Mr Hornby’s minute respecting Mahratta affairs – French envoy, St Lubin – account of his proceedings at Poona – Orders from the Court of Directors in case the Poona ministry should not fulfil the terms of the treaty of Poorundhur – Dissensions of the ministry – Application for the restoration of Rugoba from the party of Moraba Furnuwees – Bengal government assent to that measure – Six battalions of Bengal Sepoys ordered to march overland to Bombay – Terms on which the Bombay government agree to support Moraba’s party – Consummate artifice of Nana Furnuwees – Moraba’s party decline the restoration of Rugoba – Return of Mahadajee Sindia, and Hurry Punt Phurkay – faction of Moraba crushed – unshaken constancy of Sukaram Hurry – Observations respecting the march of the Bengal troops – Further explanation of the motives which actuated the Bombay government – resolve to attempt the restoration of Rugoba Preparations of Nana Furnuwees – The governor-general intimates his intention of forming an alliance with Moodajee Bhonslay – The Bombay government adhere to their resolution – Zeal of Mr Carnac – judicious counsel of Mr Draper – Colonel Charles Egerton, account of – Field committee appointed – dilatory preparations advanced detachment crosses over to the continent, and occupies the Bhore Ghaut, without opposition – Perverseness of Rugoba – Embarkation – troops land at Panwell – extraordinary conduct and ignorance of Colonel Egerton – unparalleled dilatoriness of the advance – Mahratta proceedings – manifest but slight opposition – appear in force at Tullygaom – burn the village – and retire before the British troops – The English determine on retiring from Tullygaom – are attacked on their retreat to Wurgaom – gallant conduct of the rear-guard under Captain Hartley – disgraceful convention of Wurgaom – Misconduct of the committee – Mr Carnac and Lieut Col
Cockburn are dismissed from the service – Distress of the Bombay government – observations on their late conduct – fortitude and ability of Governor Hornby – his review of their affairs – revert to the proceedings of the Bengal troops – Colonel Leslie removed from the command – but dies before the order of supercession is received – Colonel Goddard assumes the command and continues his march – treacherous conduct of the Mahrattas at Sagur – hospitality and kindness of the Nabob of Bhopaul – Negotiation with Moodajee Bhonslay – declines entering on the alliance – General Goddard on learning the disaster at Wurgaom, decides on marching straight for Surat – grateful acknowledgments of the Bombay government – Mr Hornby submits a plan- of operations – The negotiations with Poona confided to Colonel Goddard – Conduct of the Bengal government – judicious observations of Mr Hastings with regard to the members of the Bombay council – Goddard appointed Brigadier General – remonstrances of the Bombay government – Goddard instructed to negociate a peace, or eventually to follow the plan proposed by Mr Hornby – Policy of Mahadajee Sindia – he allows Rugoba to escape – sacrifices Sukaram Bappoo and Chintoo Wilful to the jealousy of Nana Furnuwees
On the 10th of October 1777, Mr. Hornby, in a minute of council, entered on a review of the Mahratta affairs, and remarks, “that they were fast verging to a period which must compel the English nation, either to take some active and decisive part in them, or relinquish forever, all hopes of bettering their own situation on the West of India.” He laments the control by which the Bombay presidency was fettered, remarks the secret divisions among the Mahratta ministers, the views of Sindia and Holkar to their own aggrandizement, the successes of Hyder, the defection of the Mahratta chiefs,
and the demise of Gunga Bye, the young Peishwa’s mother, who had been the cause of her own death298.
The French ambassador was discovered to be an adventurer named St. Lubin, who, after imposing on the English government at Madras, went home to France, where he so far succeeded in deceiving the French ministry as to obtain an authority to proceed to Poona, and ascertain what advantages could be gained by an alliance with the Mahrattas. St. Lubin endeavoured to obtain the cession of the port of Choule, with the fort of Rewadunda; and, in order to induce Nana Furnuwees to enter upon an offensive and defensive alliance, he offered to bring two thousand five hundred Europeans to support the ministry, to raise and discipline ten thousand Sepoys, and to furnish abundance of military and marine stores. He affected the utmost horror at the conduct of the English in supporting Rugoba; a painting had been executed under his direction in France, to represent the cruel and barbarous murder of Narrain Rao; and this picture he exhibited himself, before the Durbar, in a burst of grief, which drew tears from some of the spectators, whilst in others it excited ridicule or contempt. A cheat in the character of a European gentleman was new to the Mahrattas, but the discernment of Nana Furnuwees could not
have been even temporarily obscured by such superficial artifice. It is probable that, in the great encouragement he affected to give St. Lubin, and in various petty indignities offered to the British envoy, that he had no other object than to excite the jealousy of the English, without being aware of the dangerous nature of the experiment on which he ventured. Nana Furnuwees was inimical to all Europeans; but the despicable conduct of St. Lubin must have tended to lower the French nation both in his estimation, and that of the Mahrattas in general. Mr. Bolts, originally in the Company’s service in Bengal, who was in Poona at the same time as an avowed agent of the house of Austria, received no such civilities. Nana probably perceived that St. Lubin was a fitter tool; and Mr. Bolts, who was early dismissed, might have viewed that circumstance as complimentary to his character. The credulity which prevailed on the continent of Europe respecting India, and an uncommon plausibility of address, had enabled St. Lubin to impose on several young men, one of them an Englishman, and some of them of good family in France, whom he persuaded to embark in his enterprize. But unprincipled men, however superior they may fancy themselves, have generally foibles which speedily discover their true character; and those of St. Lubin seem to have been egregious vanity and excessive irritability of temper.
Most of his companions were estranged from him; suspicion soon brought on altercation, and
St. Lubin would have murdered them299 to prevent exposure in India, and obstruction to his hopes from France, but they sought and obtained protection from Mr. Mostyn’s assistant, Mr. Lewis, during the absence of the former at Bombay300.
The encouragement given to St. Lubin by Nana Furnuwees might have had the effect of alarming the Bombay government, and inducing them, in
the subordinate situation they had been taught to consider themselves, to accept the stipulations of the treaty of Poorundhur, under the disadvantages which the ministers would have imposed, had they not been uniformly supported by the Court of Directors. In a letter from that body, of the 16th April, 1777, which was received exactly seven months afterwards, and was a counterpart of a despatch previously sent to the Bengal government, a repetition of the approval of their conduct, and of regret at the great and unnecessary sacrifice made by the treaty of Poorundhur, was still more clearly expressed than in the preceding year. The Court, to be sure, repeat their determination
to adhere to that treaty; but should its conditions not be fulfilled by the ministers, they authorize an alliance with Rugoba, on the terms of the treaty of Surat, which they considered more for the honour as well as the advantage of the Company, than that which was concluded by Colonel Upton.
In the meantime, dissensions among the parties at Poona continued to increase. Nana Furnuwees despised the abilities of his cousin, but, with a Bramin’s caution, he was at more pains to conceal his contempt than his enmity. Moraba was supported by all the partizans of Rugoba, particularly Buchaba Poorundhuree, Sukaram Hurry, Chintoo Wittul, and Wishnoo Nerhur. This faction gained Tookajee Holkar, whose defection from the cause of the ministers, became avowed, by his excusing himself when ordered to support Hurry Punt Phurkay in the Carnatic. The English envoy attributed the confidence he could perceive in Nana to an assurance of support from France. Immediately after the death of Gunga Bye, Sukaram Bappoo began to be jealous of his hitherto humble colleague, and now united, but cautiously and with no decision, in a plan for the restoration of Rugoba. Moraba made the proposal to Bombay, and requested that the government would immediately bring Rugoba to Poona. Preparations were accordingly begun, and the president and council determined to afford their assistance without delay. Their resolve was approved by the Supreme Government; and it was determined at Bengal, in consequence of the war
in which they were about to engage on the west of India, as well as the apprehended schemes of the French in the same quarter, to support the Bombay presidency with six battalions of Sepoys, and a proportionate artillery from the Bengal establishment, to which some cavalry were afterwards added. This force was directed to assemble on the Jumna opposite to Kalpee; the command was given to Colonel Leslie, and he was directed to march across India towards Bombay, and place himself under the orders of that presidency.
But although the Bombay government agreed to aid the scheme of Moraba, it was with a proviso that Sukaram Bappoo, the principal authority in signing the treaty of Poorundhur, should state in writing, that the invitation was made at his desire. This decided declaration, Sukaram, unfortunately for himself, refused, and the plan was in consequence suspended, but it was the deliberate opinion of the Bombay government that their own safety depended on their effecting a change in the Poona administration. The complex political machine which Nana Furnuwees managed on this emergency with consummate artifice, was at first a little deranged by a premature attempt to apprehend Moraba, who made his escape from Poona. This exposure would have disconcerted most men; but Nana, through Sukaram Bappoo, persuaded his cousin to return, and it was agreed that a new ministry should be formed, including Moraba and Bujaba Poorundhuree; but Bujaba was not so easily persuaded, and Sukaram Hurry nobly declared, that nothing should ever induce him to
abjure the cause of a generous master who had been his protector from youth to manhood; that Rugonath Rao was a soldier; and Nana, a cunning, cowardly courtier.
