Burma Communist Party's Conspiracy to take over State Power
Special Press Conference held on
State Law and Order Restoration Council Secretary (1) Brig-Gen Khin Nyunt held a special press conference with the local and foreign journalists at the Guest House No. 2 of the Ministry of Defence at 9 am on 5th August 1989.
Also present on the occasion were Minister for Home & Religious Affairs and for Information and for Culture Maj-Gen Phone Myint, State Law and Order Restoration Council Secretary (2) Brig Gen Tin Oo, Yangon Command Commander Brig- Gen Myo Nyunt, Multi-Party Democracy General Election Commission member Saya Chai and Secretary U Aye Maung, Chief of Staff (Navy) Captain Than Nyunt, Chief of Staff (Air) Col Thein Win, members of the Information Committee of the State Law and Order Restoration Council, Managing Director of the Newsand Periodicals Enterprise U Soe Nyunt, Directors U Hla Tun and U Tin Htwe and chief editors, foreign journalists U Sein Win of AP, U Chit Tun of UPI, U Hla Kyi of Reuter, U Khin Maung Thwin of AFP, U Hla Htwe of Antara, U Myo Thant of ANSA and Yomiuri Shimbun, Mr Igor Zouev of TASS, Mr Zhang Yunfei of Xinhua, U Maung Maung of BBC, U Nay Win of Asahi Shimbun, U Linpin Htaik Tin Latt of Newsweek, senior Tatmadaw officers, the People's Police Force Direcctor - General and Directors - General of the departments concerned.
Secretary (1) Brig-Gen Khin Nyunt explained in detail, with pictures, charts and documents, how the National Intelligence Bureau had exposed and arrested those connected with the underground work of the Burma Communist Party, the attempt made by the underground BCP members to seize State power by causing disturbances in the country and the infiltration of BCP underground members into the respective political parties and their seizing of positions in them.
Rumours during the disturbances, violent lootings, barricades set up supposedly for urban guerilla warfare and the anarchism that reigned with cold-blooded murder and beheadings, was frequently declared to be like the tactics of the BCP.
Brigadier-General Khin Nyunt, Secretary (1) of the State Law and Order Restoration Council, explained the Burma Communist Party's machinations to wrest State power by means of BCP underground movements, the Burma Communist Party's strategic plan and the subversives' perpetration to ignite and fan the flames of the disturbances. He said:
It is known to all that a tea shop quarrel and brawl between
some students of the
Some criticized that it was just heaping blame on the BCP whenever there was nobody to accuse. So the National Intelligence Bureau strived to investigate and expose how the BCP had laid down strategy and tactics and how much they had infiltrated into the existing political parties. With proofs collected through such investigation, an expose of the perpetrations of BCP underground (UG) to create public unheavals even before the disturbances, their activities during the disturbances, their activities after permission was given for formation of political parties legally after the takeover of State power by the Tatmadaw, and their machinations and instigations to set on a confrontation line between the political parties and the government head-on on the basis of the parties of leftist forces will now be made to the public through the personnel of the media, together with proof and evidence.
The BCP is in close proximity of the National League for
Democracy party; the thinking of the NLD is dominated by BCP thinking; this was
made known at the second stage Party. He is son-in-law of BCP Central Committee
member U Kyaw Zaw and husband of Dr Hla Kyaw Zaw and Tin Aung is a
Brief history of BCP UG (Burmese Communist Party Under Ground
Movement) A brief contemporary history of BCP UG will now be presented. In 1973
all of armed insurgency in Ayeyarwady Division, the delta, ceased, and then the
BCP Central HQ of Bago Yoma too was about to fall entirely due to operatoins of
the Tatmadaw. At that time the BCP group in
Since then it was sanctioned to use Kyat one lakh a year for UG
work assigned to such ranking leading activists as lower
While doing so, he joined ranks with the upper
Under the Central directive to step up these activities, they
started publishing a propaganda paper titled "Request to the People, No.
1" in the name of "All
In it, they said the people's financial problems were getting more acute and heading toward a national crisis, and said the public were being in formed that this could not be solved individually, that it would find solution only with the co-operation of the various class strata.
At the same time, it was found out that Ba Thein Tin and U Kyaw
Zaw of the Central directly wrote letters to some political leaders including
Daw Khin Kyi (mother of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi), to contact and exchange views.
Some of them replied and some did not. BCP UG leader
Word was received at that time that BCP UG groups were active, acting on which the National Intelligence Bureau launched Operation Soon-Yeh in January 1987 and went into action uncovering and apprehending some 13 undeground activists, stalling UG activities for some time. On the night of 5 September 1987 when K 75, K 35 and K 25 denominations of currency were demonetized, the BCP UG group issued "Request to the People, No 2" in the name of the Ba-Ka-Tha, including agitative points such as that the Government had unfairly robbed the people of their earnings through sweat, that the Government would have to bear the consequences, and that educational institutions should be closed in consideration of the students suffering financial difficulties, etc. To further involve the general public, the BCP UG issued a declaration of their opinion on the demonetization in the name of "Patriotic Democracy Party" and "4828 Regional Party Committee" (Burma Communist Party). These represent a short history of the activities of the BCP UG up to 1987.
Phone Maw incident triggers mass uprising
When the educational institutions closed due to the demonetization and the uprising did not materialize, the BCP UG continued to agitate and organize through some university teachers and students involved in their leading cells and Communist ideology study groups with a view to getting students imbued with Student Union spirit. This was their second attempt.
In January 1988, UG leader Tin Aung met Dr. Zaw Min and Yangon University Myanmar Department tutor Htay Thein, and in their discussions decided to continue publishing declarations for reactivation of Student Union spirit and the formation of Students Union and that if student activities should erupt as in the demonetization movement, these should not be limited to one place alone. With a view to organizing anti-government student activities and propagandizing simultaneously and in one voice, the BCP UG started publication of "Aryon-U" journal in January 1988. In it such points as "opposition to one-party system", "democracy", "cessation a civil war", etc, were included. The BCP Politbureau meeting was hell in early March 1988 when it was observed that Myanmar's difficulities were assuming national crisis propotions, that the fall of the Ma-Hsa-La.
