After weeks of severe fighting, troops of the Third Army finally had come up against the fortifications of the German West Wall. On 3 December, following the seizure of the Saarlautern bridge, the 1st Battalion of the 379th Infantry, 95th Division, captured two bunkers that commanded the exit from the span.1 Although somewhat isolated, the twin bunkers were part of the West Wall system; their seizure marked the beginning of a slow, bloody attempt to chip and pry an opening that would lead to the Rhine.
The XX Corps entrance into this formidable fortified zone was not the first made by the Allied arms. As early as 11 September advance guards of the 5th Armored Division operating on the right wing of the First Army had captured the first bunkers in the West Wall position. (Map IV) This initial penetration was made in a sector some eighteen miles northeast of Trier, near Wallendorf, which, like many parts of the West Wall at the beginning of September, had not yet been fully manned. Subsequent German reports indicate that CCR (reinforced) of the 5th Armored Division went clear through the West Wall before being driven back by a hastily organized counterattack.2 It is not clear whether the Americans on the spot realized at the time what they had done.3 Aerial reconnaissance failed to show many of the overgrown positions in the West Wall, and most of the intelligence reports on the subject dated back to 1940.4 As a result the Allied maps of September 1944 possessed only very general tracings of the West Wall and often were
in disagreement with one another. Then, too, the Germans had built fortifications in various positions forward of the West Wall proper. The resulting complex puzzled even the German staffs: on 21 September, for example, OB WEST was forced to give Army Group G a ruling as to what really constituted the West Wall.5 However, when the First Army hit the West Wall defenses at Aachen in mid-September there was no question that the hard-fought advance was being made against the main German fortifications. The Aachen sector was the second most heavily fortified portion of the entire West Wall--the Saarlautern sector ranked first--but although the First Army had effected a breach in the Aachen area the subsequent stalemate at the Roer had prevented a thoroughgoing exploitation of this Allied penetration.
Hitler had set the Third Reich to building an "impregnable" wall in the West in 1936. At that time only the fortifications reaching from the Moselle south and east to the Rhine were called the "West Wall," but in 1938 Hitler extended the name to the entire system--a fact probably unknown to the composers of the popular marching song of 1940 when they immortalized the "Siegfried Line." A series of extensions had been planned at either end of the West Wall in 1940, but the quick German victory in France and the necessity of moving the defenses of the Third Reich forward to the Channel and the Atlantic forced these plans into the discard.6 A little work on the original West Wall between the Moselle and the Rhine was done during the succeeding years; however, no real effort was made to strengthen the entire line prior to 20 August 1944, when Hitler issued a decree for a levy of "people's" labor to put these fortifications in repair. Concrete, steel, machinery, and manpower--not to mention the heavy arms required for antitank defense--all were in very short supply in the autumn of 1944, but by December the West Wall had been somewhat strengthened in those areas where the Allied forces had not won an early foothold.
The West Wall, as it existed in 1944, had its northern terminus at Roermond, near the southeastern corner of the Netherlands. The fortified zone extended south through the Aachen sector, where a second zone backed up the first as a double barrier to any advance into the Cologne Plain; continued along the eastern border of Luxembourg; looped to the east bank of the Sarre, which it followed to a point northeast of Forbach; then turned gradually east until it reached the Rhine in the vicinity of Karlsruhe. Here the West Wall
followed the German bank of the Rhine, coming to an end at Basel and the Swiss frontier.
Throughout its length the West Wall zone had been planned with an admirable eye for ground. Where the terrain denied cross-country movement by large mechanized forces the German fortifications were relatively weak and scattered. Where the ground offered a corridor to the attacker the fortifications were the strongest and provided mutual support by works in great density. It is true that the West Wall was of 1940 vintage and that warfare had made considerable advances by the fall of 1944. German staff officers recognized several weaknesses in the four-year-old system. First, it lacked the antitank defenses necessitated by the newer, heavier tanks. Second, many of the smaller works were not adequately protected against aerial bombardment, and the whole line had insufficient antiaircraft artillery. Next, the bunkers seldom were built to mount guns of calibers larger than 75-mm., and the smaller pillboxes could not use the 1942 model machine gun in embrasures constructed for the MG 34. Furthermore, the entire system was so complex as to require a considerable familiarity with the individual works by those who manned them. Germany's lack of manpower in 1944 forbade the necessary training period in the West Wall; as a result most formations entered the fortifications with the Allies hot on their heels and with no time to coordinate the defense of their own particular sector. In addition, co-ordination of fire plans and tactical dispositions was made difficult by the lack of communications equipment--switchboards, wire cables, radios, and the like--in the fortified zone. Finally, the original German plans had been predicated on one division in each four miles of the line, plus large field forces in reserve.7 In early December 1944, however, the First Army would defend the West Wall with an average force of one division--much under the 1940 strength--per ten miles of front. Elsewhere single German divisions held as much as twenty-mile sectors in the West Wall.8 All these factors contributed to a reasonable skepticism by many German field commanders as regards the "impregnable" nature of the West Wall. Rundstedt, for example, freely characterized the West Wall fortifications as "mouse traps." But many of their points
of weakness would be negated by the bad weather of the late fall and winter months, which drastically limited close tactical support by the Allied air forces, curtailed the use of heavy armor in cross-country maneuver, and shifted the burden of attack almost entirely to the infantry. Even the tremendous superiority enjoyed by the Allies in the artillery arm (with better guns and projectiles than those of 1940) would be partially erased when the ground fogs and lowering clouds of the late months cut down observation, thus somewhat restoring an equilibrium between the 1944 gun or howitzer and the 1940 bunker.
The section of the West Wall which the XX Corps proposed to attack was now regarded by the Germans as the strongest in the entire West Wall system. Two factors had worked to make it so. In January 1939 Generaloberst Walther von Brauchitsch, then Commander in Chief of the German Army, had prepared an estimate of the French plan of attack in the event of war. Brauchitsch and the General Staff concluded that the French would make a strong attack between Merzig and Saarlautern, aimed at reaching the Rhine Valley. (Map XXXVII) As a result of his recommendations this particular part of the West Wall was strengthened;9 subsequently more works were added in the last part of 1943 and the early months of 1944. As for the second factor: the Allies had reached the West Wall in the strong Aachen area before much of anything was done to rearm the fortifications or build auxiliary field works;10 in the Merzig-Saarlautern sector, however, the Germans had been given time to arm the line and strengthen the original works with trenches, wire and some additional reinforced concrete.
In the area between Beckingen and Ensdorf, where the XX Corps would launch its attack, the forward part of the West Wall zone bordered the east bank of the Sarre River. At some points the bunkers and wire reached to the river; at others they lay as much as half or three-quarters of a mile inland. This forward zone was thickest in and around the cities of Fraulautern, Saarlautern-Roden, and Dillingen, here averaging nearly a mile in depth. Farther to the east the German works continued, although in much less strength, to a second main zone which began on the higher ground some five or six miles
east of the Sarre.11 This second zone was deeper than the first, but the state of its defenses in 1944 is unknown. Actually it was a part of a semicircular fortified zone known as the Hilgenbach Stellung, which extended from Beckingen to the Blies River west of Zweibruecken and was intended as a kind of tampon in the event of a penetration in the forward zone. Still another barrier, the Westmark Stellung, existed farther east in the Trier-Zweibruecken area. The fortifications in this zone, however, had never been completed.12
Hoernlein's LXXXII Corps, deployed in the West Wall positions in front of the American XX Corps, had been badly shattered during the battles west of the Sarre, but had withdrawn across the river in good order. In the north the 416th Division had regrouped and now held the Orscholz line and the Sarre-Moselle triangle as an anchor for the main West Wall defenses. East of the Sarre the 19th VG Division was deployed with its right flank touching the Orscholz line and its left resting on the village of Beckingen. The 73d Regiment held the north wing, the 74th Regiment held the south, and the 59th Regiment was assembling in the rear at Dueppenweiler. The 19th VG Division had been reduced to one-third its normal strength by the time it reached the West Wall and was reported as "completely fought out," with only 630 infantrymen left.13 Officer losses had been extraordinarily high throughout the division and much of its heavy equipment had been lost west of the river. The replacements handed the 19th when it crossed the Sarre were uniformly rated as poor. They included a Luftwaffe security battalion of some six hundred untrained men, a fortress battalion, and a Volkssturm battalion. The latter was relegated to the Hilgenbach Stellung in the rear. This was the standard disposition of the Volkssturm during the first days of the December fighting, although occasionally a company would be caught in the forward line before it could be relieved and the American intelligence officers would have a field day predicting that these old men and beardless youths were harbingers of the imminent dissolution of the German Army.14
The 21st Panzer Division and Kampfgruppe Muehlen (the latter reinforced by an "assault" detachment from Panzer Lehr) held the Sarre line from Beckingen to the boundary between the LXXXII and XIII SS Corps south of Ensdorf. In theory the 21st Panzer Division was a counterattack reserve, although the First Army continued to warn higher commands that this division could not be considered an "attack unit." On 4 December the 21st had only two hundred effectives all told among its armored infantry. However, replacements quickly were brought in and the tank strength of the division was raised to seventeen Mark IV's and V's.15 In the past the 21st Panzer Division had been reputed to have good morale, but now its fighting spirit had declined, partially, at least, because of Allied bombing raids over Wehrkreis VI where most of the troops in the panzer division lived.16 Kampfgruppe Muehlen had reached a new low--even for that battered outfit--and the division staff was serving in the line. The total strength of the Kampfgruppe on 4 December was 360 officers and men, but replacements were added to bring the formation up to the strength of a weak regiment. The LXXXII Corps was reinforced by five battalions of field artillery under the 404th Volks Artillery Corps, totaling about a hundred pieces of various makes and calibers. The 404th was hard pressed for shells, however, and its officers were mostly superannuated infantrymen with little experience in artillery.17 The battalions were grouped on the high ground northeast of Saarlautern-Roden.
An additional division had been promised the First Army. This was the 719th Division (Generalleutnant Felix Schwalbe), which on 4 December began to detrain at Saarbruecken after a move south from Holland. The 719th had been employed in the Netherlands as an over-age garrison unit, but had been caught up in the fighting there just before the switch to the First Army. The infantry were considered poor, although they proved better than anticipated, and the division artillery train was characterized as the "Artillery Museum of Europe."18 So hard beset was the whole First Army front that for some days the higher German commands could not decide where the various trainloads of the 719th should be committed. The division was shuttled forward and back in answer to orders and counterorders until the Army
3-19 December 1944
Group G staff named it "our gypsy division." The 719th finally came to rest in the Saarlautern sector of the West Wall.