Moraba’s party, by the aid of Holkar’s troops, obtained the complete ascendancy; and Nana, who was obliged to retire to Poorundhur, pretended to acquiesce in the plan for conducting Rugoba to Poona, on condition of obtaining security for himself and property. The Bombay government again received notice to prepare; but the weak Moraba, imagined that he had attained his object, and fancied himself at the head of the administration. Nana affected his usual deference for Sukaram’s opinion, and was scrupulously respectful to his cousin. Consultations took place respecting the restoration of Rugonath Rao, and Moraba began to perceive the force of Nana’s objections. He could not but recollect that when he was minister, under Mahdoo Rao, the conduct of Rugonath Rao had invariably tended to dissension, loss, or dishonour. He, therefore, though still pretending to be desirous of re-instating Rugoba, began to evade the question, when pressed by his English friends.
A majority of the council in Bombay, seeing that their hopes from Moraba’s party had vanished, soothing themselves with the hope of a continuance of peace with France, and with an idea of being able through Moraba to destroy the influence of the French at Poona, came to a resolution, on the 22d April, of countermanding Colonel Leslie’s detachment; but on the 3d of the ensuing month, they reversed this resolution, for reasons which will be explained, and directed Colonel Leslie to advance.
Moraba had given Mr. Mostyn assurances that St. Lubin should be dismissed; but his departure was delayed from day to day; and it was soon discovered that St. Lubin, by Nana’s contrivance, had been able to persuade Moraba to enter into his views. But, in effect, notwithstanding appearances, Nana Furnuwees, unless when under the immediate influence of fear, would have been the greatest obstacle to the French views, had they ever attempted an establishment in the Mahratta country. His jealousy of Europeans would never have admitted a French force sufficiently strong even for the expulsion of the English from the small settlement of Bombay, unless he could have been certain of crushing them afterwards. Nana Furnuwees never entirely believed that St. Lubin could bring troops; and one deception, which the impostor adopted to obtain credit, by writing to Goa and Damaun for permission to pass two French regiments through the Portuguese territories, seems only to have succeeded where he least wished it; – with the English, by whom his letters were intercepted.
All the events that have just been detailed had occurred by the time Mahadajee Sindia and Hurry Punt united at Merich. Both these officers were in Nana’s interests; and the well concerted plan of threatening Hyder, during Nana’s danger, deceived both Hyder301 and Moraba; nor did Moraba awake from his dream of security, until Hurry Punt and
Mahadajee Sindia, arriving by different routes, united at Poorundhur on the 8th June. Nana reassumed his former power, occupied the principal passes in the country with his troops; and through Sindia’s influence, seconded by a bribe of nine lacks of rupees, detached Holkar from the confederacy. Moraba once more resorted to negotiation with the English, (the detail of which will require more particular notice,) but the opportunity was lost.
On the 11th July Moraba was seized by a party of horse belonging to Mahadajee Sindia, and shortly after made over to Nana, by whom he was thrown into confinement in the fortress of Ahmednugur. The whole of his party were arrested except Sukaram. Bappoo, whose confinement was only reserved, because his being ostensibly at liberty was essential in regard to the treaty with the English. Bujaba Poorundhuree was thrown into the fort of Wundun, and the others into different hill-forts in the Ghauts. The unshaken constancy of Sukaram Hurry, to his master Rugoba, deserved a better fate. He was chained in irons so heavy, that although a very powerful man, he could scarcely lift them; his food and water were insufficient to allay his hunger or to quench his thirst; but he survived fourteen months: and when so emaciated that he could not rise, “My strength is gone, and my life is going,” said the dying enthusiast; “but when voice and breath fail, my fleshless bones shall still shout Rugonath Rao! Rugonath Rao302!”
The deep artifice of Nana Furnuwees had succeeded in baffling the designs of his own countrymen, but he had still to encounter the intellect and vigour of Englishmen. The national jealousy he had ventured to awake, rose with an aspect which terrified him. The application of the resident at Poona to the ministers, and to Sindia and Holkar, for passports to facilitate the march of a body of British troops from the east to the west of India, for the declared purpose of counteracting the designs of the French, seems at first to have been viewed by the Mahrattas as a threat. They probably considered, that if it had been intended to send troops to Bombay, they would have been embarked from the coast of Malabar or Coromandel, and replaced from Bengal; an opinion in which many competent judges, among our own countrymen, coincided; but the unfavourable season of the year, the ill-treatment to which the Bengal Sepoys had been invariably exposed on board ship; and perhaps, though never avowed, the grandeur of the enterprise, together with some idea entertained by Mr. Hastings, from the first, of forming an alliance with Moodajee Bhonslay, were the motives which influenced the governor-general, in choosing the overland route.
Although the choice was more than questionable, in regard to the mere military aid they could afford, yet the political effect was very considerable; and had the Deccan become, as the
Coromandel coast had been, the theatre of war with France, this enterprizing march would have proved of much importance, in raising friends to the English, and in spreading opinions of their power essential to their preservation. In England, however, in the language of the day, it was considered one of “the frantic military exploits” of Mr. Hastings303; but had the English councils in India not been, at various periods, guided by men whose views and genius went far beyond the ordinary opinions of their contemporaries, the British empire in India might never have existed; – nor is it too much to suppose, that we should, at this moment, have lamented our errors in the overgrown prosperity of our European rival, the exhaustion of our resources, or, perhaps, the annihilation of our power.
When the president and council at Bombay accepted the first invitation of Moraba’s party, the supreme government approved of their having done so, because the principal person who had signed the treaty of Poorundhur, the articles of which still remained unfulfilled, was one of those who had joined in the application; and the other party, Nana Furnuwees, not only obstructed the fulfilment of the articles of the treaty, but was supposed to be negociating, if he had not actually concluded a secret agreement with the French, which threatened the existence of the Company’s possessions on the west of India. Under these circumstances, in a despatch dated the 23d March,
the governor-general and council authorized the Bombay government “to assist in tranquillizing the dissensions of the Mahratta state;” they directed, that in whatever manner the ruling party should choose to conduct the administration, personal security should be demanded for Rugoba, and the expenses of any military expedition that might be required, should be borne by the Mahratta government. Bassein, and some territory in its neighbourhood, were to be demanded in exchange for Baroach, whilst, in order to defeat the designs of the French, it was ordered that there should be an express stipulation, preventing all European settlements within the Mahratta territories, unless sanctioned by the supreme British government in India; and they announced, that lest the French should obstruct these objects, Colonel Leslie’s detachment would take the field for the support of the presidency of Bombay:
The first plan, however, having been defeated, as we have seen, by the apparent reconciliation of the ministers, the Bombay government, for the reasons already enumerated, had dropped their intentions; but, upon receiving the orders of the 23d March, they deemed themselves authorized, to call upon the new administration, to know whether or not they held the Mahratta state bound by the treaty of Poorundhur, and to demand explicit answers on the points still in dispute. Instructions to their envoy were addressed to that effect, and they directed him to remonstrate on St. Lubin’s being still kept at Poona. Nana Furnuwees perceived, that in regard to the English, he
had committed himself farther than he had intended or might be enabled to retract, and his enmity had been too actively exercised against Rugoba, ever to-hope for reconciliation with him or his friends. St. Lubin was dismissed early in the month of July, before Moraba was placed in confinement; but Nana, on St. Lubin’s taking leave, although he entered on no absolute agreement, was at that moment sincere in his assurances, when he declared, that, if the envoy could bring a French corps to his aid, he would grant his nation an establishment in the Mahratta territories.
Sindia and Holkar, as Mr. Hastings had foretold, granted passports for Colonel Leslie’s detachment, because, as their territories were exposed during their absence, it was their object that the British troops, if they came by that route, should pass as friends. The ministers, however, observed to Mr. Mostyn, that as the detachment was sent on account of the French, by the dismissal of the envoy, both their advance and their passports were no longer necessary; Nana at the same time sent secret orders to the Mahratta officers, and to the Rajas in Bundelcund, to oppose Leslie’s progress.
It was at this conjuncture that Moraba’s party made a specific application to Mr. Mostyn, which that gentleman intended to carry to Bombay himself, but postponed doing so, in hopes of receiving answers to the demands which had been formally made on the Mahratta government, agreeably to the authority from Bengal. A part of Moraba’s proposals contained satisfactory assurances on every
point referred; but Nana, who was fully apprized of all that was going forward, in order to create delay, kept back the replies of the acknowledged and executive authority of the state, until Mr. Mostyn at last set out on the 6th July, when Nana sent them to his assistant, Mr. Lewis, who transmitted them to Bombay.