Government could be brought about bringing the nationa crisis to
the fore, that 1988 marked the 50th anniversary of the 1300 (B.E) Uprising,
that a uprising must be perpetrated taking advantage of this anniversary, and
that if it gained momentum Daw Khin Kyi would be placed as national leader an
asked to form a government. The discussion there emanated from Daw Khin Kyi's
verbal reply if the situation require of her, she would not be lagging behind,
toward making her a national leader. It has been found out that Ba Thein Tin
communicated this decision to Daw Khin Kyi in his letter, which arrived in
The contents of Ba Thein Tin's letter were that he praised Daw Khin Kyi's nationalist spirit, that he was glad that she would work for the national cause, that Thet Khaing had been designated BCP representative for the future activities, that the year (1988) marked the Golden Jubilee of the 1300 Uprising, that disturbance would have to be created in opposition to the Ma - Hsa - La taking advantage of that coincidence, that Daw Khin Kyi would be given an active role in such an incident, that Daw Khin Kyi would be made to form a government if the activities gained momentum, that at the same time BCP forces would transform into national forces and close ranks with Daw Khin Kyi, that there would be the closing of ranks with the general public, the emaining insurgents and some Tatmadaw ranks, and that efforts would be made for Daw Khin Kyi's government to gain international recognition.
An unexpected turn of events cropped up in connection with the death of Phone Maw on 13 March I988. It was a chance the UG leaders had been awaiting. They did not fail to use it. They decided not to let the activities be limited to the Yangon Institute of Technology alone, but charged the cells to carry the activities widespread.
The BCP Politbureau decided to create an anti-'Ma Hsa La' incident and once this gained momentum, to boost Daw Khin Kyi to the role of a national leader for forming a government.
The principal activists in these were Yangon Uuiversity (Main) Myanmar Department tutor Htay Thein, Yangon Institute of Technology Textile Technology Department demonstrator U Thiha Latt, U Tin Myint ( Engineer ), medical doctor Zaw Min who resided in the Agricultural Research compound, Yangon Institute of Technology, Yangon University (Main) student Nyo Tun ( Ba-Ka-Tha ) and Khin Maung Yi (a) Tin Aye (Ba-Ka-Tha).
They printed pamphlets critizing the Government's 'suppression'
in the Phone Maw incident as unfair; and mentioning that according to tradition
the problem should have been solved with the Students thamagga and for formlng
an enquiry commission regarding this incident and disclosing true facts
regarding the formation of thamagga for solving the students' aflfairs with the
Government. Moreover, arrangements were made to provide slogans, and flags if
disturbances were to take place and for using the 'fighting peacock' flags when
there were to be disturbances at the
Some of the students from the group got a bamboo, tied the flag
to it and began to march, it is learnt. Thus, the student disturbances broke
out at the
At that time, Thet Khaing and Tin Aung formed their cells and
thamaggas at the various departments and offices and infiltrated them to lead
in the activities and made arrangements to create disturbances. At the same
As there were students attending schools from the date of
opening of schools up to 13 June, students who were influenced by the BCP UG
went round and organized and agitated the students not to attend schools. At
this instance when it was found that on the date of the reopening of schools,
the students were attending schools, it was learnt Moe Thee Zun telephoned Dr
Zaw Min and said: "How is it, ? you bitter medicine is no effective."
Dr Zaw Min was said to have replied; "Just wait and see, you will see it
when the time is ripe." Thus, the agitation on nonattendance of school
spread. It was known that the situation for going on strike for non-attendance
of school was created in the entire
BCP UGs created University disturbances and civil unrest
Meanwhile, in accordance with the instructions originally given by Thet Khaing for not only students to merely stage strikes in the Universities only, but for the public to Join in the strike, agitation was carried out for moving out of the University beginning 21 June and the very same day disturbances broke out at Myenigon. It was found that the University student disturbances created by the BCP UG erupted into mass movement.
The period of incident and the emergence of the General Strike Committee (GSC)
More and more rumours and fabricated propaganda emerged after
the Myenigon incident that occurred on 21 June I988. Disturbances took place
here and there in Yangon as Thet Khaing directed his leading cells to incite
the people by making a series of speeches and to pull the strings from behind
the scene of those who were under their control and make them carry out
activities but not to take the leading role themselves should mass unrest take
place. The BCP UGs printed and distributed agitative pamphlets which called for
the holding of mourning ceremonies throughout the country on 7-7-88 and which
included slogans that demanded the formation of students union,the protection
of student rights as well as rejection of one-party system. Dr Zaw Min, who was
in charge of BCP youth wing, made arrangements for BCP UG student group member
Nyo Tun, the one who declared that "Buddha" should be pronounced
"Muddha" and Tin Aye to meet a student group which comprised
proleftist Moe Thee Zun on
While these were taking place, riots of religious origin took place in Pyay and Taung gyi. The Tatmadaw was able to control the riot. But it was found that an agitative pamphlet entitled "Avoid religious riots, all the religions unite ! " written by Thet Khaing, was distributed through BCP UG members. It mentioned that the government created the religious riot as a way out from people's dissatisfaction over the government. It was intended to cause misunder standing among the people and at carrying out`movements against the government. BCP UG members made Nyo Tun and Tin Aye handle the student disturbance that took place at the Shwe dagon Pagoda on 28-7-88.
Thet Khaing held a preliminary meeting with some UG leaders to
agitate the students, workers and service personnel through their UG members
and for their UG members to handle the situation from behind the scene should
disturbances occur as there was a likelihood of disturbances taking place due
to the open letters of U Aung Gyi, the BBC broadcasts which began in August
1988 and the rumours. It was found that BCP UG members took part in the
disturbances as discussed earlier when the disturbances really occurred on
The disturbances took place in various townships and BCP UG group members took part in the movements in respective regions. Myint Soe (a) Naing Myint, member of the BCP UG group, incited the demonstrations of the Medical Education Department on 21 and 22 August and took part in them. He had visited Mongko several times for workers of the Sinmalaik Dockyard to stage demonstrations on 24 and 26 August. BCP UG group leader Tint Swe (a) Thiha was the one who incited demonstrations and took part as a member of the discipline enforcement group. BCP UG group member Kyaw Lwin who had been organized by Tint Swe (a) Thiha also actively participated. To firmly control the disturbances which gradually developed and to get the strike groups move as they wished and to take advantage of and use them. Thet Khaing and BCP UG leaders carried out measures to form the general strike committee (GSC).