The forces listed above were obviously not strong enough to garrison the West Wall defenses properly. On 4 December the First Army reported that it could not man all of the works in the forward zone and would have to place the available troops in the first line of bunkers. Defense in depth, therefore, the tactic on which the West Wall was based, would really mean retirement from one layer of fortifications to another in what amounted to linear tactics. Hitler himself had intervened to order that there be at least one man in each and every pillbox or bunker, but this order--though several times repeated--had little practical effect when the single occupant was an old man or a boy from the Volkssturm. Psychologically, however, the defenders of the West Wall were in a position to make a stubborn fight. This was the "last line," here the German soldier fought to defend German soil, and here he had the greatest amount of artificial protection that he could hope to find.19
The 95th Infantry Division Expansion of the Saarlautern Bridgehead
The capture of the Saarlautern bridge was followed on 4 December by a rapid regrouping in the 95th Division sector intended to exploit this new and unforeseen situation. The 3d Battalion of the 379th Infantry crossed the bridge, which the German gunners still were trying to destroy, and attacked obliquely to the right toward the suburb of Fraulautern. This fortified area lay in the West Wall and formed a barrier to future American deployment and maneuver east of the river. (Map XL) The 21st Panzer Division had finally gathered a small force to counterattack, and about 1000 the American 1st and 3d Battalions were hit by two companies of infantry, reinforced by five tanks.20 The American tank destroyers, which had been rushed across the bridge the day before, here proved their worth, knocking out two of the German tanks and so discouraging the rest that they turned and fled;21 the enemy infantry were driven off by the American riflemen and machine gunners. After this
FRAULAUTERN. Circles indicate pillboxes
brief interruption the 1st Battalion pushed slowly north toward Saarlautern-Roden, while the 3d Battalion continued the attack into the Fraulautern outworks, beginning an inconclusive and hard-fought battle for possession of the suburb which did not end for the 95th Division until the 5th Division took over the fight on 17 December. The two battalions of the 379th made little progress on 4 December. German pillboxes and bunkers were less thickly clustered in the open space between the bridge and Saarlautern-Roden and Fraulautern than in the two towns themselves, but the enemy had assembled much of his artillery behind Saarlautern-Roden and maintained a constant barrage on the open approaches.22 All of the XX Corps artillery that could be brought to bear concentrated on shelling Saarlautern-Roden and the hills beyond, but with only limited success. As later events showed, the supremacy of the American artillery arm, which had marked nearly every step of the fight across France, would be reduced considerably during the whole period of battle in the Saarlautern bridgehead. Continuous bad weather curtailed aerial observation. The common German use of flash-hider salt, which here proved to be a very effective means of reducing muzzle flash and thwarting American flash-ranging techniques, further limited the effectiveness of counterbattery fire by the American artillery. Moreover, the enemy was able through this and subsequent days to pound the bridgehead with his heavy guns, while his own battery positions were out of range of the American medium and heavy field artillery battalions emplaced west of the Sarre. But as usual the number of American batteries engaged was vastly superior to the number of opposing German batteries. The American artillery would average approximately 15,000 rounds expended in each day of action, as compared with what the "shell-rep" teams estimated to be a maximum German expenditure of 6,000 rounds on the days of the most intense enemy fire.
It must be noted here that American air power was of relatively little use in complementing the efforts of the artillery arm during the fighting in the bridgehead. Almost continuous bad weather during the first weeks of December permitted the heavy and medium bombers to intervene only on occasion; when they did come into the area they were forced to bomb through the overcast, with generally unsatisfactory results.23 The fighter-bombers, working
closer over their targets but carrying small bomb loads, were called upon to render most of the air support given the XX Corps. Yet even the XIX TAC, well known in the Third Army for flying in all kinds of weather, could give but little support to the effort on the ground. Photo-reconnaissance flights showed mostly cloud and mist patches on the pictures taken during these weeks, adding to the difficulties inherent in attacking a deep zone of strong fortifications.
While the 379th Infantry (-) pushed out from the Saarlautern bridge, the 378th Infantry advanced to the near bank of the river on the southeastern edge of Saarlautern. Although the regiment had been engaged against the enemy in the southern suburbs as early as 3 December, its right flank was held in check for some hours. Lisdorf, the town south of Saarlautern from which the 378th was to launch a crossing attack, was not taken until 4 December. General Twaddle then ordered the 377th up from reserve, with instructions to relieve the rear elements of the 379th inside Saarlautern, as well as the troops of the 378th at the edge of the city. When the reserve regiment came up, the 378th assembled in Lisdorf, on the west bank of the Sarre, preparatory to an assault crossing set for the morning of 5 December.
The 378th Infantry, using two battalions in the assault, made a successful predawn crossing as planned, receiving only a small amount of small arms fire. The German West Wall fortifications at this point did not extend as far as the river bank, but when the 3d Battalion, moving on the left, came up against the first belt of pillboxes outside the village of Ensdorf the enemy fire increased sharply. Nevertheless this first phase of the attack inland moved slowly ahead; by noon the 3d Battalion had penetrated the forward line of pillboxes and was at the edge of Ensdorf. The 1st Battalion, on the right, crossed the railroad line south of the village but here was halted by direct fire from concrete works whose weapons covered the open ground beyond. All told, the two battalions captured fourteen or fifteen pillboxes during the first day's operations--but the toughest sections in the West Wall yet were to be engaged.
North of Saarlautern, the 2d Battalion of the 379th crossed the bridge on the early morning of 5 December, passed through the lines of the 1st Battalion, and attacked toward Saarlautern-Roden. The 2d Battalion reached the edge of the city before receiving the usual German counterattack, and this was repulsed. Four pillboxes, built to cover the southern entrance to Saarlautern-Roden, checked further advance. The remainder of the daylight hours
were needed to reduce three of the four. Over on the right flank the 3d Battalion, in a day marked by hard fighting, won a foothold at the south edge of Fraulautern and cleared most of four blocks. Again pillboxes, manned by machine gun crews and a few covering riflemen, were the chief obstacle; built into the streets and between houses each required discovery and the slow process of "buttoning up," approach, and demolition before the advance could proceed.
The fighting on 6 December gave the troops of the 95th Division a real taste of the difficulties attendant on forcing a way through the West Wall. In Saarlautern-Roden, Fraulautern, and Ensdorf, the enemy contested every yard of ground, every house, and every street, filtering behind the American lines in small groups each time a pillbox or a block of houses was taken, and forcing the American infantry to turn back and fight for each strong point two or three times. In the northern sector the 2d Battalion of the 379th was hit during the early morning by an intense shelling estimated to be about fifteen hundred rounds in a matter of three hours.24 It refused to be disorganized or demoralized and fought its way slowly, house by house and room by room, into Saarlautern-Roden. The 1st Battalion, which had come forward on the right of the 2d, paralleled its dogged advance, but at the end of the day was stopped short by "a warehouse full of Germans." The 3d Battalion was able to report a net gain of only one city block in Fraulautern.
The two battalions of the 378th Infantry in the Ensdorf sector also found the going slow and the enemy determined. While the 3d Battalion hammered away at strong points within the town the 1st Battalion reduced fourteen pillboxes in the zone south of Ensdorf. Here the flat, open terrain was barren of cover and the 1st Battalion found that all movement in daylight was answered by sharp fire and led to high losses. As a result, the gains made by this battalion were confined to the hours of darkness, when the German pillboxes could be engaged without incurring needlessly heavy losses. The 2d Battalion of the 378th had not yet been able to cross the river, because the enemy gunners had brought the Lisdorf crossing site under extremely heavy fire. Nevertheless
General Twaddle now had five infantry battalions across the Sarre in position to continue the attack against the West Wall and expand the Saarlautern bridgehead. The 95th Division, however, was no longer alone on the enemy bank of the Sarre. On 6 December the 90th Division seized a bridgehead in the Dillingen area about two miles north of Saarlautern, and the XX Corps attack against the West Wall began to assume new proportions.
The 90th Infantry Division Crosses the Sarre
Even before the 95th Division began the fight to make a crossing at the Sarre it had become apparent that the strength of the German forces deployed in front of the XX Corps might make it impossible for the 95th Division to roll up the enemy defense line facing the 90th Division at the river. Therefore, on 2 December, General Van Fleet and his staff began to make new plans and troop dispositions with an eye to an attack in which the 90th Division would secure its own bridgehead. Across the river in front of the 90th Division was a high, steep hill mass, extending from a point opposite Rehlingen northwest to Merzig. (Map XXXVII) Observers on the west bank of the Sarre could tell that this high ground was covered with pillbox positions and laced with trenches, but the detailed and pinpoint information essential to an assault against such well-fortified terrain was lacking. The absence of this vital information, coupled with the obvious tactical advantage possessed by the defender on the hill mass, led General Van Fleet to conclude that the cost of an attack at this point would be far too great. Southeast of Rehlingen the far bank of the Sarre led back into more moderate high ground. Since this sector appeared to offer fewer obstacles to the attacker, the 90th Division commander asked General Walker to shift the right boundary of the division to the south, forming a new line extending from Wallerfangen on the west bank, along the Prims River, an eastern tributary of the Sarre. This change placed the heavily defended German city of Dillingen in the 90th Division zone of attack east of the Sarre and would not completely remove the threat posed by the enemy artillery, but it would permit General Van Fleet to maneuver his assault forces beyond the range of small arms and light artillery fire coming from the hill mass north of Rehlingen.25
At dark on the night of 2 December the 90th Division began a shift to strengthen and extend the right wing in preparation for the attack to secure a crossing. The 359th Infantry took over the task of manning what had been the division front north of the Nied River, outposting the river with small pickets and grouping its battalions in defilade to give protection from the constant enemy shelling. The 357th Infantry assembled around Bueren and sent a combat patrol into Rehlingen, which was found empty of hostile troops. The 358th Infantry (now commanded by Lt. Col. F. H. Loomis), having completed some degree of rehabilitation after the bitter fight at the Orscholz line, was ordered to hold in readiness for a move from the Veckring training ground directly into a forward assembly area on the right wing of the division. During the night the engineers cleared mines from the approaches to the river and marked the routes to be taken. Two battalions of field guns were shifted to positions on the right, while tank destroyers, self-propelled guns, and heavy machine guns were moved down toward the river under cover of harassing fire laid on enemy positions opposite the 359th. Since the Saarlautern bridgehead secured by the 95th Division early on 3 December was very confined and permitted little room for maneuver, it appeared likely that the Germans would be able to contain the 95th for some time. General Walker therefore dispatched orders for the 90th Division to cross within its new zone at the earliest practicable hour. The 358th arrived in assembly areas near St. Barbara late in the afternoon of the following day and, with his division now in hand, General Van Fleet set the attack for the early morning of 6 December.