These replies positively denied having entered on any treaty with the French, but in general, they were merely a brief summary of the arguments they had before used in their interpretation of the articles of the treaty of Poorundhur. In regard to the important question of whether or not the new ministry held themselves bound by that treaty, they observed, “the English should keep that treaty faithfully, when they should do the same.”
About the time that these evasive answers were received in Bombay, intelligence arrived of the war with France, and the president and council after deliberating upon the replies, and the proposals from Moraba’s party, were of opinion that the former were a violation of the treaty of Poorundhur; and that they in consequence, under the authority granted by the supreme government in their despatch of the 23d March, were at liberty to pursue such measures as might be expedient, for the subversion of a party in the Mahratta state decidedly hostile to the English nation; and extremely dangerous to their interest, in the event of any attempt on the part of France against their possessions on the west of India.
They therefore resolved to make equitable stipulations
for placing Rugoba in the regency, but with an express proviso that the government should be conducted in the name of the young Peishwa, Mahdoo Rao Narrain, and that the entire powers should be surrendered to him on the expiration of his minority304. The whole was to be kept secret until the opening of the season, when it was intended to carry their plans into effect with the utmost vigour; and in the meantime, they directed Colonel Leslie who had been before instructed to proceed to Surat, to alter his route and march on Joonere.
But they had scarcely signed their resolution when they received accounts of the seizure of Moraba and his friends, and the defection of Holkar; circumstances which destroyed the party of Rugoba, but made no alteration in their plan, which they determined to prosecute at all hazards.
Nana Furnuwees perceived the gathering storm, and his preparations to meet it were in progress, whilst those of the Bombay government were only resolved. To prevent obstruction from Sukaram Bappoo, he was, on the plea of great age, removed from the administration, and guarded by a body of Sindia’s troops, who were placed over his person and house, though Nana Furnuwees and Sindia still occasionally pretended to be guided by his advice. Sillidars were recruited all over the country, and directed to assemble at the Dussera.
Vessels in the different ports were refitted, the forts were provisioned and repaired, fresh instructions were despatched to harass Leslie’s march, but positive orders were also sent, not to avow that the opposition was made by authority from Poona. An agent was sent to Bombay to amuse the government by making overtures to Rugoba, but the vigilance of Mr. Lewis had apprized them of the intention.
In the end of August, the Bombay government, for the first time, received some general information from the governor-general and council, of their intention of forming an alliance with Moodajee Bhonslay, and they were directed to enter on no engagement hostile to the government at Poona, excepting such as was absolutely defensive. But on this, the president and the majority of the members of council observed, that Moodajee was so wholly unconnected with their design of establishing Rugoba in the regency, that this intimation ought not to be allowed to interrupt their proceedings. However, up to the 12th of October no preparations had been begun at Bombay, and Mr. John Carnac, one of the members of council, and the declared successor of Governor Hornby, in consequence of the delay, submitted a minute, urging the necessity of vigorous preparation, and representing all the evils of procrastination. Mr. Carnac, though best known on the west of India in his civil capacity, was originally a military officer on the Bengal establishment, where he had risen to the rank of brigadier-general, and been distinguished by his services. Mr. Draper, with
his usual deliberation, and in this instance, with the clearest judgment, dissented from Mr. Carnac’s proposal, because it was impossible for them to judge what might be the object of the governor-general and council in treating with Moodajee Bhonslay; he perfectly agreed in the propriety and expediency of removing Nana Furnuwees when it could be effected with certainty, but circumstances had materially altered at Poona since their first resolutions. Their own force, particularly in Europeans, was very weak, and Colonel Leslie’s strong reinforcement was still at a great distance; he was therefore of opinion that a delay of about two months ought to be their object. All these suggestions were sound, and apparently too evident to be disputed; but the majority of the members of the Bombay government, in regard to Rugoba, were precisely as described by Mr. Hastings, “their passions were enlisted in his cause, it was in effect their own.” Mr. Carnac, whose peculiar situation in having superseded Mr. Draper, ought, on every view, to have ensured delicacy and forbearance, scarcely concealed his contempt of Mr. Draper’s caution, and strenuously supported the proposals of Governor Hornby. It was the opinion of the majority, that no time should be lost; the French might probably arrive, an incident, the truth of which Mr. Draper admitted, and that too, he observed, “with their garrison drained of troops and Bombay at their mercy,” but his voice was overruled, and Mr. Carnac’s zeal was rewarded, in the first instance, by being appointed
president of a committee to settle the preliminaries with Rugoba.
The Bombay government had lost a respectable counsellor in the death of General Robert Gordon, the commanding officer of their forces. He was succeeded by Colonel Charles Egerton, an officer who had been brought up in the army at home, and had served on the continent of Europe; but a man extremely weak, and totally unacquainted with India, its natives, or its warfare. His health was so infirm as to render him unfit for active service, but as he had been before set aside in favour of Colonel Keating, Mr. Hornby on the present occasion assented to his being appointed to the command. In a regular service, however, it sometimes happens, that men whose rank is their only recommendation may be convenient commanders, but if their intended directors prove deficient in ability, or should they happen to fall under an influence contrary to what has been designed, the misfortune and disgrace that may result from such selections, ought in justice to be attributed to those on whom the choice depends.
Many officers of rank, who at that time entered the Company’s service at an advanced period of life, came to India, less with an idea of attaining rank or honour, than of making fortunes, by any means. Their pay was inadequate, and as the manner of regulating the supplies, carriage, and equipment of an army, was without system, the shameless corruption and embezzlement which frequently prevailed, excited the jealousy of the governments,
without either suggesting efficient checks, or engaging by high confidence those better feelings, which, with the ideas common to their profession, they would perhaps in most instances have retained.
This jealousy was, on the present occasion, one cause of the appointment of two members of council, who, together with the commanding officer, formed a committee, in whom was not only vested the political authority, but every other arrangement for conducting Rugonath Rao to Poona; leaving the mere detail of duty and of march, as the sole occupation, separately entrusted, to the senior military officer of their army.
On the first proposal of a committee, Colonel Egerton assented to the measure, conceiving, as he afterwards explained, that it was intended solely for the purpose of settling the preliminary arrangements with Rugoba, but he afterwards made repeated objections, and protested against the measure, as contrary to the orders of the Court of Directors, and derogatory to his situation as commanding officer.
The basis of the new agreement with Rugonath Rao, differed little from the treaty of Surat, as far as the Company were concerned; but in regard to Rugoba it was most expressly stated, that the English were to place him at Poona as regent, and in other respects, the articles were nearly in conformity with the instructions from Bengal. As the Bombay government had decided contrary to the advice of Mr. Draper, it might have been expected that they would have used despatch in sending off
their troops, but their preparations were extremely dilatory.
At last an advanced party, consisting of six companies of native grenadiers from different corps, with a small detail of light artillery, embarked from Bombay on the evening of the 22d November, landed at Aptee, and moved forward under Captain James Stewart, who took possession of the Bhore Ghaut without opposition, and encamped at the village of Kundalla. The advance had embarked before the treaty was signed; and at this moment an unexpected cause of delay arose from the perverse conduct of Rugoba, who perceiving that the Bombay government had gone too far to retract, and that his concurrence was indispensable, started objections and pertinaciously adhered to them until a part of his demands were granted. This disposition to take every possible advantage of those friends who had done so much to uphold his cause, occasioned considerable vexation; but for the present, this disappointment was forgotten, in the animating bustle of expected service, and the brilliant hopes entertained of the result.
The troops embarked at Bombay for Panwell on the 23rd; took possession of the small fort of Bellapoor, and disembarked at Panwell on the 25th of November. Including the advance under Captain Stewart, and a detachment of sixty rank and file left at Bellapoor, the army was composed of five hundred and ninety-one Europeans, two thousand two hundred and seventy-eight native infantry, and five hundred gun Lascars; the whole, officers included, amounted to three thousand and nine
hundred men. Preparations sufficient to have enabled the commanding officer to move from Pan-well were not completed for several days; but the delay which afterwards took place in making roads, and in the observance of various formalities, was equally unnecessary and inexcusable.
A proclamation declaring the objects of the expedition was issued in Rugoba’s name, and probably intended to be disseminated through means of his people. When the troops first entered the village of Panwell, the carcoon in charge of it,, on the part of the ministers, retired. Colonel Egerton immediately occupied his house; and as he had received two copies of the proclamation, he assembled the inhabitants, whom he describes as well satisfied with the change of government when he had read the proclamation; and he was, therefore, not a little surprised on finding intelligence had reached Bombay, that the inhabitants were retiring from the village, and that a complaint had been made against him for occupying, and of course defiling, a Bramin’s house. This accusation Colonel Egerton repelled, by declaring, that he was actually living in the government-house, it never appearing to enter his mind that the government agent was a Bramin. It may seem frivolous to record such absurdities, or the petty disputes of Mr. Carnac and Colonel Egerton, which commenced regarding the military honours to be paid to the former. Unfortunately, Mr. Mostyn, the person best qualified to direct the expedition, was taken ill, and without once attending the committee, returned to Bombay, where he died on the 1st of January. Mr. Carnac
was fully sensible of his loss; and at an early period, expressed apprehensions of the great discouragement his illness might prove to the Mahratta party, still inclined to the cause of Rugoba.