On 26-8-88, Tin Aung and Dr Zaw Min, after co-ordination, got an
agitative leaflet containing demands for formation of general strike committee
and formation ot interim government under the name of Myanmar Naing - Ngan -
lon-saingya Kyaungthar-myar thamagga distributed. On that day BCP UG group
leader Htay Thein wrote an agitative paper entitled "Open letter to Dr
Maung Maung" bearing the address of Tekkatho sayar-myarathin (UTA, now
defunct) and distributed 300 copies of it. On
Through loudspeakers the strike committees were invited to join
the general strike committee and delegates of the strike committees complied.
The group led by Than Naing stuck the pamphlet entitled "Letter of
commendation for students, rahans and people who participate in the
struggle" on the wall of the
Through distribution of agitative pamphlets for the formation of the general strike committee from 1 September to 5 September 1988 over 50 strike committees made up of BCP UG members entered their names, and the names of two delegates from each committee were obtained. With the attendance of over 100 general strike committee delegates the general strike committee (GSC) was set up. Members of the GSC were:
BCP UG group leaders and members took hold of high positions in the GSC which was controlled as necessary by the BCP UG group. BCP UG groups in the GSC were:
If the General Strike Conference for the entire country had
materialized as planned by the BCP, State power would surely have fallen into the
hands of the BCP UGs The workers' thamaggas formed under the supervision of the
General Strike Committee gave directions in accordance with the directions of
the General Strike Committee to the strike committees of the mills and
factories under the workers' thamagga; the announcements from No 1 to No 7 were
issued by the workers' thamagga; it is found that Tin Myint, a leader of the
BCP UG, got control of the workers' thamagga through secretary Khin Maung
Nyunt; Tin Myint left for Mandalay later to form the workers' thamagga there;
the General Strike Committee held meeting every other day and co-ordinated
matters, formed sub-committees, issued announcements, chose the marching routes
and accommodated strike groups; it is learnt that the strike groups under the
control of the General Strike Committee staged demonstrations daily between 6
and 10 September, 1988 but they marched only every other day later; BCP UG
Party Committee leader Thet Khaing got his cell leaders to present to him
reports on the prevailing political situations and the GSC's situations and
gave directions on the work programmes to be carried out; he also pulled
strings from behind; he also took steps to meet with political leaders during
the incident; he met film actor Aung Lwin twice during the last week of August;
the BCP UG members tried to enlarge GSC and made arrangements for holding a
nation- level general strike conference for drawing a plan for formation of
interim government (Draft); in order to be able to hold the strike conference
he co-ordinated with Upper Myanmar NaingNgan BCP UG leaders who were in control
of the Mandalay General Strike Committee; he also made arrangements to discuss
at the nation-level general strike conference matters relating to demanding for
formation of an interim government, to form a parallel government with the
representatives inclusive of BCP UGs to be elected by the nation-level general
strike conference if the demand for the formation of an interim government was
not met, to make it seem to be the mass representatives since the parallel
government was approved by the nation-level general strike conference; to
strive to obtain the recognition of other nations; to discuss with the Tatmadaw
and put pressure on it so that it would not oppose the parallel government; if
their plans for convening the nation level general strike conference were
successful, the sovereign power of the State would fall into the hands of the
BCP UG members. This is the strategic plan of the BCP to come to power. On
A (14) township committee (a) a committee made up of 14
townships in the western sector of Bago Yoma with the participation and under
the control of BCP UG group members was formed in Paungde during the second
week of August for gaining democracy. Members of the committee were; BCP UG
group member Khin Maung Thaw from Paungde Township (now BCP underground),
younger brother of Khin Maung Latt and son of PVO Bo Set Yaung; Aung Than from
Thegon Township (surrendered BCP member); BCP UG group member Dr Maw Zin (war
veteran doctor) from Nattalin Township and Seikta; Aung Myint from Tharrawaddy
Township and Jolly Tun from Thonz Township. The committee co - ordinated plans
for seeking ways to make contacts with strike committees from
The meeting elected Dr. Maw Zin and Aung Than to declare the
formation of the 14 township strike committee and to make contacts with the
strike committees in Yangon The two went to Yangon where they contacted Thet
Khaing and informed him about the formation of the 14 township committee. Thet
Khaing was reported to have told them to go on with their work. Dr. Maw Zin and
Aung Than left
After the Tatmadaw had taken over the duties of the State, the
people's united democratic front (PUDF) was formed with Ko Ko Gyi and Zaw Zaw
Aung from the Ba - Ka Tha, Dr Maw Zin and Aung Than from the 14 townships in
the western sector of Bago Yoma, two from Ayeyarwady Division and a student. It
issued one statement. Arrangements were made to discuss with the BCP for arming
the PUDF. Dr Maw Zin and members of the group held discussions in
Propaganda leaflet carrying the fabricated news that the Air Force would bombard and the Navy would shell distributed.
At the height of the strikes and disturbances in the beginning of September, 1988 BCP UG leader Thet Khaing directed Than Naing (a) Bagan, a member of UG group leaders, to write and distribute fabricated propaganda leaflets so that the Tatmadaw and the people would misunderstand one another. Therefore, Than Naing (a) Bagan wrote a propaganda leaflet carrying the fabricated news that the Navy would shell and the Air Force would bomb at 13: 00 on 13 September on 1988; the headline of the news was "24 hour advance warning;" this had been written as if the then Vice-Chief of staff (Navy) and the then Vice-Chief of Staff (Air) themselves issued the announcement warning that the Navy would shell and the Air Force would bomb the Ma-Hsa-La Party Headquarters, Ady Road, Office of the Council of State, Inya Lake Hotel and Bogyoke village. Than Naing hand-wrote this letter of warning on wax and got it copied at the Eagle duplication service at the corner of the Anawratha and 38th Streets; he distributed 100 copies of it . Two days later, he revised that letter and got it typewritten with three copies. Since the Eagle duplication service, the Nawarat duplication service and the Kantha Press duplicated and printed the letter without limitation and distributed it for a large sum of money, the propaganda leaflet was spread widely among the people. Since some Tatmadaw men from the Air Force and Navy took part in the demonstrations at that time it caused the people to be very frightened.
