until he gave up Dubhoy to Rugonath Rao; but he was in Guzerat, and had prepared his troops by the time Rugonath Rao arrived, as appears by an original letter in the possession of Mulhar Ram Rao Chitnees, at Satara.
75. Meerat Ahmudee; but the date which that work gives, viz. April 1753, is incorrect. I take the date from the Mahratta accounts; and since writing the above, I have been confirmed in my belief of its correctness, by observing, that General Walker, formerly resident at Baroda, repeatedly mentions in his reports to the Bombay government, that Ahmedabad was take by Ragonath Rao and Dummajee in 1755.
76. I was less successful, in recovering materials for elucidating the history of Rugonath Rao’s expedition, after he quitted Guzerat, than I could have wished, especially as I think there must be some records of it in Hindoostan or Malwa, more satisfactory than any thing to be found in the Deccan.
77. The period is termed Shewhust, or frequently Singust, especially by Europeans.
78. Mahratta MSS.
79. Orme.
80. Meer Shahabodeen is frequently mentioned by his father’s Aide of Ghazee-ud-deen, but to prevent confusion I shall retain his original name.
81. Intizam-ud-Dowlah was married to the sister of Meer Munnoo, and was the son-in-law, not the son of Kummur-ud-deen Khan, as mentioned in the Seyr Mutuakhereen.
82. Seyr Mutuakhereen. English Records.
This collection transcribed by Chris Gage