Colonel Egerton; on Mr. Mostyn’s being taken ill, declared that the powers of the committee were suspended; but his objections were overruled by an order from Bombay, although by this decision, there being only two members, Mr. Carnac, as president with a casting vote, became virtually commander of the army.
The whole force accompanied by Rugoba, Amrut Rao, his adopted son, and a few straggling horse that had joined them, ascended the Ghauts by the 23d of December; by that time some partial skirmishing had taken place between Captain Stewart and small parties of the enemy, in which the Sepoys showed great zeal. Colonel Egerton, at the top of the Ghauts, divided his force into two brigades; the one commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Cay, the other under Lieutenant Colonel Cockburn, still reserving the advance as a separate corps under Captain Stewart. These three divisions advanced alternately at the rate of about three quarters of a mile daily, the march rarely exceeding two miles, and the one division always occupying the ground which the other had quitted. In this manner, in eleven days they reached Karlee, a village eight miles from the ground which Captain Stewart had first occupied. This extraordinary mode of warfare, which the commanding officer afterwards declared was owing to want of provisions and carriage in the commissariat, and which
Mr. Carnac describes as what Colonel Egerton might have seen in Germany, encouraged the enemy, who brought down infantry, rockets, and guns to harass them; but they were attacked and driven back on every occasion with the greatest spirit.
During the march from Kundalla, the army lost Lieutenant Colonel Cay, an excellent officer, who was mortally wounded by a rocket, on the 31st of December.
At the village of Karlee, on the 4th of January, Captain Stewart, who on the present, and several other occasions, had distinguished himself, was killed by a cannon ball, to the general regret of the army. “He was,” say the Bombay government, “a most active, gallant, and judicious officer, and possessed of the true military spirit.” It is a remarkable fact that his name is to this day familiar in the Mahratta country, by the appellation of Stewart Phakray, which expresses something more than the gallant Stewart, a circumstance that marks the strong impression made by his conduct; and what soldier, wherever he may fall, could desire a nobler epitaph, than that such a tradition should be preserved by his enemies.
The dilatory preparations at Bombay afforded Nana Furnuwees and Mahadajee Sindia ample time to assemble the army. Sukaram Bappoo’s restraint was, at this crisis, deemed impolitic, probably from the same cause as before, on account of the situation in which he stood with the British government, as one of the two ministers who concluded the treaty of Poorundhur; a reconciliation had therefore been brought about, and he ostensibly resumed his office
as minister. The principal part of the military operations were intrusted to Mahadajee Sindia, Hurry Punt Phurkay, and Tookajee Holkar. But they took care to place Holkar, of whom Nana was justly suspicious, in a situation from which he would have found it extremely hazardous to effect a junction with Rugoba. The whole Mahratta army, on the approach of the English, advanced to Tullygaom. Bhew Rao Yeswunt Phansay, with seven guns, four thousand infantry, and five thousand horse, had been sent on some time before, to oppose the Bombay troops; and it was with Phansay’s party that the skirmishes had hitherto (Jan. 6.) been maintained.
On the 6th of January
Colonel Egerton, in consequence of sickness, was obliged to resign the command of the army, which devolved on Lieutenant Colonel Cockburn; but Colonel Egerton continued a member of the committee, as a party of the enemy’s horse had cut off the communication with Bombay.
On the 9th of January the army reached Tullygaom, where the Mahrattas made a show of resistance; but when the line advanced in order of battle, they retired. The village had been destroyed, by order of Nana Furnuwees, and the committee heard that similar orders had been given for burning Chinchore and Poona. On receiving this intelligence, instead of pushing forward eighteen miles, the distance between Tullygaom and the capital, the apparent determination of the enemy alarmed them; and Rugoba’s assurance, that no person of consequence would declare for him until some advantage had been obtained, had quite a
contrary effect from what he had intended, and instead of being animated to exertion, the committee sank into despondency. With eighteen days’ provisions for their troops, they in the same breath came to a resolution, first, of negociating with some of the chiefs, and then of retreating. Mr. Lewis, who had remained at Poona till the last moment, and had made good his way to Bombay, was with the army, and at this moment assured the committee, that a party of horse in the interests of Moraba were in the Concan, and might soon be expected to join their army; but this circumstance was disregarded. When Mr. Carnac proposed a retreat to Lieutenant Colonel Cockburn, Captain Hartley, and Mr. Holmes of the civil service, were present, and both these gentlemen ventured to suggest that it would be better to await the result of the negotiation where they then were. Lieutenant Colonel Cockburn on being called upon for his opinion, said he had no doubt that he could carry the army to Poona, but apprehended the impossibility of protecting the baggage, provisions, and cattle; of which last, of bullocks alone, there were 19,000. The committee, however, determined to adhere to their resolution of retreating. Rugonath Rao, whose advice at such a moment was of great importance, earnestly begged of them to defer their resolution; but the man who had led fifty thousand horse from the Nerbuddah to the Attock, was equally odious to his countrymen, and despicable among his allies: not one day would the committee delay in deference to his opinion, and at eleven o’clock on the night of the 11th of
January, the heavy guns having been thrown into a large tank, and a quantity of stores burnt, an army of two thousand six hundred British troops, began its retreat, secretly as was supposed, before fifty thousand Mahrattas305.
It was vainly imagined that they could make one march before being discovered; and when the advanced guard, under Captain Gordon, was fired upon by a party of horse at two o’clock in the morning, Colonel Cockburn conceived that the enemy must have obtained the intelligence from Rugonath Rao. The army, as already noticed, was divided into two brigades, besides six companies of grenadier Sepoys, which were kept distinct as a reserve. On the present occasion, the two brigades were united under Lieutenant Colonel Cockburn, having a strong advanced guard at some distance in front, with the six companies of grenadier Sepoys and two guns, considerably in the rear.
On the death of Captain Stewart, Captain James Hartley was selected to command the reserve. Captain Hartley was a young man, who had been in the Company’s service fourteen years; he was well known to the Sepoys, who have much discernment in the character of their officers, and are very different under different men; but in the hour of
need, where they have experienced kindness, and seen their commanders worthy of confidence, there probably never was an instance of misconduct. An officer, even in a subordinate rank, has often a charge not only difficult in itself, but of higher national importance when leading the natives of India, than is likely to fall to the lot of a junior officer in any other branch of the British service. He has not merely to do his duty, not only to animate, or, what is often more difficult, to restrain, but to support the minds of his men, and infuse his own spirit, when he may perceive them despondent or discontented.
As soon as Colonel Cockburn heard the firing in front, he ordered Major Frederick, with two companies of Europeans, to support Captain Gordon; but the Mahrattas had succeeded in plundering a part of the baggage, and in a very short time the rear was also attacked. The army, however, continued to move on till day-light, when they found themselves completely surrounded, and large bodies of horse coming on as if to charge the main body; the troops were immediately halted and the line formed; but the strength of the attack, as had been the practice in Deccan warfare since the days of Shah Jehan, was made upon the rear. Hartley’s Sepoys received them with the greatest animation and steadiness, drove them back, and were with difficulty restrained from pursuing them. Shortly after sun-rise, the attack on the rear was renewed by the main body of the Mahratta army, consisting of both cavalry and infantry; and their guns, having been brought up, opened on the line,
but the heaviest fire, and the brunt of the onset, was still in the rear. The gallant band of Sepoys, though now sore pressed, had excellent European officers, and not only stood their ground with spirit, but fought with perfect enthusiasm.
Captain Hartley sent an officer to Lieutenant Colonel Cockburn, requesting him to bring up the main body to his support; to this Colonel Cockburn objected, as a large body of horse threatened to charge his left in case he quitted his position; but he directed five companies of Europeans, and two companies of Sepoys to support Captain Hartley. With this reinforcement, Hartley, holding possession of a rising ground, sustained the whole weight of a persevering attack with the steadiest intrepidity. About ten o’clock, Colonel Cockburn had sent him peremptory orders to retreat, but, fortunately, Lieutenant Dawson, who was charged with this message, met, by the way, Lieutenant Rattray, an officer306 in Captain Hartley’s confidence, to whom he communicated his errand, when both concurring in the fatal consequence that must attend such an order, Rattray took the risk of stopping the messenger, of explaining to Colonel Cockburn, as if from Captain Hartley, the effects of retiring under such circumstances, and of begging that he would allow Captain Hartley to await a more favourable opportunity. To this proposal Colonel Cockburn consented; before noon, however, he sent Major Frederick from the advance to the rear, desiring him to take the
command, but not to depart from the disposition previously made by Captain Hartley.