Propaganda leaflet with the headline "the
Khaing on behalf of the BCP Central Committee. Thet Khaing gave the propaganda leaflet to Aung Khin who was his subordinate in the UG group on 16 September together with K 500 and directed him to get it printed.
Aung Khin in collaboration with UG group leader Than Saw got
8000 copies printed at the Khayee-phaw press at No 75,
According to the programme of the BCP, the announcement of the
Central Committee can be issued only with the decision of meeting. Such an
action cannot be taken with on the decision of an ordinary Central Committee
member. The reason why Thet Khaing can issue such announcement is that may have
been invest with extraordinary authority by the BCP to launch political
movements exercising the power on behalf of the BCP. At a time when the BC UG
members were making an attempt to hold a national level general strike
conference, the Tatmadaw took over power in time on
The following is how the BCP UGs pushed Daw Aung San Suu Kyi onto the confrontation line and about their aspirations beginning with the as sumption of State responsibilities by the Tatmadaw .
Next, I would like explain how the BCP UGs pushed Daw Aung San Suu Kyi onto the confrontation line and about their aspirations beginning with the assumption of the State responsibilities by the Tatmadaw.
The Tatmadaw requested and succeeded in breaking up the strike.
After the Tatmadaw assumed State responsibilities, on
Since they agreed to decide after obtaining the opinions of the political leaders, they met U Nu, U Tin Oo and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and asked for their opinions. The opinions they obtained were for them to go on with the strike, and so they decided to continue with the strike, it is learnt. At the Cocacola Restaurant, the GSC wrote a pamphlet calling for continuance of the strike in defiance of the government's call on workers to return to worksite by 3 October as the latest. However, as the Tatmadaw made a request and broke up the strike, the strikes disintegrated. As a result there was no headon confrontation with the government and things went on peacefully. The BCP UG's wish to stop the strike was just to temporarily take a respite to avoid head-on confrontation but their objectives was to wage a prolonged strike movement making demands.
However, as the strikes were broken up, Since their objective
did not materialize. GSC's general secretary Zaw Tun (younger brother of Dr Zaw
Min) and joint general secretary Myint Hlaing went underground. In first week
of October 1988, BCP UG group member from Bago Yoma western 14 township
committee Dr Maw Zin, surrendered BCP Aung Than, Ko Ko Gyi from Ba-ka-tha, Zaw
Zaw Aung, two from Ayeyarwady Division and one student formed the People United
Democratic Front (PUDF) and issued an announcement. Dr Zaw Min and party first
discussed with BCP UG in-charge Thet Khaing and Kyaw Mya in
On 26-9-88 Thet Khaing went to BCP UG member Khin Maung Nyunt's
house in Sagaing to discuss with those in charge of Upper Myanmar UG. At that meeting
they came to the conclusion that the recent incident had resulted in the
complete collapse of the Ma Hsa La, that such an incident took place once in a
hundred years, that though they had gained political victory as a result of the
people's uprising, they were unable to wage an armed struggle harmoniously with
it and that if they had been able to combine it with armed struggle, it could
have developed into an armed revolution and victory would have been achieved,
it was learnt. They discussed the matter of forming a party, under the name of
Amyotha Naing-Ngan-ye Tatpaungzu to be able to publish the BCP's policies and
attitudes and carry out propaganda work, to create confrontation between the
people and the government and cause upheavals as well as the matter of setting
up an armed organization with those who wished to go over to armed struggle.
They submitted a report on the matters discussed to the BCP. Thet Khaing
When the Tatmadaw took over the reigns of power the student
thamaggas stopped their activities. In discussing this situation Thet Khaing
and BCP UG leaders had a view that student thamagga activities should be
carried out in places where there are student masses. They distributed
propaganda leaflets on the joint statement of the All
The propaganda pamphlet mentioned that armed struggle is not meant chiefly for students only but anyone could join and that it is assumed that a guerilla war would break out mainly with the participation of the mass of the peasants and the students would play a major part in battles in towns. Moreover, members of the BCP UG group distributed the request made by the 4828 party regional committee to the people.
In order to rekindle the activities of student thamaggas, Tin
Aung formed the Yangon District Student Thamagga (Yaka-tha) for
After the preliminary meeting with the Government, the BCP and
Ma-ka-tha split up. The Ya-ka-tha was started to bring about student
activities. Instigation work was carried out on the one hand and the formation
of a party by mobilizing the BCP UG group members of the
In December, 1988 Tin Aung and Than Naing held discussions and wrote the Bamarpyi Service personnel Thamagga declaration and circulated them to service personnel who were organized by members of the BCP UG groups. In the beginning of January I989, BCP UG in charge Thet Khaing held discussions with leader of the BCP UG groups of delta region.
At the end of January, 1989, Tin Aung, Than Naing and Kyaw Sein
Maung coordinated and wrote a propaganda leaflet with the formation of the All
Than Naing received important news from BCP UG leadership member Kyaw Sein Maung and UG member SIP Htay Nyunt from Yangon Division People's Police Force as well as news about paddy output and export from BCP UG member Khin Maung Than (a) Soe Lay from Myanmar Agricultural Produce Trading. He submitted the news and reports received to Tin Aung. In January 1989, Tin Aung directed member of BCP UG leadership Khin Maung Win (a) Aung Chit from lnsein Locoshed to reorganize the workers thamagga formed during the incident. Khin Maung Win (a) Aung Chit carried out organizational work among the workers whom he intended to win over by letting them read the 'Ahyon-U' pamphlet.