The high ground on which the 90th Division stood permitted excellent observation across the Sarre but was so rugged as to restrict riverward traffic to the roads at Itzbach and Wallerfangen, in effect forcing the 90th to make any crossing attempt near these two sites. The Sarre, normally some two hundred feet wide, has flooded its banks, increasing the difficulties of an attack crossing. Beyond the river the West Wall defenses began at the very bank and continued eastward, with great pillbox density, to an unknown depth. Between the Sarre and the Merzig-Saarlautern rail line, which here paralleled the river, extended a flat, open space about fifteen hundred yards across, defended by trenches and pillboxes. Opposite the 358th lay the cities of Dillingen and Pachten, known to be strongly fortified and defended. Just north of the twin cities, in the 357th zone, the ground rose from the rail line to a moderately
high, wooded ridge, which ran back to the northeast and was bordered on the south by the Prims River. This ridge was chosen as the main axis for the 90th Division attack east of the Sarre. But once beyond the river the left flank of the division would lie open and exposed to long-range fire and possible counterattack from the hill mass north of Rehlingen.
On 5 December the 90 Division commander met with his staff and line officers and mapped out the plan for the attack. The 357th and 358th, left and right respectively, would attack abreast, each using two battalions. The 359th, after making a demonstration by intense fire to attract the enemy's attention farther north, was to pass through a bridgehead won by either of the assault regiments, or attack straight across the Sarre if circumstances seemed to warrant such a maneuver. The initial objective for the division would be the high ground between Dueppenweiler and Piesbach, that is, the highest section of the ridge line north of the Prims River. This objective lay a little over four miles beyond the Sarre. According to the plan of maneuver the 358th Infantry would first have to capture Pachten and Dillingen, then block any enemy approach along the narrow corridor formed by the valley of the Prims, and finally drive down the ridge to Piesbach.26 The 357th was given the task of striking rapidly eastward to seize a hold on the segment of the ridge defined by two little streams, the Haien Bach and the Kondler Bach. Once in position on the ridge, the 357th was ordered to block hostile efforts from the north and hold until the 358th had cleared the twin cities, whereupon the two regiments would attack abreast along the ridge to the initial division objective. No detailed planning was possible, or attempted, for operations beyond the Dueppenweiler-Piesbach line. Each of the assault regiments was given an engineer battalion as reinforcement for the crossing attack. Five battalions of field artillery were available to reinforce the organic artillery of the 90th and an additional six battalions were grouped so as to support either the 90th or 95th. Behind these battalions was emplaced still more corps and army artillery. Finally, the greater part of six tank destroyer battalions was disposed along the west bank so as to give close fire support in the corps zone during and after the crossing attack.
In the days just prior to 6 December, American intelligence estimates had been rather optimistic, which explains in part the ambitious nature of the
6-19 December 1944
90th Division scheme of maneuver.27 Little was known of the precise location of hostile units east of the river. The G-2's at the various American headquarters believed that the German troops holding the Dillingen sector were poor, their morale shattered by the bloody and costly retreat from the Moselle. The West Wall fortifications were considered to be intrinsically strong, but only weakly held. On the other hand, the enemy concentration of artillery east of the Sarre was estimated to be stronger than that which had opposed any previous river crossing; all intelligence estimates agreed in pointing up this feature of the German defense.
While the 90th Division made preparations for the attack, the combat command of the 10th Armored Division, holding the river line farther north, engaged in a demonstration, firing around the clock in an attempt to pin the attention of the enemy to that sector. General Walker ordered that the shelling be continued until the afternoon of 5 December. By that time the hostile artillery was reacting with intense counterbattery fire, although this may have been an attempt to screen troop movements which American observers had noticed as early as 4 December to be taking place behind the German lines.
About 0100 on the morning of 6 December the troops selected to make the crossing moved silently through the darkness down to the water's edge. The 1st Battalion (Maj. W. E. DePuy) of the 357th was in position on the left and moved to a crossing site just southeast of Rehlingen. (Map XLI) The 2d Battalion (Maj. B. O. Rossow) assembled at a site slightly south of a demolished railroad bridge that lay below Bueren. In the zone of the 358th, the 1st Battalion (Maj. A. L. Nichols) gathered at the river north of Wallerfangen; the 3d Battalion (Maj. J. S. Spivey), on its left, climbed down the vertical cliffs at Oberlimberg to reach a position for the crossing. About 0415 the leading waves shoved off in assault boats.28 Surprise was complete, except for an incident on the left where the accidental firing of some .50-caliber machine guns in Rehlingen brought hostile fire down on the 1st Battalion of the 357th. At 0430, as the leading American infantry hit the enemy bank, the XX Corps artillery opened fire, laying counterbattery and neutralizing fire on thirty-nine German battery positions which had been plotted earlier. A total of over six hundred guns (field artillery, tank destroyers, and regimental
PACHTEN. Circles indicate pillboxes.
cannon) expended 8,000 rounds in forty-five minutes.29 As daylight broke, the 359th Infantry and the 10th Armored Division opened fire on the fortifications visible across the river, and the 161st Smoke Generator Company added a demonstration with fog oil as if covering preparations for additional crossings north of the 90th Division zone.
The American advance across the flats east of the river moved forward in uneven cadence. Machine gun fire searched the open ground. Hostile guns and mortars lobbed shells on the infantry, despite the intense concentration of American counterbattery fire. Pillboxes barred every forward movement, yet there was a marked lack of German co-ordination. In the 357th zone the 1st Battalion advanced about a mile and a quarter on the left. During most of the day, however, the infantry on the right were pinned down in such shallow foxholes as they could scoop out of the clay, widely dispersed with little chance of reorganization, and harassed by sorties from pillboxes that they could not approach.30 The gist of the reports filtering back across the river to the 357th Infantry command post was that the situation was "fluid"; beyond this little could be said.
The 358th Infantry attack toward Pachten and Dillingen initially promised success. The 1st Battalion moved forward on the road north of the Prims River. Here the enemy offered little opposition until the battalion reached its first phase line, the railroad tracks at the edge of Dillingen, where the battalion halted to reorganize before the assault into the city. Losses had been slight, although the right flank of the battalion, resting on the Prims River, was under enfilade by Germans on the south bank. The 3d Battalion, heading toward Pachten, came under fire as it crossed the open ground south of the city; but it hurried forward, bypassing the pillboxes studding the approaches, and succeeded in fighting its way into the first rows of houses just short of the tracks.31
DILLINGEN. Circles indicate pillboxes.
The Germans opposite the 90th Division recovered only slowly from their initial surprise; most of their reserves were assembled on 6 December in the Saarlautern sector opposite the 95th Division. No attempt at a counterattack was made until 1730, when hostile tanks and infantry struck at the lines of the 357th and 358th. This onslaught was readily repelled by the American field guns west of the Sarre. Meanwhile the rifle companies of the 2d Battalion (Maj. William Wallace) crossed on a temporary footbridge to join the rest of the 358th, deploying in the rear of the 3d Battalion where the hostile pillboxes were still very much alive. The reserve battalion of the 357th Infantry (the 3d) was not able to cross the river until nearly midnight, for enemy machine guns had swept the crossing site with bullets during the daylight hours. Attempts to put in a heavy bridge or ferry, made during the night of 6-7 December, failed. Cables broke and anchors would not hold in the mud. The trucks moving treadway ferry equipment down to the river were destroyed by high velocity field guns. A few "alligators" were brought forward, but proved incapable of negotiating the mud at the river's edge.
The events of the last days in the Saarlautern sector had caused much concern at all of the higher German headquarters. Hitler reacted in characteristic fashion by ordering that immediate punitive measures be taken against all persons involved in the loss of any West Wall position, since, as he expressed it, the West Wall was "the strongest defense of the Reich." The Army Group G commander and the C-in-C West warned that the Americans might break through the Saarlautern zone and roll up the inner flanks of both Army Group G and Army Group B in an eccentric attack. They varied such reports with warnings that the First Army might be enveloped by a concentric attack via Saarlautern and Sarreguemines. Balck asked for reinforcements but had little success. Rundstedt finally allowed the First Army to retain the 11th Panzer Division and the 404th Volks Artillery Corps, both of which had earlier been ordered north to the Aachen front. He dispatched some 11th Panzer tanks from the Sarreguemines sector to reinforce the troops at Saarlautern. Throughout the LXXXII Corps area officers were combed out of the staffs and headquarters in order to provide one officer for each bunker.32
Meanwhile some changes were in process within the Army Group G command. Balck himself continued to weather the storms, such as those unleashed
by the loss of the Saarlautern bridge, but General Knobelsdorff was less fortunate as commander of the First Army. At the very beginning of December Rundstedt had started to send down caustic comparisons of the First and Nineteenth Armies--all to the advantage of the latter. Knobelsdorff tried to defend himself, but on 4 December a successor arrived in the person of General Obstfelder. Knobelsdorff was given a fortress command in Germany, probably because Rundstedt was kind enough to ascribe his relief officially to "sickness" brought on by Knobelsdorff's hard experiences on the Eastern Front. His successor had been recommended for an army command by Field Marshal Model, after having led the LXXXVI Corps on the Western Front. Obstfelder, however, had no particularly outstanding reputation and was known as a cautious man, prone to details.33
Mellenthin, who had arrived in Army Group G in September as Balck's chief of staff, also was relieved, on 5 December, by Generalmajor Helmut Staedke, a veteran of the Eastern Front. Mellenthin, however, had lived up to his earlier reputation as an able staff officer and apparently was relieved for reasons of army politics. He had at various times criticized Generaloberst Heinz Guderian, chief of staff at OKH, and the latter finally was able to secure Mellenthin's dismissal from the General Staff Corps. Eventually, as things grew worse in February of 1945, Mellenthin was brought back in favor and made chief of staff in the Fifth Panzer Army.34 General Feuchtinger, the 21st Panzer Division commander, also had won black marks because of the failures of the 21st's counter measures on 5 and 6 December. Word was given out that he had lost his drive and should be relegated to an administrative post, but somehow Feuchtinger held on to his division.
As a result of the steady worsening of the situation in the Saarlautern sector Hitler had sent a personal order that the peregrinating 719th Division should be committed there. Ten tanks also had arrived from the 11th Panzer Division, plus a few tank destroyers and some motorized engineers. The bulk of these reinforcements was thrown into action against the 90th Division on 7 December with orders to destroy the Dillingen-Pachten bridgehead. The first German effort was made shortly after dawn when two companies of engineers and four Mark IV tanks drove into the positions held by the 3d Battalion of the 358th at the edge of Pachten. American guns and infantry broke up this
attack before it could make much headway; the 3d Battalion then spent the rest of the day organizing a firm front on the west side of the railroad tracks. The 2d Battalion, now in the center, was forced to clear a number of pillboxes that separated it from the 1st Battalion. Pillboxes left intact in the rear of the infantry advance continued to be a problem throughout the operation. Even after they were cleared and the troops within killed or captured, other Germans would slip through the American lines at night and man them once more, forcing the infantry-engineer assault teams to repeat the costly process of attack and capture.