During the whole of this time the main body was partially engaged: principally occupied in returning the fire of the Mahratta artillery, or cannonading such of their horse as ventured within range of the guns. The loss hitherto, except at the position occupied by Hartley, was very inconsiderable, and the fire from the enemy had slackened, when, about one o’clock in the afternoon, Major Frederick was ordered to retire to the main body, which he effected in a creditable manner; and the whole moved towards the advanced guard, which had halted at the village of Wurgaom.
The baggage, bazar, and camp-equipage, so useful to the comfort of an Indian army when successful, becomes quite the contrary in adversity; and, on the present occasion, the proportion was immoderately great. The followers had quitted the flank and crowded in between the divisions of the troops, so as greatly to impede the retreat; about three o’clock in the afternoon, when they got sufficiently near the village, the followers ran forward and pressed towards it, to seek shelter from the enemy’s rockets, which were now showered upon them. This press created the greatest confusion, the enemy’s horse took advantage of the circumstance, charged through the baggage and the ranks, and when entering the village of Wurgaom, considerable loss was sustained. The troops, however, soon extricated themselves, the horse were driven off, the guns placed in commanding situations, and by four o’clock in the
afternoon, the army had some respite.
Early on the ensuing morning the enemy’s guns opened on the village, and a body of infantry advanced to attack it. They were repulsed, but the troops were supposed, by some of the officers, to be dispirited; doubts of their being able to retreat began to be expressed, – the commanding officer, instead of crushing such dangerous despondency, if whispered in his presence, was himself infected by the spreading contagion. Some desertions had taken place, and alarming reports of many more were circulated. It is under such circumstances that a good officer of Sepoys is proved. Captain Hartley addressed his men collectively and individually; there are times to assume the officer, and moments where the officer must be the acquaintance and friend. Hartley was both respected and beloved; he spoke to his men; his officers seconded him; and the desertions from his corps ceased. On the thirteenth, the total loss of fighting men in the preceding day, was found to amount to three hundred and fifty-two, of which fifty-six were killed, one hundred and fifty-one were wounded, and one hundred and fifty-five were missing; many of the last were supposed to have deserted. Among the killed and wounded, fifteen were European officers, whose presence, even on occasions of success, is of great consequence, but, at such a time, it is invaluable to native troops.
A further retreat was deemed impracticable, and Mr. Farmer, the secretary of the committee, was sent to negociate with the ministers. They at first
demanded the surrender of Rugonath Rao, which the committee would have complied with, but they were saved from this disgrace by his having entered into a separate agreement with Mahadajee Sindia, to whom he afterwards gave himself up. Sindia was aiming at an ascendancy which Nana Furnuwees was studiously endeavouring to prevent; yet each was so necessary to the other in the Mahratta empire, that although their ultimate views were at variance, their present interests were in union.
The ruling party, of which Nana and Sindia were now the real authorities, insisted on the committee’s entering on a treaty for the surrender of the whole of the territory the Bombay government had acquired since the death of Mahdoo Rao Bullal, together with the revenue possessed by the Company in Baroach and Surat, which the Mahrattas never had possessed. Mr. Farmer, who was compelled to write mysteriously, as his letters to the committee passed through the hands of Nana and Sindia, expressed himself by saying, “they seem to me to feel themselves in that situation with respect to us, which the Turkish vizier felt himself, in regard to Peter the first, at the time the empress Catherine sent her jewels to the vizier.” Lieutenant Colonel Cockburn was then called upon for his opinion in writing, when he declared that a retreat was impracticable, and that he could not charge himself with such a responsibility. Captain Hartley, who was present when the declaration was made, not only differed from Colonel Cockburn’s
opinion, but showed him a plan by which it might be insured; Lieutenant Colonel Cockburn, however, adhered to what he had stated. Mr. Carnac, as he afterwards proved, expressed an opinion at the time, that he thought the retreat might be accomplished, and that it ought to be attempted rather than submit to the humiliating terms insisted upon; but he did not choose to press it. As such was Mr. Carnac’s opinion, the plea of delicacy, or deference towards the military authorities, unfortunately for him, can little avail; for, as he ordered the retreat from Tullygaom, he ought to have adhered to that order, which, however injudicious or disastrous, could not have proved disgraceful. The committee replied to Mr. Farmer’s communication, by desiring him to inform the ministers that they had no power to enter on any treaty without the sanction of the supreme government. “Show us then,” said Mahadajee Sindia, when this message was delivered, “the power by which you have taken upon you to break the treaty concluded by Colonel Upton.”
But, immediately after the committee had dispatched the reply alluded to, which was, at least, dictated in the language of fair dealing, they sent Mr. Holmes to Mahadajee Sindia, invested with full power to conclude a treaty. Mr. Carnac reconciled himself to this measure by the former message through Mr. Farmer, from which he argued, that if the ministers submitted to be duped, it must be their own fault; and so far from intending the good faith which he pledged, he
afterwards declared that he granted the powers to Mr. Holmes, under a mental reservation that they were of no validity.
The separate negotiation, thus opened with Sindia, flattered him exceedingly, and ac corded most fully with his plans of policy; but no ebullition of joy prevented his taking every advantage of the English, as far as was consistent with the control he now had, and was determined to preserve over Nana Furnuwees. Mr. Holmes settled that everything was to be restored to the Mahrattas as held in 1773. The committee were obliged, on the spot, to send an order countermanding the advance of the Bengal troops, and Sindia’s favour was purchased by a private promise to bestow on him the English share of Baroach, besides a sum of forty-one thousand rupees, in presents to his servants. The committee were so completely humbled, that they viewed with gratitude the kindness of Sindia, in suffering the army to depart; they were obliged to give two hostages, Mr. William Gamul Farmer, and Lieutenant Charles Stewart, as a security for the performance of their engagement; but their first act on descending the Ghauts, was to suspend the countermand they had addressed to the officer commanding the Bengal detachment.
On the return of the troops to Bombay, the immediate object of attention, was the measure of reward and punishment throughout the army. Colonel Egerton and Lieutenant Colonel Cockburn were suspended from the service by the government; no opinion as to the personal conduct of Mr: Carnac was then passed, but in anticipation
of the order of events, as the characters are in- future quite undistinguished, it is merely necessary to observe, that when the whole of the proceedings came before the Court of Directors, after a deliberate investigation, they addressed a despatch to Bombay, in which they enumerated the particular demerits of the parties blamed, passed a just censure on the behaviour of Mr. Carnac and Colonel Egerton, and dismissed them from the Company’s service. They also dismissed Lieutenant Colonel Cockburn, the justice of whose sentence was certainly not questionable, and the occasion called fbr example; but we may lament the errors of an officer whose reputation was deservedly considerable, until chance raised him to a station above his abilities. Four years before, Colonel Cockburn’s character had been recorded by General Gordon in the following words: “Cool, clear, steady, and determined as an officer; he has twice within these two years led our troops to assault307, which have been attended with glory and success to him and the troops, and much advantage to our employers. I do not know a better regimental officer.”
But, although some were thus punished by the judgment of the Directors in England, others were dismissed at Bombay, and many were applauded and promoted for their conduct on the 12th January. The gallant and judicious behaviour of Hartley was represented in its true coloursr and his merit was, at first, universally acknowledged; but the governor and council having raised him at once to
the rank of Lieutenant Colonel, although he might have merited the distinction, such promotion being unprecedented in the Company’s service, was deemed so improper and injurious, that every officer, before senior to Colonel Hartley, represented the injustice and degradation to which he was personally subjected. Some time after, when an answer arrived from the Court of Directors, it proved a source of mortification to Hartley, as although he was not deprived of his rank, his further promotion and his pay as Lieutenant Colonel in the Company’s service, were suspended until the whole of those, formerly his seniors, should, in the usual routine, be promoted over him.
The Bombay government were reduced to a situation of great distress; their measures had been obviously imprudent and impolitic, ill-concerted, and badly executed. Success, that grand apology for statesmen’s blunders, had not attended the schemes which they had been labouring to be permitted to attempt. From the time the supreme council exercised their first authority by a precipitate interference, the majority of the members of the Bombay government endeavoured by argument and artifice to bring about their own designs, and instead of taking an enlarged and dignified view of the national interests and government in India, which would have been an honour to themselves, and a reproach to their opponents, they lost the commanding ground on which they stood, by following a course that brought about its own undoing. The character of their proceedings bears
strong marks of personal interest, and personal resentment.