During February 1989, Dr Zaw Min gave the paper, written by
him,"On the future of
The paper mentioned that democracy is most essential at present, that the election will not be fair unless there is democracy, that an interim government is needed for the election to be fair and that the entire people are to struggle to get an interim government.
Dr Zaw Min had called for making preparations to commemorate the death of Phone Maw on 13 March through Moe Thee Zun and Nyo Tun since the end of February. Pamphlets were distributed throug Pyone Cho (Ta-Ka-Tha) Ko Ko Gyi (Ba-Ka-Tha) was asked to form the organizing committee for the Phone Maw's death Anniversary. Dr Zaw Min in cited in advance, his Yangon District forces to take part in the activities on 13 and 16 March. Ba-Ka-Tha/Ma - Ka - Tha members were able to hold the ceremony on 13 March owing to the preparations thus made. It was said that they had instigated to hold demonstrations on 27 March but it did not materialize as they were unable to make use of the full strength of the UG members.
Thet Khaing got BCP UG member Aung Myat Htut to contact Mon
insurgent Nai Shwe Kyin together with Mon insurgent UG member Khin Maung Yin
during March 1989. Aung Myat Htut arrived back in
Thet Khaing, Tin Aung and Dr Zaw Min reviewed that there was
demoralization among the student movements after the arrests of Min Ko Naing,
Aung Din and Ko Ko Gyi in March-April 1989 and that it was necessary to raise
the morale of the students so that disturbances could be resumed. They said
that a student thamagga conference should be held. Dr Zaw Min and Htay Thein
The declaration mentioned among others, protest over the Printing Law. It also demanded the release of political prisoners, revoking of 2/88, reinstatement of service personnel who had been permitted to resign and sale of rice at K 2 per pyi. BCP UG leadership members gave the directive to the BCP UG members to the effect that they were to take part in the 7 July movements should they really take place.
(** Note: The BCP UG committee decided to fully exploit the propensity of the Myanmar masses to be enthused with personality cults and the sudden rising popularity of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi)
It is found that BCP UG group in-charge Thet Khaing and BCP UG group members constantly tried to cause disturbances to enable the BCP to gain power. They tried to use Daw Khin Kyi, wife of National Leader Bogyoke Aung San, respected by the people so that the entire mass of people would take part in their activities. During June 1988 Thet Khaing took the letter from BCP chairman Ba Thein Tin to Daw Khin Kyi and tried to hand it over to Daw Khin Kyi. At that time Daw Khin Kyi's health was deteriorating and he was unable to give it to her.
(** Note: Though overturns were made through veteran leftists, there were no success) (**Note: Members of the BCP UG paid great active attention since the beginning of the disturbances to elevate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the role of a national figure)
During the disturbances Daw Aung San Suu Kyi came into contact with the public beginning from the speech she made at the western entrance to the Shwedagon Pagoda and became popular. Regarding this, BCP UG party committee assessed that some accepted Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as a national hero.
(**Note: It is known that active efforts were exerted to cause Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to unwittingly follow the course of confrontation as desired by the Burma Communist Party)
The committee also came to the conclusion that they should take advantage of Myanmar public's "hero worship" mentality and current popularity of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. So, instructions were given through members of BCP UG leaders group to launch movements to turn Daw Aung San Suu Kyi into a national figure in place of Daw Khin Kyi who was in ill health. When Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was approached through former leftists, it was not successful. Ex Brig-Gen Kyaw Zaw of the BCP wrote a letter to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The letter was first sent to BCP UG group in-charge Thet Khaing who sent it through Daw Kyi Kyi, wife of Thakin Zin, and family of Daw San Kyaw Zaw, daughter of ex-Brig - Gen Kyaw Zaw of BCP. It is learnt that Daw San Kyaw Zaw attempted to give the letter to Daw Aung San' Suu Kyi.
Efforts were made to turn Daw Aung San Suu Kyi into a national figure during the incident. It was found that after the political parties were legally formed, democracy maha - meik-myar aphwe-gyok comprising BCP UG group members' Ma-Na-Ta and leftist groups continued to make the same efforts. BCP UG group members' and their links made efforts from all angles to get Daw Aung San Suu Kyi elected as a national figure, and as representative of the various parties by the wishes of the people.
(** Note: Arrangements were made for 19th July Azani Day to initiate defiance of authority activities including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and to create total civil unrest)
Their used the rallying way to keep the people from coming to know their efforts and to make them think it was out of their own wish that they chose her. It was found that after turning Daw Aung San Suu Kyi into a national figure, they tried to get the people to oppose the Government and to create disturbances. BCP UG leaders and members simultaneously incited to defy the Government in connection with the 1962 Printers and Publishers Law. In this way BCP UG group members, for realizing their aims, made collective efforts to channel the movement along the line of defiance of authority to get Daw Aung San Suu Kyi elected by indirect means. They made efforts to put Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on the path of defiance which the BCP wanted, it is learnt. They made plans to carry out demolition work to cause mass uprising by this defiance movement in which Daw Aung San Suu Kyi participated at the Shwedagon Pagoda on Arzani Day, 19 July.
(** Note: They planned to try again on the anniversary of the
'Four Eights' (
If the plan was not successful on that day, they had made arrangements to try it again, on Shit-lay-lone anniversary (8 August). If there took place a mass uprising again, efforts would be made to increase the antigovernment forces which would become "internal" danger for the government and to carry out military and political activities with the trainees who had completed the Democratic Patriotic Army training conducted by the BCP till the interim government would be formed. It was learnt that they intended to use Daw Aung San Suu Kyi just to a certain extent as she was not a leader representing all strata of classes owing to her class character although efforts had been made to turn her into a national figure. Since Daw Aung San Suu Kyi did not know the tactics of the BCP, she fell prey to their tactic of making her their "master". It must be said that she had swerved from the path as she had not paid proper attention to the ex-BCP members and persons with leftist ideas who were around her.