In the sector held by the 357th the 2d Battalion made an attack that brought it up on the right of the 1st Battalion; the two thus formed a salient reaching out about eight hundred yards to the northeast of the Pachtner Koepfe. The supply routes back to the river, however, were very precarious and the Americans delayed a further advance until the ground which had been won could be consolidated.35 The 357th was just in process of reorganizing when the enemy launched a counterattack south from Beckingen, apparently trying to roll up the exposed left flank of the division. This assault was the German main effort, made by some 1,100 infantry who stubbornly pressed forward until artillery and small arms fire had stricken at least one hundred and fifty dead before the American positions. The Germans finally withdrew in disorder, but a few had filtered through to the rear of the regiment.36 Behind the thin perimeter formed by the 1st and 2d Battalions, the reserve battalion fought to reduce the pillboxes still active and to destroy the snipers and little knots of determined German infantry who were hindering movement on the roads leading back to the river. Meanwhile assault teams made determined efforts to clear a corridor through the thick concentration of pillboxes north of Pachten which thus far had barred contact between the two American regiments, but with little success.
At the close of 7 December the 90th Division still lacked a vehicular bridge across the Sarre, although an improvised footbridge was in use. German observation posts on the heights north of Rehlingen had a complete view of
the river and all movement in daylight brought down a rain of shells. Smoke shells had been lobbed onto the heights by 4.2 chemical mortars, as many as 1,600 rounds in the one day, but without appreciably lessening the accuracy or intensity of the German fire.37 Smoke generators working on the west bank were of little value: the smoke dissipated in the veering air currents above the river. Drums of oil could not be moved to the east bank to supply smoke there. As a result, all engineer work along the river had to be confined to hours of darkness and all bridging equipment was moved down to the banks through the pitch black, along steep roads made slippery and treacherous by constant rain. On the night of 7-8 December the troops across the Sarre were resupplied by boat, but the river had risen over two feet during the day and navigation was increasingly difficult.38
During 8 December the enemy held the initiative. The 2d and 3d Battalions of the 358th Infantry in Pachten were harassed by continuous local attacks made by the 21st Panzer Division infantry, as well as by extremely severe shelling; however, the Americans were able to inflict substantial losses on the enemy whenever the latter sallied out of his fortified positions. The 1st Battalion attempted to continue the attack eastward, but when the battalion crossed the railroad tracks it was hit by fire from the warehouses along the open siding area and driven back. A part of C Company later managed to cross the tracks and seize a hold on the Dillingen railroad station. Farther south some of the 1st Battalion troops fought their way into the municipal slaughterhouse, west of the railroad, which had assumed considerable tactical importance because of its position in enfilade on the right flank of the 358th. These successes represented all the American gains in the bridgehead.39
At the first light of dawn on 8 December troops of the 719th Division launched a vicious assault from the northeast and east against the 357th Infantry, apparently intending to erase the 90th Division lodgment area on the east bank of the Sarre.40 About six hundred German infantry and at least a
dozen tanks took part in the initial counterattack, which succeeded in making some penetration in the lines of the 357th. Although this major counterattack finally was repulsed, smaller groups of the enemy, reinforced by a few roving tanks and assault guns, continued to press hard against the American lines all through the day.41 A platoon from C Company, manning a road block on the Beckingen highway, was overrun momentarily by an attack which brought the German grenadiers right into the American foxholes and trenches. In the ensuing hand-to-hand fight the American infantrymen killed or captured several of the attackers and restored the position. Elsewhere along the perimeter defended by the 1st and 2d Battalions the Germans advanced to the assault in closed ranks, suffering "extravagant losses" from small arms fire but continuing forward. These frontal assaults in daylight offered perfect targets for the American gunners and it remained for the artillery to give the quietus to each attack formation.
This kind of close combat took its toll in the American ranks as well as in the German. The rifle strength of the 357th Infantry already was perilously small as the result of the ravages of trench foot. Unlike the zone held by the 358th Infantry, the northern sector had very few buildings in which the infantry might take cover. A large part of the 357th Infantry had stood or lain for hours in water-filled foxholes and trenches. Each casualty, whether caused by a bullet or crippled feet, further weakened the overextended American front. The reserve battalion could not be used to fill the gaps in the main line of resistance: it had been dissipated, a squad at a time, to garrison the captured pillboxes in the American rear. At the close of the day the ranking battalion commander, Lt. Col. J. H. Mason, sent word back across the river that the situation was "critical;" and the regimental commander gave orders to withdraw the overextended and weakened battalions to a shortened line.42
Operations on the South Flank of the XX Corps
At the beginning of December the right wing of the XIII SS Corps held a salient northeast of St. Avold athwart the boundary between the XII and XX Corps. The XII Corps drive in the Sarreguemines sector and the XX
Corps attack at Saarlautern had increased the angle between the axes of advance for the two corps and widened the gap between their main forces. This divergence may be explained in part by the direction in which lay the strategic objectives assigned the XII and XX Corps and the bend, at this point, in both the West Wall and the German frontier. The terrain northeast of St. Avold in any case was most unpromising. This area generally is known as the Warndt Forest, although in reality the Warndt is surrounded by a series of smaller forests such as those of St. Avold and Houve. Not only is this country heavily wooded, but it is extremely rugged, marked by mining towns and shafts. What few roads cross the Warndt are poor. In the years before World War II the French General Staff had written off this sector as being generally too difficult for offensive operations and had planned to bypass the Warndt in any advance to the Sarre River. The Third Army had adopted a like scheme of maneuver, with the result, as already noted, that the advance of the 95th Division on the XX Corps right ran into considerable trouble at the hands of the XIII SS Corps troops (elements of the 36th VG and 347th Divisions) who were gathered in the rugged salient.
The XII Corps left was deployed in echelon and thus somewhat protected against the enemy in the Warndt, although the commitment of the 10th Infantry on the extreme right of the XX Corps initially had been ordered to give cover for the 80th Division. The subsequent Sarre crossing in the Sarreguemines sector had swung the XII Corps wide of the Warndt, leaving the corps cavalry and 6th Armored Division patrols to screen along the Rosselle River on the shoulder of the German salient. The main part of this difficult, enemy-held terrain lay in the zone of the XX Corps, uncomfortably close to the Saarlautern bridgehead.
The XX Corps plan to place General Irwin's 5th Division on the corps right, as soon as a part of the 5th could be relieved at the Metz forts, was put in motion on 1 December. Irwin's command was assigned a narrow zone on the right of the 95th Division. The 5th Division right in turn was covered by the 6th Cavalry Task Force, which had been employed earlier as a screening force in the Forêt de St. Avold. General Walker intended that the 5th Division should advance to the Sarre, clearing the Warndt salient as it progressed, and arriving on the river between Buss and Voelklingen. As yet General Patton had not definitely decided to release Irwin's division for use across the Sarre.
On 2 December the 3d Battalion of the 11th Infantry moved east from Metz to join the 1st and 2d Battalions of Colonel Bell's 10th Infantry, which were attacking through the southwest corner of the Forêt de la Houve. Meanwhile progress was slow. The Germans had strengthened the natural defensive features of this broken, heavily wooded ground by ingenious field works and obstacles; in the mining villages they fought stubbornly from shafts and pits. At Creutzwald, on 3 December, troops of the 10th Infantry fought a day-long battle to dislodge the Germans from mine shafts and houses. On the same day the 6th Cavalry Group and the 5th Ranger Battalion were hit by two counterattacks west of Lauterbach, but beat off the enemy and continued the advance.43 The Germans returned to counterattack on 4 December, this time striking K Company of the 10th Infantry. The American infantry held their ground, despite rising losses, until tank destroyers from the 818th Tank Destroyer Battalion swung into firing positions and put an end to the enemy assault.44 The 3d Battalion of the 11th Infantry came in on the right of the 10th during 4 December, beginning an advance to cross the Rosselle and clear the enemy between that river and the Sarre. Lauterbach, a key crossroads village, was taken without a fight on 5 December. The enemy was beginning to weaken, although artillery and mortar fire increased to cover the withdrawal toward the Sarre. By 7 December the 10th had reached its objectives on the near bank of the river and tied in with the 95th Division. Two days later the regiment was relieved by the 6th Cavalry Group--the cavalry had taken over the southern sector earlier--and the entire 5th Division assembled to begin training in preparation for a future attack against the West Wall fortifications.
The 95th Division Fight at the West Wall, 7-18 December
The fortified area in which the 95th Division had begun a penetration was one of the strongest sectors of the entire West Wall. The city of Saarlautern itself had been cleared without much difficulty since it lay on the west bank of the Sarre River and did not constitute a part of the West Wall proper. But the suburbs on the east bank, Saarlautern-Roden, Fraulautern, and Ensdorf, were most heavily fortified and their defenses well integrated. (Map XL) Pillboxes and bunkers constituted the main obstacles to an advance through this sector. Spread in great density, these works were found everywhere: they guarded the approaches to the fortified towns, they were built to command cross streets, and they nested inconspicuously between ordinary dwellings. Some pillboxes were small, with only one or two firing apertures for small arms and machine guns. Other pillboxes and bunkers had as many as sixteen rooms, extending for two or three levels below the ground. These works were built of reinforced concrete, some having roofs and walls that were ten feet thick; most were impervious to anything but a direct hit by heavy artillery or an aerial bomb. The high-velocity projectiles fired by the 90-mm. gun generally were unable to cope with these works, as shown by the experience of one crew, serving a self-propelled 90-mm. gun, which fired seventy-five rounds at a range of less than one hundred yards without breaching or neutralizing the pillbox target. Many of the reinforced concrete works were skillfully camouflaged, giving the harmless appearance of manure piles, mounds of earth, and ordinary buildings. In one case a bunker simulated the appearance of a suburban railroad station with ticket windows appropriately marked. It was discernible as a fraud only when the attackers were within rifle range. Some of the pillboxes and bunkers inside the towns could not be precisely located until all of the surrounding buildings were razed by shelling and bombing. Besides having formal field works of the pillbox or bunker type, the enemy had turned ordinary dwellings, shops, and factory buildings into miniature forts by the use of sandbags, wire, and concrete reinforcement.45 Most of these defensive works were occupied initially by third-rate troops from the Volkssturm companies, but as the tide of battle moved into the city sectors these troops were replaced by first-line units. In addition, roving assault guns, dual-purpose 88's, and tanks reinforced the city defenses,
ENSDORF. Circles indicate pillboxes.
fighting in the narrow streets where they could be protected by their own infantry and where the American tanks or tank destroyers could not readily bring them within range. German artillery and heavy-caliber mortar fire continued to be intense and accurate through all of this fighting and reached a volume in both the 90th and 95th Division zones never before experienced by these divisions.