In Bengal, whatever their practical errors, the views of men accustomed to think as great statesmen, are always apparent in their consultations and transactions; but in Bombay, the spirit of commercial adventurers still lurked at the council table. Their contracted policy was directed merely to carry their point in favour of Rugoba, and to aggrandize their own presidency. In sending off their expedition it would seem as if they had been actuated by the puerile desire of showing the Bengal government what Bombay could do without their assistance. The excuse, subsequently made on this point, of expected assistance from the Bengal detachment, cannot be admitted,, as it would appear in their replies to Mr. Draper’s dissent, and in the means taken to ascertain the progress of the Bengal detachment; but the importance of its cooperation, seems scarcely to have been considered, until some time after their own army had taken the field. In short, the Bombay government neglected opportunity, they overlooked changes of circumstance, they desperately sent a handful of men against the strength of the Mahratta empire, and committed the conduct of an enterprize, practicable only by celerity, address, and resolution, to men totally unfit for such a charge. Their army had returned defeated, their treasury was exhausted, their credit insignificant, and their reputation sullied. But under these discouraging circumstances, the merit of fortitude, ability, and vigour, is justly
due to governor Hornby. There was no consolation in a retrospect, the present misfortunes were chiefly to be attributed to misconduct; and in anticipation, there was censure for what was past, and danger in what was to come. Mr. Hornby, in the first place, judiciously recommended to the members of his government, to abstain from all recrimination, to allow their motives and their measures as recorded, to await the judgment of their superiors, and that every one should bend his mind to the consideration of the future, for the purpose of preventing, and if they did come, surmounting, the impending perils they had so much reason to apprehend. He took an unreserved and full view of their situation, and although evidently humbled, he displayed the strong mind of an English chief, and convinced his council that, whilst they acted with the unanimity and firmness which became their country, they were not only above contempt, but might soon overcome their difficulties, and retrieve their affairs. He disavowed the validity of the disgraceful articles of the Wurgaom convention; for although Mr. Carnac had ostentatiously intimated to Nana Furnuwees, probably to enhance his own consequence, that he was intrusted with the Company’s seal, and with full powers, he had no authority to conclude a treaty, nor could the Bombay government have delegated such a commission. Mr. Hornby determined, at all hazards, to resist the cessions made by the committee; but as every point was indispensably referred to Bengal, there appeared no necessity for publishing a defiance
to the Mahrattas. The intentions of the Bombay council were, however, sufficiently declared by their preparations, and every effort was made to recruit and improve their army.
On the 19th February, Mr. Hornby laid an elaborate minute before his council, in which he took a view of Mahratta politics, and the line of conduct which he thought the most expedient for the British authorities to pursue. The end he proposed to attain was that of securing a peace, so as to exclude the French from the Mahratta dominions, and to retain the territory then in possession of the English. He assumed, as matter of certainty, that Sindia had indicated, by several parts of his conduct, an aversion to the French, and a desire to form an alliance with the English, against Nana Furnuwees. In the supposition thus adopted, Mr. Hornby was not wholly wrong; for had Nana by any means, foreign or domestic, become too powerful, Mahadajee Sindia might have sought assistance from the English; but whilst Nana Furnuwees held the reins, principally by the support of Sindia’s power, it was completely the interest of the latter to uphold Nana’s administration. The president was of opinion that the sum of forty-one thousand rupees, promised to Sindia’s servants, ought to be paid; and that Baroach, or an equivalent, should be given to him for the act of kindness, humiliating as it was, in permitting their army to return. All these suggestions were submitted to the supreme government; but in the mean time, the principal
hope of retrieving their affairs was in the near approach of the Bengal army, to the progress of which a retrospect is now necessary.
Colonel Leslie crossed the Jumna in May 1778, and notwithstanding professions of friendship made by the Mahratta officers, they manifested an opposition which induced him to take possession of the fort of Kalpee. It was expected by the Bengal government, that the army would have crossed the Nerbuddah before the rains; but some of the Rajpoot chiefs in Bundelcund, instigated by the Mahrattas, attempted to cut off the supplies, murdered an officer, and frequently killed foragers and followers. Colonel Leslie, however, instead of steadily pursuing his -route, entered on a war with those chiefs, took part in their feuds, and thus engaged in a task, equally endless and unavailing. He attacked and carried with little difficulty their principal post at Mhow, three Kos west of Chatterpore; he drove a large body of men from a strong position on the banks of the Kaine, and notwithstanding repeated orders to proceed, he wasted the whole monsoon in this unaccountable manner. In five months he had not advanced more than one hundred and twenty miles; and in the fourth month, the estimated expence of his army amounted to twelve lacks of rupees.
Mr. Hastings did not hastily withdraw his confidence from Colonel Leslie, but he was at length compelled to admit that his conduct was indefensible. He was therefore recalled, and Lieutenant Colonel Goddard was appointed to succeed to the
command of the army, but prior to the date of the order of recal, Colonel Leslie had died of a fever, on the 3rd October 1778.
Colonel Goddard immediately assumed command of the troops, and a few days afterwards, commenced his march from Rajegurh, in Bundelcund, towards the Nerbuddah. His route lay by Mooltan, Khemlassa, Beilsah, Bhopaul, and Hoossingabad; at the last mentioned place, he forded the Nerbuddah on the 2d December. Before Colonel Goddard had quitted the Bundelcund territory, Ballajee Punt, the Mahratta officer stationed at Sagur, by whose machinations Leslie’s progress was at first arrested, after many professions of friendship, made a perfidious attack on the baggage of the army, in which he was completely foiled. The conduct of the nabob of Bhopaul was precisely the reverse of that of the Mahratta officer; he treated the English with the greatest confidence and hospitality, furnished them with every supply and every possible assistance, at the risk of incurring future enmity from the Mahrattas, without the support of his new friends. This generous behaviour, on the part of the nabob, was never forgotten; and it laid the foundation of a friendship, which, in modern times, has been laudably extended to his descendants by the British government.
After Colonel Goddard had crossed the Nerbuddah, he halted on the south bank of the river, to await some communications from Moodajee Bhonslay, particularly connected with his future operations.
The views of the supreme government, in contracting an alliance with the ruler of Berar, were intimated to Bombay in the month of August, but merely in a general manner. The execution of the plan was intrusted to Mr. Elliot, a gentleman eminently qualified for any embassy, but the design was formed on defective information. It had for its object, an alliance with Moodajee against the Poona ministers, for the purpose of attaining permanent peace and complete security to the Company’s possessions, against the attempts of France, by establishing and upholding Moodajee Bhonslay as Raja of all the Mahrattas. Mr. Hastings, in this plan, was precisely adopting the scheme originally suggested by Wittul Sondoor the minister of Nizam Ally308. He was not aware that Moodajee had no claim to the Mahratta sovereignty; but even had such been the case, as the British government so long acknowledged the Peishwa’s supremacy, as the Bombay presidency had concluded an authorized treaty with Rugonath Rao, declaring him regent during the minority of the young Peishwa, the measure was in the one view unjust, in the other inconsistent, and on the whole complicated and injudicious. Had Moodajee really been heir to the throne of Sivajee it would have been very impolitic to have afforded the means of uniting an empire, hostile to all the world, which was of itself falling to pieces. The scheme was first interrupted by the
death of Mr. Elliot, which happened on the 12th September, when on his route towards Nagpoor. The governor-general in consequence of that event, directed the secret instructions, addressed to Mr. Elliot, to be made over to Colonel Goddard, whom Mr. Hastings empowered to treat according to their purport; and about the same time, as the new plan required that they should retain the means of carrying it into effect, the governor general and council suspended the power of the Bombay government over Colonel Goddard’s army, on the plea of a failure in the original plan for which the power had been granted. It was also resolved to strengthen Colonel Goddard by a reinforcement of two additional battalions of native infantry, which were directed to assemble on the western frontier of the province of Bengal, under Major Jacob Camac.
Moodajee, in the first instance, would have acceded to the governor-general’s views, but before any explanation had taken place, he had received intelligence of the designs at Bombay in favour of Rugoba, and of the vigorous preparations of his own countrymen, at Poona; both of which, for obvious reasons, tended to deter him from entering on any immediate alliance. The favourite ambition of his family was however roused, and in a conversation with Lieut. Watherstone, the agent deputed by Colonel Goddard, Moodajee admitted the great desire he entertained of embracing the proposal at a fit time; but whilst he wished to prolong the negotiation, he declined embarking in any enterprize at that period. Moodajee’s plan, which
was not disclosed till some time after, differed from that of Mr. Hastings; it was similar to what Rughoojee seems to have intended on the death of Bajee Rao, in 1740, and was more practicable than the one proposed309. Moodajee foresaw that opposition would be made to pretensions in his own person, but he knew there would be much less difficulty, and a powerful party against the Bramin administration, by his assuming the character of protector at Satara, (his authority in Berar was nothing more,) and declaring that his sole design was the restoration of the imprisoned Raja’s authority.
About the same time that Moodajee declined Colonel. Goddard’s overtures, through Lieutenant Watherstone, urgent applications were received from Bombay, dated 6th and 19th December, requesting Goddard to advance with all expedition, in order to support their army which had taken the field in the cause of Rugoba.