(**Though they tried to elevate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the role of a national figure by making use of the medium of public popularity, it is known that they secretly regarded her as being incapable of representing all classes due to her limited class characteristics and they planned to make use of her only to the point where she served their purposes)
Brig-Gen Khin Nyunt explained that after holding of the third congress of the BCP in 1985, they laid down the policy of striving to increase the strength above-ground and to find new friends. Wai Linn (a) Kyaw Mya, in charge of the Upper Myanmar Naing-Ngan BCP (UG), returned above-ground early in 1976 and began carrying out UG activities. Although duties were divided between Upper and Lower Myanmar Naing-Ngan according to the UG set-up of that time, Thet Khaing, who was in charge of Lower Myanmar Naing- Ngan, had not yet returned from the BCP Central and so Wai Linn was in charge of the UG work in the whole of Myanmar Naing-Ngan.
Wai Linn's initial activity in early 1986 was to mail to prominent writers, poets, artists, musicians, stage and screen performers, all shades of politicians prominent during the Pa-Hta-Sa era, technocrats and intellectuals, old officials expelled from the Lanzin Party and old students who were once active with the Students Union, colour postcards of drawings and photographs which suited the individual class of addressees carrying demands current at the time, printed in the name of the Burma Communist Party.
Those meant for the University were foolscap size in four folds, the full cover depicting a photograph of the Students Union, the centre fold in the fashion of a wedding invitation card, its left side depicting a gold embossed fighting peacock against a red background and also the Students Union fighting peacock flag, its right side carrying demands current for the student mass, such as
a. transition from an experimental educational system to one compatible with production;
b. increase of staff proportionate to the number of students;
c. all students from outlying areas to get admission to hostels more of which should be built to meet boarding needs;
d. extended facilities for classes and laboratories to be built in proportion to the number of students;
e. government stipends to be increased in keeping with current price of commodities-
f. tuition and host fees to be lower in proportion to basic pay;
g. exercise books, textbooks and stationery purchase to be allowed as and when needed, and,
h. formation of the Students Union to be legally allowed and recognized.
It is learnt that his postcard was arranged and printed by the
BCP. Later, the Upper Myanmar UG activists distributed among its study group
members Peh-tin-than and Moe-Thauk-kyai 'journals and the Aryon-Oo newspaper.
The Peh-tin-than published direct copies of the BCP's; "Pyithu Athan"
broadcast articles while the, Moe-thauk-kyai carried ideological articles and
those with historic backgrounds. The Aryon-Oo carried agitative articles on
what were said the Lanzin Party suppressions and people's sufferings at the
time. In the aftermath of the September 1987 demonetization measures, the-
(** Note: The term " Yahan Pyo " was dropped and " Yahan Nge " substituted)
While Tin Aye Kyu was using the name of the Rahan-pyo Aphwe,
Thus the disturbances spread to
On 16-8-88, the Bar Council in Yangon issued Declaration No 1
saying the prevailing laws permitted the public to hold protest marches freely
and that lawyers should participate in the activities of the public. With that,
the lawyers of
The All -
a. U Karweinda (Nyeinchanyay Column, under detention);
b. U Yewata (Eindawya Column);
c. U Karwiya (Galonni, under detention);
d. U Kalyana (Aung San Kyeni);
e. U Tin Win Naing (Lawyer, Ma-Na- Ta EC);
f. Dr Khin Maung Wai (Kyan-mar-yae Mi-tha-su);
Dr Than Tun (
h. Ko Cho Gyi (Nanshe Column, Ma-Na- Ta EC);
i. U Saw Aung (Tuition saya);
j. U Tha Du (Thabin);
l. U Maung Maung Myint (School Teacher);
U Thein Win (
n. U Kyaw Win (Merchant, MaNa- Ta EC);
o. U Zarni Aung (On behalf of students, Ma-Na- Ta EC).
Later, that organization had its name changed to All-Mandalay Strike Committee and set up headquarters in the Mandalay North-East Accounts Office.
In the meantime, the Upper Myanmar UGs and some of the Mandalay University students they won over formed the Mandalay University Students Union (Interim) on 9-8-88, with its President Law Shay, vice-president Hla Thu, Secretary Gyo Phyu, Organizer Moe Thee (a) Tin Moe, with Thura and some 50 members. That organization, with the acronymn UBSOS (Ahtet - Myanmarpyi Kyaung-thamya Aphwegyoke) and published a newspaper. At the same time, some of them came down to Yangon and contacted the Aung - Su - Tin group comprising U Aung Gyi, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and U Tin Oo, as also the NuAung (U Nu, Bohmu Aung) group.
They returned to Mandalay around 23-9-88 and went into what the BCP calls A/S (Armed Struggle), some of the group leaving for the Shan State where they contacted the SS (Shan State Army More about the student who went underground through them will be dealt with further when the subject of the BCP's DPA (Democratic Patriotic Army) is taken up later.
To elaborate about the All-Mandalay Strike Front, BCP UG group
leader Tin Aye Kyu while discharging duties with the Lawyers Strike Information
Committee wrote news for Sheh-nay Thadinsa and Khun-hsint-than (the Call) based
on the information supplied by BCP Upper Myanmar incharge Wai Linn about
activities in the various townships, by BCP UG, group leader Myint Thein
(Evergreen Youth Party Chairman) about activities around Monywa, and news given
by telephone by Yangon UG Aye Win (La-Min-Tayar Sarpay, Shwebontha Street).
While going in and out of the strike front as a reporter Tin Aye Kyu took
advantage and secretly contacted by letter Strike Chairman U Karweinda through
Zarni Aung (Ma-Na- Ta CEC). The letters he passed were
Communications between Yangon and Mandalay were cut at that time and there was also no systematic contact in the strike front. Newspapers from Yangon also arrived four or five days late. So what news Tin Aye Kyu produced based on what he got from Yangon UG Aye Win was fresh news. This drew him closer to U Karweinda. After sending the assessments on developments of strikes in Yangon, he personally discussed them with the latter. Specially involvement of capitalist countries in Yangon strike action, their machinations, condition of individual strikes and in particular, the opening of SCS (Supervision Committee for Student) office near the American Centre with the American Embassy in the background, and how 5,000 kyats and a car were provided for every strike camp opened.