The American attack, both here and in the zone of the 90th Division, was hampered by the fact that the main German defenses crowded so close to the east bank of the Sarre as to prevent proper tactical deployment for assault in front of the fortified line and seriously hamper the amassing of supplies within close supporting distance of the assault forces. Poor weather denied the troops on the ground the kind of tactical co-operation by the air force which had made the going easier for the infantry in the early battles across France. Limited observation and the difficulty of moving medium and heavy field artillery across the river and into a bridgehead still under small arms fire at many points further curtailed the conventional use of the combined arms in assault against the West Wall.
Nearly every pillbox or bunker captured by the Americans entailed some reduction in the actual rifle strength on the firing line. At no time were sufficient explosives available to demolish any large number of these enemy works. The engineers welded shut the steel doors and casemates on some pillboxes, but there was never sufficient welding apparatus to make this a general practice. Bitter experience soon taught the Americans that each captured pillbox or bunker must be occupied to prevent German infiltration and the reoccupation of a presumably "dead" work. The type of close combat which continued for so long in the Saarlautern bridgehead, and in the Dillingen area as well, not only resulted in numerous combat casualties, but also was distinguished by a high rate of sick and combat-fatigue cases. This kind of fighting was disheartening enough for veterans; it was worse for the inexperienced soldier. In the case of the 95th Infantry Division, for example, the body of the division--as it stood in November--had had two years of training in the United States. Now, like the rest of the American divisions actively engaged on the Western Front, the 95th Division had to rely more and more on green replacements who were being thrown into battle with generally no more than basic or refresher training. These replacements did not suffice to fill the gaps in the ranks, for an alarming shortage was already making itself felt as the replacement depots and battalions ran dry.
In the face of such difficulties the rate of progress made by the 95th Division attack was very slow, measurable in terms of a block of houses cleared or a few pillboxes captured. On 7 December the 379th Infantry edged ahead in Saarlautern-Roden. The 2d Battalion, on the left, repelled sorties by small batches of infantry and roving tanks, cleared one city block, and late in the afternoon crossed the railroad tracks, after the 1st Battalion had taken a factory in which a hidden tank was holding up the advance on the right. The 3d Battalion, which had been engaged at Fraulautern, was relieved by the 2d Battalion of the 377th Infantry and returned to join the rest of the regiment, while the 377th took over the attack in Fraulautern and the protection of the all-important bridge at Saarlautern. The 378th Infantry was held almost to a standstill in the Ensdorf sector under exceedingly severe shelling that knocked out all support bridges as fast as they were put in and made it impossible to cross the 2d Battalion, still west of the Sarre River. Finally, on 8 December, the 2d Battalion was brought across and added its weight to the attack on Ensdorf. Throughout this and the following days, the 378th was handicapped by the necessity of using its riflemen in carrying parties (since no vehicles could be brought across), by the lack of any tank destroyer or tank support, and, in addition, by the fact that the right wing of the regiment was in the air.
During 8 and 9 December the 95th Division fought on, house to house and pillbox to pillbox, but with little to show for its efforts.46 Behind the battalions the Sarre River was rising rapidly; by 9 December it had swollen to a width of between four hundred and five hundred feet in the 378th area, which as yet had no bridge and could be supplied only by strenuous efforts on the part of the assault boat crews. The Saarlautern bridge served to supply the other two regiments across the river and made it possible for the whole of the 607th Tank Destroyer Battalion and 778th Tank Battalion to reinforce the attack, with considerable impetus to the morale of the infantry.
Finally, on 10 December, resistance in Fraulautern began to crack a little.47 The 377th, still fairly fresh, wedged through the fourth and fifth city blocks, after capturing a large hotel whose defenders had beaten off several assaults. Characteristic of this close-quarter fighting, the battle for the hotel progressed from room to room and ended in a hand-to-hand struggle in the ballroom. Said a squad leader, "There was plenty of dancing in that ballroom today, but it sure wasn't a slow fox trot."48 German counterattacks checked the 378th and 379th on 10 December, but the next day brought gains, dearly won as usual, along most of the 95th Division front. In Fraulautern the 377th Infantry drove the Germans back across the railroad line in the center of the city. The enemy fought as stubbornly as ever, but there were a few indications that the will to resist was weakening; the regiment was encouraged greatly when Lt. Peter H. Skala, an IPW (Interrogation Prisoner of War) officer, was able to talk the defenders of four pillboxes into surrendering without a fight.49 At Ensdorf the 378th cleared most of five city blocks. But in Saarlautern-Roden the 379th Infantry made little progress, becoming involved in a stiff fight to take a large brickyard that blocked the advance on the left flank.
This brief spurt forward came to an end on 12 December, although the 377th took several more blocks in Fraulautern. At the close of this day the 378th Infantry was able to report that after four days of fighting it had taken a cluster of four interlocking pillboxes. Such was the measure of advance in this battle. During the next few days the 95th Infantry Division made a little progress through Ensdorf and Fraulautern.50 The Germans were fighting with what seemed to be little cohesion or direction, although the individual soldier showed stubborness and determination.51 But if the enemy was weakening, so was the 95th Division. As early as 12 December the combat efficiency of
the division52 (an index largely based on actual rifle strength) had been rated at 61 percent; 2,000 replacements were needed but were lacking. On 13 December, therefore, the XX Corps commander attached a battalion of the 2d Infantry to the 377th Infantry as bridge guards, the first step in bringing the 5th Infantry Division across to relieve the weary troops in the Saarlautern bridgehead. On 16 December, first word of the German counteroffensive in the Ardennes reached the Third Army. But no change was made in the plans to relieve the battle-worn 95th Division. By 0400 on 17 December the 11th Infantry had taken over the 379th Infantry battle at Saarlautern-Roden, and at midnight the 2d Infantry had completed the relief of the 377th Infantry in Fraulautern, where the 377th was able to turn over a greater part of the city. General Irwin took command of the Saarlautern bridgehead the next morning and the 95th Infantry Division, minus the 378th Infantry, moved out of the line after fifty-eight consecutive days of combat. Its respite would be very brief. The Third Army was about to intervene in the Ardennes battle and elements of the 95th Division would be returned to the bridgehead to free the 5th Division for use in the new American offensive. Nonetheless the 5th Division had time to make very considerable progress forward, as it did on 18 and 19 December. General Irwin's troops were generally fresh, the companies were mostly at full strength, and the 95th Division already had driven through the main bunker lines of the forward West Wall zone.53 Time was lacking, however, for the 5th Division to capitalize on its gains.
The 378th Infantry was not included in the relief on 17 December because General Patton had ordered the regiment to continue the fight for a bridgehead in the Ensdorf area. Here the river was returning to its normal channel,
and on the night of 15-16 December six antitank guns were ferried across. By 17 December the engineers had a bridge in. Guns and supplies began to roll, but the 378th Infantry was not to be allowed to carry out its mission of expanding the bridgehead. On 20 December the last covering troops evacuated Ensdorf and withdrew across the Sarre as part of General Patton's plan to fight a containing battle at the Sarre while turning the bulk of his forces north to meet the German offensive.
The progress of the 95th Infantry Division in the attack east of the Sarre River had been marked on the Third Army situation maps in terms of yards won or lost. But to the staff and line of the 95th the story of this bitter fight was best expressed by the number of buildings and fortifications wrested from a determined enemy. During the period 1 December to 18 December the 95th Division had captured 146 pillboxes and 1,242 defended houses or other buildings. In addition the division had taken over three thousand prisoners and inflicted very heavy casualties on the enemy (estimated by the Americans, albeit superficially, at over five thousand dead and wounded). In the same period the 95th Division had lost close to two thousand officers and men in battle, plus at least six hundred hospitalized as nonbattle casualties, these losses totaling one third of the combat strength with which the 95th Division had started the December operation.54
The 90th Division Fight at the West Wall Continues, 8-19 December
On 7 December General Van Fleet had decided to commit his reserve, the 359th Infantry, in the Dillingen bridgehead battle. (Map XLI) This decision to reinforce the flagging efforts of the attacking force east of the Sarre was strengthened on the following day by reports coming in from the 357th which indicated that the situation on the exposed left flank was growing steadily worse. At noon on 8 December the reserve regiment began to assemble around Bueren and Itzbach in preparation for a crossing that night, leaving its supporting weapons and a small detachment from the cannon
companies and antitank platoons of the three regiments to hold the old outpost line on the west bank of the river. The 90th Division commander planned for the reserve regiment to cross the river in the zone of the 357th Infantry and then attack between the two regiments already east of the Sarre. He hoped that the fresh formation would crack the stalemate at Dillingen, but to do so the reserve regiment would have to capture the high ground northeast of Dillingen and, in addition, destroy the enemy salient separating the 358th from the 357th. The initial objective assigned the 359th was the southwest edge of the Huettenwald heights, just north of Dillingen and about one thousand yards east of the railroad line at which the 358th had been checked.55
During the night of 8-9 December the 359th moved down to the river. The crossings were made as planned, one battalion following the other as the assault craft were released, and at 0700 the 3d Battalion, bringing up the rear, finished debarking on the east bank. The two battalions in the lead had marched inland immediately, passing through the right wing of the 357th and crossing the railroad tracks. At dawn the battalions began the attack up the pillbox-infested slopes to the east, with the 1st Battalion on the right (and about a thousand yards north of Dillingen) and the 2d Battalion on the left. These fresh troops attacked with vigor and determination, but no speedy advance was possible so long as the enemy, behind reinforced concrete, held the ground above.56 By dark, however, the leading infantry were within two hundred yards of the Haien Bach, a small stream that here ran north and south along the edge of the Huettenwald. The 3d Battalion, under orders to gain contact with the 358th Infantry, made its attack due south toward Pachten. Immediately, it came under fire from the pillboxes in the long, slender enemy salient which, reaching nearly to the Sarre, had frustrated earlier attempts to link up the American forces in the 90th Division zone. This fortified area was strongly manned and hard to penetrate. The pillboxes were grouped so as to give mutual support and the whole position was reinforced by two forts, or large bunkers, so strongly constructed that they had successfully withstood direct hits by shells from the American 240-mm. howitzers. The approach taken by the 3d Battalion lay across flat ground completely barren of cover and swept by fire. At the end of this first day the battalion could report no
progress; in fact it had been forced to take shelter, under the searching German fire, in the few houses along the railroad track. The two companies of the 3d Battalion, 357th Infantry, already engaged in a fight to drive through this enemy salient farther to the west, cleared a few pillboxes during the day, but later lost most of them to German infiltration.