Although Colonel Goddard, prior to the receipt of this requisition, was in possession of the order which withdrew him from the authority of the Bombay government, he considered the interest of his country so much at stake, that without hesitation, he resolved to march straight to the west coast. This decision was extremely creditable, as
Colonel Goddard had not merely to fight his way through the Mahratta army, but he incurred the serious responsibility of acting on his own judgment, where failure might be ruin in every sense of the word, and where he personally risked nothing by waiting for orders at Hussingabad. He commenced his march about the 26th January, and arrived at Burhanpoor on the 30th of that month. The contradictory letters, written by the field committee, during and subsequent to the convention, though they afforded no information of the state of affairs, and might have perplexed most men, only induced Goddard to quicken his progress. After refreshing his men at Burhanpoor, he resumed his march on the 6th February, and in twenty days reached Surat, a distance of three hundred miles, and by the expedition thus used avoided a body of twenty thousand horse, which were despatched from Poona to intercept him.
The Bombay government expressed the liveliest gratitude for the honourable and generous motives which had induced him to hasten to their relief; and they showed their sense of it by immediately offering him a seat in their council, and recommending that he should be appointed their commander in chief. Colonel Goddard had gained on their esteem by his repairing to Bombay in person, and communicating with all the respect due to them, and to his own situation, joined with the becoming courtesy and frankness of a soldier.
On the 17th March the Bombay government first received a copy of the instructions intended for Mr. Elliot; the first copy
had been sent from Bengal in November, but had unfortunately miscarried. The state of the negotiation with Moodajee Bhonslay they now learnt from Colonel Goddard, who seemed still to be of opinion that an alliance would take place. The Bombay government were not sanguine on this subject, and as Mahadajee Sindia had shown none of those favourable intentions towards the English, imputed to him in Mr. Hornby’s minute of the 19th of February, they now perceived that they were on the eve of being compelled to engage as principals in a war, to maintain which, their absolute want of funds, was the first and most alarming consideration.
In this exigency, making allowance for defects in the original information, on which some of his calculations were made, Mr. Hornby submitted a very judicious plan of operations in a minute laid before his council on the 30th March; he there pointed out a method, of at once obtaining resources and distressing their enemies, by entering into a treaty with the Gaekwar family, on the terms solicited by Futih Sing in 1772; reconciling the brothers, releasing them from tribute and dependance on the Poona state, and conquering the Peishwa’s share of Guzerat for the Company. But in all their schemes they soon found themselves more dependant, and more than ever controlled by the governor-general and council.
The Bengal government, before they received intelligence of the disgraceful proceedings at Wurgaom, upon hearing that the Bombay presidency
had sent an army into the field, had decided on sending Colonel Goddard to their support, but they would not again relinquish authority over his army. Even before they heard of the convention they vested Colonel Goddard both with the separate charge of their army, and with distinct powers as their envoy plenipotentiary at the court of Poona. The governor-general, upon receipt of further intelligence, without waiting to learn the result of Goddard’s bold and judicious march, sanctioned the proceeding, however it might turn out, by recording his approbation and applause. The whole conduct of the majority of the Bengal government was on this occasion admirable. Their first determination on hearing of the disastrous news was to place their military power, offensive and defensive, in the best possible state, without betraying either a weakness or alarm that might have encouraged other native states to rise against them. A brigade was ordered to the banks of the Jumna, and Sir Eyre Coote, the commander-in-chief, proceeded to inspect and prepare their military resources on the north western frontier, the quarter most likely to be invaded. Mr. Hastings, whose after conduct made amends for his earlier errors, and whose difficulties had tended to improve and exalt his mind, showed at this trying period, all the great qualities of which he was possessed, and prudence and ingenuity, vigour and moderation, are alike conspicuous in the measures which he suggested. Superior to the inveteracy of Mr. Francis, and entirely exempt from the impatience of Sir Eyre Coote, which were displayed in a particular manner in
regard to the measures of the Bombay government, Mr. Hastings applied his knowledge of mankind to the art of good government; and fortunately, by the support of Mr. Barwell, and his own casting vote as president, he commanded the majority in council. Become wiser by the past, though his present words were a severe censure on the hasty exercise of authority he had formerly supported, Mr. Hastings observes, “To mark our want of confidence in them, (alluding of course to the Bombay council,) by any public act, would weaken theirs in us; to load them with harsh and unoperating reproaches, would indispose them to our authority, at the same time that it would absolve them from its effects; and to bind their deliberations by absolute and indiscretional orders, might eventually disable them from availing themselves of any fortuitous advantages, which the confusion of the Mahratta government is more likely to offer them, than any plan which we could prescribe to them, or which they could form on the letter of our instructions. In a word, such a conduct, by inflaming the passions of men, whom we are not to regard as exempt from the ordinary infirmities of humanity, would prove the surest means of converting the powers which were still left in their hands into the instruments of opposition, and even of the defeat of the measures which require their agency, and cannot be accomplished without it. Let us rather excite them to exert themselves for the retrieval of their past misfortunes, and arm them with means adequate to that end; restricting their powers, where the object is determinate, and permitting a
more liberal extension of them in cases which are too variable and uncertain for positive injunctions.”
Colonel Goddard was appointed a brigadier-general, by the Bengal government, during the service on which he was employed; and a recommendation to the Court of Directors, in support of an application for his being appointed commander-in-chief of the Bombay presidency, was forwarded to England. But the Bombay government, although they highly approved of the distinction conferred on General Goddard, remonstrated against bestowing the rank, except through them, or on his being separately appointed to conduct the negotiation with the Poona state. They also objected to having any military force stationed within the limits of the Bombay presidency, independent of their authority, as they deemed such a circumstance an invasion of their rights, and highly unconstitutional; yet, soothed by the respectful consideration shown to them by Mr. Hastings, and the judicious behaviour of General Goddard, they determined that their disapproval, in those particulars, should not prevent the utmost exertions of their ability and means to forward the views of the supreme government.
On the 15th of April, General Goddard was directed to endeavour to negotiate a peace with the Poona state, on the terms of the treaty of Poorundhur, but with an additional article expressly excluding the French from any establishment within the Mahratta dominions.
In the end of May, when the supreme government had received and taken into
consideration Mr. Hornby’s minutes of February and March, they sent more detailed instructions for their envoy’s guidance, and if peace on the terms proposed could not be obtained, he was then, if he thought proper, to adopt Mr. Hornby’s plan of an alliance with the Gaekwar, in which case alone, the authority of General Goddard as the governor-general’s agent, was to be blended with, and guided by the instructions of the Bombay government. The only alteration in the authorized, from the proposed plan, was a restriction preventing the British authority from being engaged as a party between the brothers, Futih Sing and Govind Rao Gaekwar. The alliance was, therefore, to be formed with Futih Sing, the acknowledged head of the Baroda state, and no pledge given for reconciling their domestic differences.
This mode of operations would not have materially interfered with the projected alliance with Moodajee Bhonslay, as the political connection between his father Rughoojee and Dummajee Gaekwar might have paved a way to a union of the sons; but after the convention of Wurgaom, Mr. Hastings immediately perceived, and the result was a proof of his penetration, that Moodajee could no longer be accounted an ally; though, if judiciously managed he might safely be reckoned neutral. It was desirable, however, that the British authority should be left unfettered, in case Moodajee persisted in procrastinating; and therefore, General Goddard was instructed to tender explicit conditions,
by a rejection of which he would have it in his power to declare the negotiation at an end.
In regard to an alliance with Sindia, the governor-general was disposed to concur in opinion with Mr. Hornby, in supposing that Sindia had some secret design of connecting himself with the English. Mr. Hastings also concurred in the propriety of giving up Baroach, as had been privately promised; but Sindia’s conduct had been such, as to preclude their deigning to bestow this mark of acknowledgment. General Goddard, however, was instructed to treat separately with Sindia, in case he should at any time find him disposed to espouse the interests of the Company; but the dependance of Nana Furnuwees on Mahadajee Sindia was, at this time, best secured by war, and whilst his wukeel at Bombay was professing his master’s regard, an attack, instigated by Sindia, was made on Bancoote, with no other design than to blow the flame, and excite the English to hostilities.