In early September 1988, Wai Linn sent instructions to Upper Myanmar UG leaders for the Ba-Ka-Tha to get into action. There was a news item in the Upper Myanmar newspapers on 9-9-88 that the Ba-Ka-Tha would hold a news conference. There were then 36 newspapers published in Upper Myanmar. After the Ba-Ka-Tha news conference on 9-9-88 there was a ceremony on 10-9-88 for student leaders to take instructions.
The ceremony was attended by over 100 former student leaders including
some of the leaders of the 1920 Students Boycott. At the ceremony Tin Aye Kyu
said preparations were being made to the third Ba-Ka-Tha, that it was necessary
to have set-up and procedures for and that they would like to request the
former thamagga leaders who have experience and traditions to give advice so
that everything would be systematic and in order, it is learnt. One of the
former thamagga leaders said that former Prime Minister U Nu had declared that
he had formed a parallel government and that if he were to give his attitude in
connection with the need for Ba-Ka-Tha to issue a statement expressing its
attitude, he would like to say that he did not like U Nu's parallel government.
He also said that U Nu was one who had sent the army on to the campus during
the 1953 October incident and that he would like to advise the Ba-Ka-Tha not to
support U Nu's parallel government. In response to it, Tin Aye Kyu said
measures must be taken on the basis of Sayagyi Thakin Kodaw Hmaing's principle
of unity between the leftists and rightists, that they had neither supported
nor objected to U Nu's parallel government and that they recognized U Nu as a
comrade fighting for democracy and then the ceremony came to an end, it is
learnt. In the meantime Tin Aye Kyu wrote a letter under the name of Thabeik
It is learnt that according to the Ba-Ka-Tha under the name of
the Ba-KaTha conference convening committee, on
* The movement of the
The Mandalay Thabeik Tatpaungzu did not believe the news that the Tatmadaw had taken over power as they had not expected it and the groups doing organizational work for holding the conference asked for instructions whether they should continue with the work or not. On 19-9-88 and 20-9-88 the Thabeik Tatpaungzu decided to go into hiding, to leave the Thabeik Tatpaungzu flag and signboard as they were, to burn important documents and to hide some and to send the Tatpaungzu committee to a safe place under guard and they went into hiding at the monasteries which did not send any column of demonstrators and which did not have any strike camp during the incident and they secretly issued leaflets and distributed posters, it is learnt. Moreover, they issued two statements urging the people to beat tins and to shout slogans at 9 pm and calling on the service personnel to continue to go on strike and the leaders who did so are U Karweinda, U Khin Maung Than (Ma-Na-Ta vice-chairman-2), Zarni Aung (MaNa - Ta central exective committee member) U Aung Soe (Ma-Na-Ta CEC member) (Advocate), U Tin Win Naing (Ma-Na-Ta CEC member) (Advocate) and U Tin Aye Kyu (Ma - Na - Ta general secretary (Lawyer).
Later, Wai Linn instructed Tin Aye Kyu to set up a political par
and Tin Aye Kyu first tried to establish a youth party. In order to expedite
this job, Kyaw Win (Secretary of the Monywa Evergreen Youth group who in 1976
underground with BCP, later arrested and freed) brought to Tin Aye Kyu the
set-up and principles for forming a party. Tin Aye Kyu agreed to them, and when
Kyaw Win went back to form a party together with the youths from Monywar and
(** Note: It is evident that they attempted to realize the goal of the BCP Ugs that there should be only on ‘Ba Ka Tha’)
When Tin Aye Kyu was about to leave for Yangon to get the party
registered Wai Linn arrived and told him to include Myint Thein (Monywar
Evergreen Youth group chairman) in the list of the CEC and gave him curricula
vitae of Myint Thein. Wai Linn told him that Myint Thein was in hiding for fear
of being arrested for his activities in the incident and that if his name got
announced as CEC member of the MaNa-Ta, he intended to continue to stay in
At that time Myanmar Naing- Ngan BCP UG leader Wai Linn took measures to gather youths and send them to the BCP Central for training in order to form Democratic Patriotic Army (DPA) Wai Linn asked Thein Zaw from Pyinmana (BE-Electrical) (leader of Pyinmanaa Thabeik) who was originally under the charge of Lower Myanmar NaingNgan BCP UG Thet Khaing to come to Mandalay and when he arrived Wai Linn explained to him the set - up of the DPA at the Hninsiein Store which they had opened.
Then it was directed that organization be extended in particular
in Leiway and Tatkonn within reach to get more party members. Moreover in
Kya-Hnyat circle of
Around March 20 Wai Linn told Aung Kyaw San and others to
distribute agitative pamphlets all over the town three or four days in advance
and a public procession took place on March 27. After that, on 20 and 21 May
about 200 students led by Nyo Tun of Ba-Ka-Tha arrived in Mandalay, and
together with upper Myanmar Ba-Ka-Tha held the all Myanmar Ba-Ka-Tha
conference, which elected Ba-Ka-Tha executives numbering seven including Nyo
Tun and Thant Zin. From that it was surmised that the BCP UGs' objective of
having only a sole Ba-KaTha was implemented. Meanwhile, the National Politics
Front contrived to move jointy somewhat like a joint action action committee
with the National League for Democracy (NLD), League for Democracy and Peace
and League of Democratic Allies. In the meantime, Wai Linn went to and fro to
Panwa the venue of DPA training being given by the BCP Centre. Finally it was
arranged for upper
*Arrangement made for inculsion of BCP UGs
As discussed on September 23, the
a. it was to be an above-ground organization and fighting force of the BCP
b. it was to be a legal was formed to present programme,policy and slogans of
c. the BCP
d. it was to be an organizational bridge between BCP and the people;
e. it was to be a component of the people's democratic revolution led
f. by the party.