Although the advance by the 359th Infantry lessened the German pressure on the right flank of the 357th during 9 December, the situation on the left and center of the latter's thin line grew more desperate by the hour as assault after assault hit at the American positions and bounced back, each claiming casualties among the defenders. The 1st Battalion, aligned east of the Beckingen-Pachten road, was in a particularly precarious state. Its ranks were so reduced that some men whose feet were too swollen by trench foot to permit walking were carried by their comrades to the forward foxholes. The platoon from C Company which had been stationed at the road block positions astride the Beckingen-Pachten road was the target of persistent German attacks. At dawn each morning the enemy maneuvered in on the platoon and attacked to wipe out the detachment. But each assault was repelled and this anchor for the left wing of the 357th Infantry held fast.57
The 358th Infantry continued to battle along the railroad tracks in Dillingen. The 3d Battalion resumed its efforts to clear the buildings west of the tracks, using a captured 75-mm. gun and twenty-two rounds that fitted the piece to blast the houses in which the enemy fought most stubbornly. This enemy gun was the only field piece that the 90th Division possessed east of the river, and the sole item of antitank artillery. In the center the 2d Battalion initiated a futile assault to cross the railroad. Company F discovered a tunnel under the tracks, but the men who got through were cut off and captured by the Germans on the other side. The 1st Battalion, on the right, was subjected to heavy attacks by superior forces in the slaughterhouse area, the fight surging back and forth in the buildings at this strong point without any decisive result.58
Behind the 90th Division the Sarre was still at flood stage. Late in the afternoon of 9 December the engineers began rafting operations in the 358th Infantry zone, ferrying across a few jeeps and light antitank guns. In the
SLAUGHTERHOUSE AREA IN DILLINGEN. Circles indicate pillboxes.
early evening the first tank debarked from the treadway ferry, but this and the tanks following could not be used on the left flank of the division, where armor was most needed, so long as the hostile fortified salient separated the 358th from the rest of the division. Assault boats and carrying parties remained the only means of supplying the 357th and 359th, although four P-47's flown by pilots of the XIX TAC, swept over the 357th at treetop level and dropped urgently needed medical supplies squarely in the drop zone that had been marked by the infantry. The hard-pressed 357th received additional help in the form of two hundred replacements who were crossed in assault boats and sent immediately into line.59
December 10 was a day of snow and rain, chilling and soaking the men in the foxholes. It was also the day on which the entire force of the 719th Division finally was brought to bear against the 90th Division bridgehead defenses. Balck's threats and fulminations had accomplished little as to rerouting the wandering 719th or remedying the disorder that had resulted from the conflicting missions assigned the division. On 9 December the bulk of the 719th had been rounded up and was in process of assembling in the woods east of Saarwellingen. But when the division began the march west to its attack positions a traffic jam resulted; the division artillery, nineteen light and eleven heavy guns, could not be moved forward to support the scheduled attack. The Army Group G commander was furious, started court martial proceedings, and issued the strictest kind of injunctions for the 719th to make a full-scale attack on the morning of 10 December.60
Just before dawn the 719th and the 19th VG Division began piecemeal attacks all along the American line, while the German artillery, numbering some 110 guns, increased its shelling to a tempo the 90th Division had not heretofore encountered in the bridgehead. The 90th Division, with all its rifle battalions committed, was not able to take the initiative and during most of the day could only hold grimly to its positions. The 357th Infantry was hard hit, since the main effort by the 719th was thrown against it, but continued to beat off each assault.61 The 359th Infantry fought a seesaw battle in
the pillboxes west of the Haien Bach against enemy sallies coming down the slopes. The 3d Battalion fought its way into the fortified salient, making a desperate attempt to join hands with the 358th Infantry to the south, but by nightfall had lost nearly all organization as its squads and platoons were cut off in captured pillboxes or isolated and pinned to the earth by raking machine gun fire. The 358th received a terrific pounding by the German guns and several counterattacks.62 Company F, which had won a precarious footing east of the track, was forced to withdraw. Elsewhere the regiment held its ground63 and L Company succeeded in destroying five German tanks. Company A was hit and surrounded by a very strong enemy force intent on retaking the slaughterhouse area. For several hours telephone connections with the company were severed and the company was reported lost, but at the end of the day this strong point was still in American hands. Late in the afternoon the 1st Battalion saw the Germans forming east of the tracks for a final assault. Hastily organizing a counterattack, elements of A and B Companies dashed across the tracks, wheeled left through a cemetery and into a fortified church on the enemy flank. This unexpected assault broke up the German formation. The exposed position was untenable, however, and the American troops withdrew from their temporary shelter as soon as darkness gave them the opportunity.64
Supply for the 90th Division continued to be handled by assault boats, for the river dropped abruptly and stranded the heavy ferry, which German guns then damaged when veering winds blew away the smoke screen at the crossing site. The shoestring nature of the supply lines on the left flank and their continued interruption by German raiding parties made General Van Fleet decide to regroup the 357th. To do this he ordered the 1st and 2d Battalions to redress their lines on a shortened front, and withdrew the 3d Battalion from the attack on the fortified salient, setting it to secure the supply roads close behind the battalions in the line. He further ordered the 359th to continue the attack to the east, but to use its 3d Battalion to force a way to the 358th in the sector north of Pachten.65
On 11 December the 357th withdrew its lines in the north and northeast as the division commander had directed.66 The 358th and 359th confined their activities to probing for a corridor through the fortified salient still separating the two, after the 359th was hit by a German night attack that drove in between the 1st and 3d Battalions and recaptured three pillboxes and their occupants. All efforts to reduce the pillboxes in the salient by direct assault were fruitless; as was precision shelling by heavy artillery west of the Sarre. During the day General Van Fleet brought the scratch covering force from the west bank to fill the gaps in the firing line, leaving the 90th Reconnaissance Troop to patrol west of the Sarre. This movement brought on so much enemy shelling as to indicate the possibility that the Germans might attempt to flank the 90th Division by a counterattack across the Sarre, and General Walker alerted the 10th Armored Division to meet such a riposte if it should come.67
The following day brought the successful completion of the scheme of maneuver outlined on 10 December by the division commander. The 3d Battalion of the 357th finished mopping up the pillboxes and knots of enemy riflemen which had harassed the rear of the regiment all through the operation. For the first time the left flank of the 90th Division was stabilized. The 358th and 359th finally made contact and established a lateral corridor through the German fortified salient. This feat was accomplished by a combination of accurate artillery fire, daring infantry assault tactics, and a kind of "homegrown" psychological warfare. The 8-inch and 240-mm. howitzers that had been brought to bear on the German pillboxes produced real results on 12 December, smashing some by direct hits and badly shaking the nerves of the defenders in the rest. A combat patrol sent out from the 359th on the previous day, and written off for lost when it failed to report, turned up in possession of one of the key pillboxes, making the task of the following assault teams much easier.68 The 358th pressed into service a Luxemburger known as "the
VEHICULAR TREADWAY FERRY in the 358th Infantry zone was left stranded by the receding river on 9 December, but became operational again three days later.
old Kraut." He succeeded in convincing the occupants of five strong pillboxes that wisdom was the better part of valor, after condign threats that they would all "be blown to hell." The first contact between the 358th and the two regiments in the north was made about 1530. Fortunately the winds now favored the Americans, the smoke screen held, the vehicular ferry was again put into operation, and by late afternoon one company each of tanks and tank destroyers had been put across. Two tank platoons were sent at once through the corridor to the 357th. Although all but four of the tanks mired down before they reached the regiment, their presence brought a considerable lift to the flagging spirits of the men in the foxholes.69 Meanwhile the 358th turned its attention toward Dillingen and began preparations to resume the
attack. Corps artillery blasted the city, the 4.2 chemical mortar companies of the 81st Battalion laid in 2,500 rounds of white phosphorus, and by nightfall Dillingen was burning brightly.
In reports on the morning of 12 December, the "combat efficiency" of the 90th Division was rated at 43 percent, the result of the exhausted condition of the troops and the acute shortage of replacements. It is true that the arrival of the armor and antitank support plus the final tie-up of all three regiments raised morale appreciably during the day. But the chief difficulties facing the division still obtained: gravely reduced rifle strength in the battalions and the necessity of holding on to the innumerable pillboxes after their seizure, for here, as in the 95th Division bridgehead, demolition supplies were insufficient to destroy more than a very few of the captured enemy works.
General Van Fleet decided to concentrate the limited strength of the 90th Division in a determined effort to complete the capture of the city of Dillingen. Devastated though the city was, it would offer some cover from the winter cold and rain and provide a defensive position more easily held than the open terrain on which the American main line of resistance now was drawn. Once Dillingen was secured the 357th Infantry could be withdrawn from its exposed sector and aligned as flank protection in the Pachten-Dillingen area. Furthermore, the capture of Dillingen would put the 90th Division in possession of the Prims River crossing at the south edge of the city from which a main highway, skirting the swamp land to the west, led to Saarlautern-Roden and possible contact with the 95th Division.70
General Van Fleet set 15 December as the date for the renewal of the attack, giving time for the 90th to regroup and build up its stock of supplies and ammunition east of the Sarre. The last was no easy task, for the bottom had gone out of the muddy road between the river and Pachten; to make matters worse, at noon on 14 December the German guns again knocked out the vehicular ferry. Nevertheless, by the night preceding the attack ample supplies were at hand and enough vehicles had been crossed to relieve the infantry engaged as carrying parties.