As a further hold on Nana Furnuwees, whom Sindia governed by his fears, he caused the settlement of a Jagheer in Bundelcund, to be made on Rugonath Rao, of twelve lacks of rupees, of which he became the guarantee in behalf of Rugoba, and at the same time security to Nana for Rugoba’s never molesting the government. He had thus got the latter into his power; but the unpopularity of Rugoba made the custody of his person of little consequence as an instrument of aggrandizement: Nana Furnuwees was perhaps secretly pleased to observe Sindia connecting himself with a man more
likely to be shunned than followed, and only dangerous as a political instrument in foreign hands. Soon after the arrangement was made, Rugoba was sent off towards his Jagheer in Bundelcund, for the purpose, as Nana believed, of being confined in the fort of Jhansee, until Sindia might find it convenient to release him; but Rugoba’s usual escort, and even his guns were suffered to accompany him, whilst the troops which were sent as his guard scarcely exceeded the number of his own followers. Just before Rugoba reached the Nerbuddah, in the latter end of the month of May, he was secretly warned of Sindia’s intention to confine him in Jhansee, on which, having watched an opportunity, which presented itself at the ford of Cholee Mheyswur, he attacked and dispersed his guard, mortally wounded the commander, and fled towards Baroach with all speed, to throw himself at the feet of his friends the English, for he could scarcely expect that they would open their arms to receive him.
Although no explanation took place between Sindia and Rugoba, there is little doubt but the whole was Mahadajee’s contrivance. It widened the breach between Nana and the English, but with either party it gave Sindia an advantage, it roused the fear and jealousy of the one, and made him more dependant; whilst broken, inexplicable hints310 of friendship, which he occasionally dropped
to the English, might be interpreted hereafter as alluding to some scheme of co-operation connected with this design of releasing their mutual friend.
When Nana Furnuwees required and obtained the sacrifice of his rival Sukaram Bappoo, and of Chintoo Wittul, once the minister of Rugoba, it was no test of Sindia’s fidelity to him; on the contrary, his having given them up to satisfy Nana at that time, is perhaps, from the artifice of his character, rather in evidence of his having been accessory to Rugoba’s flight. Sukaram Bappoo was hurried to Singurh, and thence he was removed and thrown into the fort of Pertabgurh; a circumstance which leads to the remarkable reflection, – that this venerable old man, after sharing every vicissitude of privation and of grandeur, of toil and of triumph, which a leader in the camps and courts of a great empire must experience, now looked down on a scene far more awful to a mind in his situation, than the tremendous abyss of four thousand feet of black rugged rock, which formed the western wall of his prison: for, from Pertabgurh, on the eastern side, he saw the spot where one hundred and twenty years before, his ancestor, Puntojee Gopinat Bhokeel, pledged to Sivajee the treacherous oath which betrayed his master Afzool Khan to the stab of the murderer.
But Sukaram’s death scene was not closed in Pertabgurh, the cautious jealousy of Nana Furnuwees removed him secretly from one place to another, to prevent rescue or insurrection; and the once great Sukaram Bappoo perished miserably in Raigurh. Chintoo Wittul’s life was also shortened; he died in some hill fort, from the effects of unwholesome food and harsh treatment.
298. This event, on which the President expresses some doubt, was really true, Gunga Bye was the cause of her own death, by having taken medicine for the purpose of concealing the consequence of her illicit intercourse with Nana Furnuwees.
299. The attempt in one instance is clearly proved; he fired a brace of pistols, one after the other, at M. de Corcelle, within a few yards; one ball penetrated his clothes, but missed him.
300. Mr. William Gamul Farmer, of the Bombay civil service, happened to be at Poona for the benefit of his health, and took that opportunity of ascertaining the views of the French, which he communicated to the governor probably for his private information, but as it contained useful intelligence, it was put upon record, the letter was dated Poona, 11th November 1777.
“This St. Lubin is a most perfect adventurer, and I believe has cheated even the ministry of France in this business. He introduced himself to the confidence of Monsieur de Sartine, as to Indian matters, by a memorial he presented relative to this country, which Monsieur de Corcelle assures me he has frequently seen. In this memorial he has not forgot himself. He has made himself the generalissimo at one time of Hyder’s army, the very man who framed the treaty between him and the Mahrattas, for which he the next day received two lacks of rupees: but what chiefly introduced him to this business was his particular intimacy with the Raja of the Mahrattas. He was the constant companion of his children, used to learn them to ride, in short, he had not in the world a better friend than the Raja. There certainly could not be so fit a man in France to send out to sound the ground here to form an alliance with the Mahratta state, if circumstances should prove favourable. You may perfectly judge from this, of what the character is capable of in the way of representation.
“Drunk and sober, jointly and separately, I have examined all the Frenchmen with whom wo have yet had connection, that is, Madjett, Monsieur de Corcelle, who was to have been made engineer by St. Lubin; and Monsieur de Coronet, the captain of the ship, whom I found means to get to eat soup with us. They are all in such a situation with respect to Monsieur St. Lubin, that it is the first wish of their lives that he may prove totally a counterfeit, and not be supported by the ministry of France; for in fact their lives may perhaps depend on Lubin’s reality, and the justifying his conduct. I have turned the matter every way to persuade them that he was a counterfeit, in order to fish out their arguments to the contrary; but they are all perfectly convinced of the facts mentioned in Madjett’s letter. The captain of the ship confirmed to me repeatedly what Madjett had often mentioned, that his owner had given him his orders relative to St. Lubin, in consequence of recommendations from Monsieur de Sartine. They all agree perfectly with regard to the ideas entertained of him at Bourdeaux: that it was first talked of sending out a body of men under Monsieur Dumas. The fact of the intelligence the captain and supercargo received at Cochin, of Lubin’s destination, the captain confirmed to me. Picot and Briancourt acknowledged him, and Briancourt has gone so far as to request the counsulship of Choul. The Count de Mendave, a man of good family in France, who has been seeking his fortunes in this country, and is now with Busalut Jung, heard of him, has offered to join him, and makes interest for a good employment under him; you will observe, Sir, that although it seems de Belcombe disavows him as an ambassador from the king, yet he takes no effectual measures to remove him; and it is a known fact, that St. Lubin sent by a Frenchman a despatch to Belcombe in the month of July or August last. They all perfectly agree in the circumstance of the summons given to attend at the Nanah’s to witness the treaty. Nanah was sworn by his Bramin, and St. Lubin by his Padre, and Nanah kept the book. The despatch of Monsieur Pascal du Santy to Surat, in order to carry from thence his despatches for France, is certain. We have learnt by a Frenchman, lately arrived here, that he has been seen at Briancourt’s; his destination via Suez. This Frenchman says that he wanted to take his passage in an English Snow, I suppose Barrington, but that it was refused, and he is now to go in a vessel belonging to a black man.
“You see, Sir, how much Lubin has at stake by the total defeat of all his schemes, perhaps the loss of life, or imprisonment, if these fellows find that he is an impostor; everything, therefore, with him depends on his being able to persuade the minister to hurry out a body of men instantly on the receipt of his despatches, or order them from the islands. I leave you, Sir, further to judge what he is capable of, when he has wrote that they are in perfect possession of the port and harbour of Choul; and to make the possession more valuable, he wanted the gentleman who took the draft of it for him, to put seven fathom water where there were only three and a half. The flourishing state of this country, the power of Nanah, the certain destruction of the English, the great advantage to France, all these he has dwelt on, as I am well assured, in a manner that cannot fail to make great impressions in France.”
301. This circumstance already noticed, is well known in the Mahratta country, but is not mentioned in any English record, and has escaped the notice of Colonel Wilks.
302. Sukaram Hurry was a Purvoe, and is not a singular instance of the unshaken fidelity of that class in the history of Maharashtra. His daughter is alive in Satara.
303. Mr. Dundas Speech, 1782.
304. By Hindoo law, the age is sixteen; with the Mahrattas, the usage is from sixteen to twenty years of age.
305. Mr. Lewis seems to have estimated them at about ten thousand infantry, and twenty-five thousand horse. Lieutenant Colonel Cockburn declares there were above one hundred and twenty thousand men. The Mahrattas themselves say at least a lakh, and I believe there may have been above one half of that number.
306. Lieutenant Rattray, of the Bengal establishment, served as a volunteer with one of Hartley’s companies.
307. General Gordon alluded to Baroach and Tannah.
308. It seems to have been first suggested to Mr. Hastings, by Beneeram, the wukeel of Sabajee. See letter from the Bengal government, to the Court of Directors, 19th December, 1779r App. 5. Report from the Committee of Secrecy.
309. “Let,” says Moodajee, in his own proposals to Mr. Hastings, “a lineal descendant of Maha Raja Chutter Puttee Sivajee Bhonslay, continue on the musnud of the Satara Raja; but, till the power and authority of the Raje (sovereignty) is established, nothing is done: (See Appendix, No. 191, 5th Report, Committee of Secrecy.)
310. As one of several instances of these hints, just after the convention at Wurgaom, when Mr. Farmer, Mr. Holmes, and Mr. Sibbald were present, Sindia was loudly extolling the conduct of their rear-guard, which he compared to a red will, “ and no sooner beat down, than it was instantly built up again” (‘each stepping where his comrade stood, the instant that he fell’). I hope,” said Mahadajee, whispering in Mr. Sibbald’s ear, “to see these fine fellows co-operating with my own troops, by and bye.”
This collection transcribed by Chris Gage