The Saarlautern-Dillingen bridgehead meanwhile had lost its paramount place as the greatest threat to the German forces under Army Group G. The offensive by the American Seventh Army along the west bank of the Rhine had gained momentum on 11 December and promised to drive straight
through the weak forces under Group Hoehne who were fighting with their backs to the West Wall. Here in the Wissembourg sector, on the edge of the Rhine Valley, the West Wall was none too strong, consisting as it did of only a single fortified line. Furthermore, OB WEST reckoned the ratio between the opposing forces as 10 to 1 in favor of the Americans. By 14 December the German situation had deteriorated so markedly that Rundstedt's headquarters expected "hourly" to receive news that the Americans had broken through into the Palatinate. The battle now could only be one to win time and to hold until the great Ardennes counteroffensive was unleashed.71
Needless to say Balck could expect no help from the armies in the OKW strategic reserve. Requests for help from the Nineteenth Army only resulted in the brusque statement by Jodl that no troops could be taken away from Himmler. Balck did the only thing he could do and commenced to strip the rest of the Army Group G front in order to reinforce General Hoehne. With his eye on the double zone of fortifications in the Saarlautern sector Balck gave orders that the remainder of the 21st Panzer Division and all of the 404th Volks Artillery Corps were to be relieved from the bridgehead battle and sent to the south. The First Army commander, General Obstfelder, pleaded and even argued, then fell back on the conventional alibi that he lacked the gasoline necessary to move these troops out of his area. By various dodges Obstfelder managed to delay the departure of the 21st and the 404th, but by 15 December only the rear elements of these units were left in the Saarlautern-Dillingen area. In the meantime OB WEST had secured the 526th Replacement Division to take the place of the 21st Panzer Division, but the movement of the former was long delayed and on 15 December only a few of its troops had arrived in front of the XX Corps bridgehead.72
Early on the morning of 15 December the 90th Division attack to mop up Dillingen jumped off as planned under a dense smoke screen put down by the 4.2 mortars. Two battalions of the 358th Infantry led off in an assault across the railroad tracks and fought their way under terrific enemy fire into the streets and houses of Dillingen, followed closely by tanks and tank destroyers. Within a few hours the Germans began to break and when night
came the 358th had cleared the buildings for some three hundred yards east of the tracks. The 359th Infantry gained about five hundred yards, against moderate resistance.73 In the late afternoon elements of the two regiments met on the north side of the city. The Americans had penetrated the main line of defenses in the Dillingen sector and mopped up numerous bunkers. The Germans could no longer defend along a co-ordinated line, but instead would have to hold at individual strong points and in islands of resistance. The success of this attack allowed General Van Fleet to risk weakening his left flank. On 16 December he took the battered and depleted 1st Battalion from the 357th and sent it back across the river for a few hours rest. The remaining battalions of the 357th were in little better state than the 1st, although refleshed somewhat by the arrival of the scratch force from the west bank.74 Indeed, the rifle strength of the entire division was so low that the division commander was forced to eliminate all antitank platoons and reduce the cannon companies and mortar platoons in order to provide more infantry for the continuation of the attack.
After the drive into Dillingen the German forces, now stripped of the 21st and 404th, failed to react with their usual counterattack tactics and a lull developed along the front.75 General Van Fleet purposely postponed any continuation of the attack at Dillingen since he wished to give the 5th Division time to relieve the 95th Division in the Saarlautern bridgehead and initiate a drive that would bring its lines forward alongside the 90th. On 18 December the 3d Battalion, 359th Infantry, and the 2d Battalion, 358th, made a co-ordinated drive in Dillingen. The division commander strictly enjoined a "cautious attack," for he was most anxious to avoid excessive casualties and did not want to attract any strong German reaction until the 5th Division was abreast of the 90th.76 In spite of these limitations the advance moved forward very swiftly; resistance was astonishingly light and only twenty-two prisoners were
taken. Within three hours the assault battalions had cleared eleven blocks and most of Dillingen was in American hands. But the 90th Infantry Division was soon to lose its hard-won ground. On the afternoon of 19 December General Patton ordered the division commander to begin the evacuation of the 90th Division bridgehead. The Third Army was in the process of shifting its divisions toward the Ardennes.77 There were some indications that the enemy was assembling a force in the Sarre-Moselle triangle, from which base a German attack could be mounted against the new American line of communications.78 General Patton needed every division that could be freed. For the time being the Saarlautern bridgehead would suffice to ensure a foothold east of the Sarre, in the event that the Third Army should return to the offensive in this area.79
Lacking a bridge, the withdrawal of nine infantry battalions and about a hundred vehicles was a delicate operation. Through three successive nights the 90th Division moved men, weapons, tanks, trucks, and tank destroyers back over the Sarre.80 At 1040 on 22 December the rear guard arrived on the west bank, while the American guns smashed Pachten and Dillingen with salvo after salvo.81 An unknown battalion clerk wrote finis to the operation: "This was the first time this Battalion ever gave ground and even though it was a strategic retreat rather than tactical, it still hurt."82 During the December battle on the Sarre the 90th Division had captured 1,298 prisoners and inflicted heavy losses on the enemy. But the 90th Division also had suffered severely, particularly among its veteran officers and men, and had lost 239 killed, 924 wounded, approximately 440 missing, as well as over a thousand officers and men evacuated as sick, battle-exhaustion, or battle-injury cases, the whole totaling more than one-third of its strength on 1 December.83
1. 1st Bn, 379th Inf, Jnl, 3 Dec 44.
2. MS #B-006a (Beyer) and MS #B-081 (Beyer); Army Group B KTB Anlagen for this period; QKW/WFSt KTB Ausarbeitung, Der Westen. General Wissmath, commanding in this sector, was relieved. Personalakten. To the north of this abortive operation, the 4th Infantry Division in mid-September effected a penetration of the West Wall along the Schnee Eifel.
3. FUSA Rpt of Opns, I, pp. 50ff. See also a series of eight Historical Division Combat Interviews on the Wallendorf operation which was obtained in November 1944.
4. See TUSA Target Area Analysis Nos. 9, 10, 11.
5. Army Group G KTB, 18 and 21 Sep 44.
6. MS #T-121 (Zimmermann et al.). See also German planning maps of 1940.
7. Ibid.; MS #B-308 (Zimmermann).
8. These estimates are based on various German situation maps, plus the First Army estimate of 2 December 1944. See Army Group G KTB Anlagen. On 11 December Army Group G was defending with one-half the strength it was supposed to have in the West Wall.
9. OKH/General der Luftwaffe beim Oberbefehlshaber des Heeres KTB Anlagen, 18 Jan 39. The French had in fact considered an offensive in this area. See Gen. Maurice Gustave Gamelin, "Directive pour l'Offensive entre Rhin et Luxembourg," dated 8 June 1938, in Servir (Paris, 1946-47), III, 26-32.
10. MS #T-121 (Zimmermann et al.).
11. The above analysis is based on German 1:25,000 and 1:5,000 maps made in 1939 and 1940. The Allied defense overprints made on these same maps in 1944 show the various alterations in the German defenses. Actually, few bunkers had been added since 1940, but a number appear to have been strengthened.
12. The entire West Wall system in the sector south of the Moselle is shown on a Baustandskarte: Saarphalz, Oberrhein, dated 25 January 1945, in OKH/General der Pioniere und Festungen.
13. MS #B-527 (Britzelmayr). Strength figures for this and other divisions of the LXXXII Corps are taken from a report to OB WEST made as of 4 December. Army Group G KTB, 4 Dec 44.
14. Hitler had called up the Deutsche Volkssturm on 8 October 1944. The levy extended to all German males between the ages of 16 and 60. In December 1944, there were still a great many restrictions on the use of the Volkssturm as combat troops.
15. Army Group G KTB, 6 Dec 44. MS #B-078 (Mellenthin).
16. Army Group G KTB, 6 Dec 44. Wehrkreis VI included the Westphalian area which had taken such a beating from the RAF.
17. Army Group G KTB, 6 Dec 44.
19. See Army Group G KTB, 5 Dec 44, for a discussion of the German tactical plans for the defense of the West Wall.
20. The Americans estimated that the counterattack detachment was made up of one or two companies. 95th Div AAR, 4 Dec 44. Actually it consisted of two grenadier battalions--a commentary on the effective strength of the German units at this time. Army Group G KTB Anlagen.
21. Cpl. Eugene L. Lafountain of B Company commanded the tank destroyer that made the two kills. His vehicle was hit and set ablaze, but although he was wounded he continued to fire until his comrades had found cover. Corporal Lafountain received the DSC.
22. The Germans used 78 guns to support the 21st Panzer Division counterattack. Army Group G KTB Anlagen.
23. Other factors also contributed to the lack of bomber support. The American First Army was engaged in the battles east of Aachen and had air priority. Pathfinder equipment sometimes failed and wiped out scheduled missions. See Ninth AF Monthly Summary, Dec 44.
24. This barrage was laid down preparatory to a counterattack by a hodgepodge Kampfgruppe which had been thrown together at Dillingen in an attempt to recapture the Saarlautern bridge. Although some six hundred Germans were employed the counterattack never really got under way, and the fight developed into a holding action against both the 95th and 90th. Kampfgruppe Lier, the counterattack group, consisted of a battalion from the 21st Panzer Division, a company of engineers, "untrained flyers" from Wehrkreis XII, and about three hundred men from the Lehr Battalion of the First Army Weapons School. Army Group G KTB Anlagen, 5-6 Dec 44.
25. 90th Div AAR, 2 Dec 44. See also Ltr, Lt Gen J. A. Van Fleet to Hist Div, 18 May 49.
26. The day before the 90th Division crossing, the 322d Group of the IX Bombardment Division hit Dueppenweiler with B-26's in an attempt to soften it up for the infantry. This was the last effort over the Saarlautern sector by the IX Bombardment Division.
27. 358th Inf S-2 Jnl and 90th Div G-2 Jnl, both for the period 2-5 Dec 44.
28. The 179th Engineer Combat Battalion and the 206th Engineer Combat Battalion were attached to the 357th Infantry and 358th Infantry respectively.
29. A heavy overcast precluded aid by the XIX TAC. Later in the day, however, the fighter-bombers struck at the roads in the enemy rear.
30. 357th Inf AAR, 6 Dec 44.
31. 358th Inf AAR, 6 Dec 44. Sgt. Joseph E. Williams, B Company, 315th Engineer Combat Battalion, received the DSC for gallantry in action at Pachten on 6 December. He volunteered to breach an enemy pillbox, and although wounded before he could reach the pillbox Sergeant Williams continued on and fired his charge. He refused to be evacuated, advanced on another pillbox, was again wounded, but finished by taking sixteen prisoners. During the night of 6 December Pvt. Ernest O. Johnson, I Company, 358th Infantry, was with a patrol that was stopped by fire from a bunker. Johnson got a plank, laid it from the top of a neighboring house over to the bunker, crawled across, dropped a couple of grenades down the ventilator, and forced the occupants of the bunker to surrender. Private Johnson received the DSC.
32. Army Group G KTB and OB WEST KTB, 1-6 Dec 44.
34. MS #A-999 (Mellenthin).
35. 357th Inf AAR, 7 Dec 44.
36. The German counterattack must have suffered somewhat from lack of co-ordination for it was made by the 59th Regiment of the 19th VG Division, one battalion of the 87th Regiment of the 36th VG Division, two battalions of the newly arrived 723d Regiment, 719th Division, elements of the 668th Engineer Battalion (mtzd), six tanks from the 11th Panzer Division, and two tank destroyers from the 654th Tank Destroyer Battalion. Most of these units had just come into the sector. Army Group G KTB Anlagen, 7 Dec 44.
37. The Germans in this area did find artillery observation much hampered by the American smoke. MS #A-972 (Muehlen).
38. 357th Inf Jnl, 7 Dec 44; 90th Div AAR, 7 Dec 44.
39. About noon the 513th Squadron of the XIX TAC hit a concentration of German tanks at the southeastern edge of Dillingen. The American rockets and 500-lb bombs did much damage, giving the First Army an alibi for its failures on this date. Army Group G KTB Anlagen, 8 Dec 44.
40. Hitler had given orders that the rest of the Army Group G front was to go over to the defensive while the 719th Division concentrated to wipe out the American bridgehead north of Saarlautern "at once." On 8 December, however, the 719th was still being committed piecemeal. Army Group G KTB Anlagen, 8 Dec 44.
41. The 686th Antitank Battalion (heavy) had arrived in the woods behind Dillingen with 27 guns. The original plan had been to use the battalion in close support of the 719th, but this idea had to be abandoned because the heavy carriages of the 88-mm. pieces could not be used in the close confines of the pillbox area. Army Group G KTB Anlagen, 8 Dec 44.
42. 357th Inf Jnl and 90th Div AAR, both of this date.
43. Pvt. J. R. Holland, F Company, 6th Cavalry Reconnaissance Squadron, was awarded the DSC for gallantry during the advance on 3 December. The tank ahead of Holland was hit by shellfire and the crew of Holland's tank were forced to take shelter in a pillbox. Holland dismounted a .30-caliber machine gun and went forward alone, firing from the hip. When he reached the lead tank he found that the platoon leader and his crew were dead.
44. Capt. P. L. Bradley of the 10th Infantry made a dash under intense artillery fire to reach the friendly tank destroyers. Although he was wounded, he led the tank destroyers into position to repel the German counterattack. Captain Bradley was awarded the DSC. Other deeds of gallantry during 4 December were recognized on the 10th Infantry front. Pfc. D. C. Wideman of L Company made a singlehanded assault and killed the crew of a hostile machine gun. He died of wounds received in this fight and was awarded the DSC posthumously. Pfc. W. D. Haag, also of the 10th Infantry, was checking a wire break close to a battalion command post when he saw a German patrol moving in. He shouted a warning and then, although he was unarmed, rushed the enemy. Haag was killed, but his comrades shot six of the Germans and took the rest prisoner. He was awarded the DSC posthumously.
45. See various detailed descriptions in the 95th Div AAR, Dec 44.
46. The 377th Infantry Journal for this period is typical, with the laconic entry, "took another pillbox," repeated after long intervals. The American engineers distinguished themselves in both the 90th and 95th Division zones during this bunker fighting. On 7 December the 95th Division After Action Report pays special tribute to the work of the 320th Engineer Combat Battalion. Enemy participants in these engagements agree in recognizing the "bunker knack" of what they call the American "special troops." The bazooka was particularly valuable in this kind of fighting, despite its high percentage of misfires. Bazooka training had been neglected in the United States (see AGF Study No. 12), and the 95th Division was forced to give such training immediately in the rear of the forward lines.
47. The 512th Squadron of the XIX TAC made two raids in front of the 95th Division on 10 December, which may have contributed to the infantry rate of progress.
48. 377th Inf AAR, 10 Dec 44.
49. The German commanders were concerned over the large number of "missing" in this period, since the ratio between the "missing" and actual casualties was out of balance. The First Army reported as "missing" 19 officers, 215 noncoms and 2,128 men during the period 29 November-10 December. Balck at once began an investigation. Army Group G KTB, 11 Dec 44.
50. On 15 December Balck told OB WEST that the American attack had penetrated the "bunker line" in three places "on both sides of Saarlautern." Army Group G KTB.
51. On 11 December the German line needed reinforcement so urgently that a battalion of Volkssturm was put in the forward line at Ensdorf. The battalion was so poorly trained that Balck yanked it out of the fight almost as soon as it was committed. Army Group G KTB, 11 Dec 44. On 15 December the main body of the 21st Panzer Division was relieved and sent to the endangered left flank of Army Group G.
52. Although the combat strength of the 95th Division declined, its fighting spirit continued strong. Numerous deeds of heroism marked this period of the battle, of which only a few could be officially recognized. Sgt. Lemuel G. Tilson, F Company, 377th Infantry, received the DSC for his feats on 12 December at Fraulautern. A platoon from F Company was isolated, with many casualties. Tilson organized a squad to rescue them. Attacking the building in which the wounded were held prisoners, Tilson fought his way inside, from room to room, with grenades. Twenty Germans surrendered and the American casualties were evacuated. Sgt. Earl F. Thurston, I Company, 377th Infantry, also received the DSC. At Fraulautern on 15 December when his squad was held up by rifle and machine gun fire, the sergeant crawled around to the rear of the position, killed one man with his pistol, another with his knife, then routed the machine gun crew with pistol fire and turned the gun on the enemy in surrounding trenches. Capt. Herbert H. Hardy, commanding G Company, 377th Infantry, also was awarded the DSC for the fearless leadership he demonstrated in this fighting.
53. The existence of a second fortified zone behind Fraulautern and Saarlautern-Roden permitted the German high commands to view the American penetration as only a "technical break-through." Army Group G KTB Anlagen, 16 Dec 44.
54. Accurate figures on the 95th Division losses for the period 1-18 December are difficult to determine since the reports by the XX Corps, the 95th Division, and the regimental headquarters are considerably at variance. The final casualty report made by the 95th Division G-1 has been used here: 20 officers and 413 men killed; 51 officers and 1,365 men wounded; 4 officers and 93 men missing; 35 officers and 576 men hospitalized as nonbattle casualties. Temporary losses from battle fatigue and exposure were much higher than those listed here, since many more officers and men were taken out of the line for these causes than ever were hospitalized.
55. 359th Inf AAR, 8 Dec 44.
56. Sgt. Vernie A. Lindsay, C Company, 359th Infantry, received the DSC for his outstanding work during this attack. While engaged against a strong bunker position Lindsay's platoon was checked by heavy fire. Lindsay made a one-man attack armed with as many grenades as he could carry, killed several of the enemy, captured the rest, and took the bunker.
57. 357th Inf AAR, 9 Dec 44.
58. 358th Inf AAR, 9 Dec 44. The 358th Infantry had not sustained anything like the number of casualties suffered by the 357th. On this date the 358th lost 53 officers and men, reporting the losses as "heavy casualties."
59. 90th Div AAR, 9 Dec 44.
60. Army Group G KTB Anlagen, 9 and 10 Dec 44. Balck told his staff that "everything" depended on this attack.
61. An enemy counterattack on 10 December forced two infantry platoons to retreat. Sgt. James L. McDonald, A Company, 357th Infantry, led a bold attack to retake the position; killed several of the enemy, and drove the rest out of the entrenchments which had been lost. Sgt. McDonald was awarded the DSC.
62. Col. Jacob W. Bealke, Jr., took command of the 358th Infantry on 10 December, relieving Lt. Col. Frederick H. Loomis, who returned to his old position as regimental executive officer.
63. Some credit for the stand by the 358th must go to the 513th Squadron of the XIX TAC which intervened in the fighting during the afternoon with napalm and 5-inch rockets. This was the last major direct-support mission flown by the XIX TAC during the December battle at the XX Corps bridgehead.
64. 1st Bn, 358th Inf, Jnl, 10 Dec 44.
65. 90th Div G-3 Jnl, 10 Dec 44.
66. Sgt. Aubrey G. Edwards, K Company, 357th Infantry, and his squad were surrounded while holding a pillbox that protected the 3d Battalion flank. Sergeant Edwards rushed out of the pillbox in the face of intense fire and although he was wounded killed seven and wounded three of the Germans with his rifle. This diversion allowed the rest of the squad to emerge and the surviving enemy surrendered. Sergeant Edwards was given the DSC.
67. XX Corps G-3 Jnl, 11 Dec 44.
68. An incident in the 357th Infantry zone illustrates the tactics of this pillbox combat. A platoon from I Company captured a large pillbox by conventional assault tactics, buttoning up the defenders by fire and then blasting in the steel doors with demolition charges. The platoon neglected to post riflemen outside the captured pillbox; so a German combat patrol quickly closed in, sealed the Americans inside the pillbox with small arms fire, and captured all thirty-one men. The following day the Americans buttoned up the pillbox in exactly the same way, laid satchel charges that killed sixteen of the enemy, and took the twenty-five dazed survivors as prisoners. In one such episode on 16 December Pfc. James R. Pfleger, I Company, 357th Infantry, voluntarily made a dash out of a surrounded pillbox in broad daylight to get help for his trapped comrades. He succeeded in bringing aid before the sixteen men in the pillbox were wiped out. Private Pfleger was awarded the DSC.
69. Another bright spot came in the 358th Infantry area where the fight for the slaughterhouse paid off and the "doughs" now were eating steaks and French-fried potatoes.
70. 90th Div AAR, 13 Dec 44.
71. Balck knew that some large project was in the offing but probably had not been briefed on the exact details. Rundstedt, of course, was involved in the planning and had constantly told Balck "to fight for time."
72. See the Army Group G and OB WEST KTB's for this period.
73. Sgt. John W. Muza, G Company, 359th Infantry, charged inside a large enemy bunker, peppered the interior with hand grenades, and forced the surrender of about 125 Germans. Sergeant Muza was awarded the DSC.
74. On 16 December the company strengths in the 357th Infantry, listed in numbers of officers and men, were as follows: A--4 and 54; B--2 and 18; C--1 and 54; D--4 and 35; E--4 and 55; F--6 and 65; G--4 and 62; H--5 and 53; 1--3 and 55; K--4 and 83; L--5 and 96; M--6 and 83. 357th Inf S-1 Jnl, 16 Dec 44.
75. At 0600 on 16 December the Army Group G commander was informed by OB WEST that the Ardennes counteroffensive had begun. His orders now were to fight a containing action and concentrate on patrolling that would identify American withdrawals from his front.
76. 358th Inf AAR, 17 Dec 44.
77. The subsequent operations of the Third Army will be described in H. M. Cole, The Ardennes, a volume now under preparation in this series.
78. 90th Div AAR, 19 Dec 44. This German concentration in the triangle actually did not exist; there were less than six battalions all told in the area.
79. General Patton and General Walker were anxious to hold on to the Saarlautern bridgehead because they expected to continue the XX Corps offensive as soon as the Ardennes counteroffensive was halted.
80. The German observers were aware of each stage in the withdrawal. MS #A-972 (Muehlen).
81. Among the last troops to leave the bridgehead were elements of the 84th and 161st Smoke Generating Companies. Smoke generator units had taken an important part in the Sarre operation, although the prevailing winds (before 11 December) had played havoc with the smoke screen laid over the river. During the crossing and recrossing of the Sarre the XX Corps used 167,050 gallons of fog oil, plus 8,500 smoke pots.
82. 3d Bn, 358th Inf, Jnl, 20 Dec 44.
83. 90th Div G-1 and G-4 Jnls.