Moreover the National Politics Front was not actually a front
but a party, neither a proletarian democracy party nor an old capitalist
democracy party, but just a party of new democracy ( a ) people's democracy led
by the proletariat. Specific directive was given as to its inner-party
leadership,party cadres' main task the front's working style and secrets,
policy and set up etc. The directive is shown on Board No 4 displaying papers
captured in connection with upper
The main active figure at the time when National Politics Front
was formed was Tin Aye Kyu. He had made arrangements for those who had taken an
active part in the major disturbance and BCP UGs to be included in it. It was
learnt that the BCP UG leaders Thet Khaing, Tin Aung and Wai Linn asked the
Central to allow them to spend up to K 300,000 to enable them to form it and
that they first selected three persons from upper Myanmar Naing-Ngan to be
appointed as patrons. Then, Tin Aye Kyu selected U Karwainda who in turn
selected U Htay Win, U Ohn Pe and U Kyaw Win from
(** Note: National League for Democracy Central Executive Committee meeting designated Daw Myint Myint Khin and U Win Tin as patrons of Ahmyotha Naing-ngan Yay Tatpaunt-Su (National Politics Front)
Thein Than Oo's family and Taw-pha-ya- lay U Aung Zay's family were very friendly and since Taw-pha-ya-lay loves Mandalay, he agreed to become a patron of a party in Mandalay. Then, they went to U Aung Than but U Aung Than refused to accept the offer saying that he had already been included as a patron in a party. Next, they held a discussion among themselves and decided to request Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to accept the post of patron. They again went to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi did not refuse, but she said she had to submit the matter to the CEC of NLD. They sat waiting while the letter submitted was being considered by the CEC, it was learnt. At the end of the meeting Daw Myint Myint Khin came out and said that the CEC did not agree and that the meeting decided to vote only to allow Daw Myint Myint Khin and U Win Tin to accept the posts of patrons. Thus they got three patrons for Yangon, it was learnt.
The Central Committee was formed with Tin Aye Kyu and Thein Than Oo as leading members and BCP UG members from Yangon Thiha (a) Tin Swe Naing Myint and Dr Nay Win. Leaflets on the organizational set-up of the Ma-Na- Ta are shown on board No 6. It will be seen that except one person the president, the general secretary and joint general secretary are BCP UG members.
The Ma-Na-Ta had constant telephone contacts with NLD U Win Tin and Daw Myint Myint Khin who were members of the board of patrons. The CEC members from Mandalay (Ma-Na-Ta) met with these patrons whenever they came to Yangon. On account of that, when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi went to Mandalay in May 1989, the NLD Mandalay Division Organizing Committees complained telling her that the Ma-Na-Ta people were political pickpockets and that they carried out their organizational work using her name.
After forming the Ma-Na-Ta party they put up a letter dated 7th December 1988 for procuring approval for observing the golden jubilee 1300 uprising). The Mandalay South-West Town ship Ahmyotha Naing Ngan Yay Tatpaungzu published a pamphlet with the heading "Students and Politics and the headline "Father of BIA Bogyoke Aung San (a) Bo Tayza" on the other side. It is found that after distributing agitational pamphlets (the "anniversary" of Tadani incident the announcement of Ahmyotha Naing-Ngan Yay Tatpaungzu Lunge’s attitude, the appeal for bringing about unity and the Ahmyotha Naing-Ngan Yay declaration were issued in compliance with the BCP Tatpaungzu's directions when 19 July drew near. We opine that these announcememt have been issued in accordance with the BCP way of doing things an keeping things secret with the objectives of forming the Tatpaungzu.
(** Note: Whenever members of the Central Executive Committee of the Mandalay National Politics Front were in Yangon, they always visited and met with the patrons at the NLD )
(** Note: There existed an exclusive line of communication
between the leftist elements in
After the State Law and Order Restoration Council had permitted the political parties’ registration with the Election Commission, the Ahmyotha Pyanle Tesaukyay Democracy Tatpaungzu (Myanmar Naing - Ngan) Party with Vidhura Thakin Chit Maung as its chairman held a work co-ordination committee for forming the Political Parties Tatpaungzu and altogether 36 parties attended that meeting. Of them 19 parties had the same opinions and so the Tatpaungzu was formed with these parties on 21 November 1988. But when the matter of registration was discussed, the five party group led by Vidhura Thakin Chit Maung was absent and so there were only 14 parties left. And on 17 February, 1989 a meeting was held for the formation of the Tatpaungzu. Friendship Since only 11 parties were interested, arrangements were made to form a Tatpaungzu with these 11 parties and thus the Leage of Democractic Allies (LDA) was formed on 27 February, 1989 with the following parties.
a. People's Democratic Party
b. Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League
c. Democratic Party for New Society
d. People's Volunteer Organization (Myanmar Naing-Ngan)
e. People's Progressive and Freedom Democracy Front
f. People's Solidarity and Action Party
g. Democratic Republic Front (Union of Myanmar)
h. Society for International Frendship (Union of Myanmar)
i. People’s Progressive Party
j. People’s Politics Front and
k. League of New Generation
(**Note: The People's Progressive Party while ostensibly declaring 'to fight until democracy is achieved', actually aimed at and attempted to incite anti-government sentiment among the people)
(*Note: Some of the leftist elements took advantage of the multi-party formation opportunities to found the People’s Progressive Party)
Families of the leaders of BCP when the BCP Central was based on the Bago Yoma, those from Bago Yoma who were detained by the government for various reasons and released later, the Coco Islands returnees who are under the influence of the BCP ideology and thinking former Ta- Ka- Tha/ BaKa-Tha leaders and those who are fond of extreme leftist ideas were in Yangon as a leftist force. The BCP North - East Panghsang Central communicated with the force in town through a separate line of communication. The BCP Central directly handled the force in town without getting involved in the BCP above-ground movement. But in so doing, the BCP Central let this be known to the BCP UG leader Thet Khaing (a) Ko Latt, Kyaw Mya (a) Wai Linn and Tin Aung (a) Uncle Gyi. In so doing replies and criticisms of the leftist force were to be relaved to BCP Politbureau member Boh Kyin Maung (a) Yebaw Tun. Some persons of the leftist group, taking advantage of the right to form political parties, got their party registered with the Multi- Party Democracy General Electlion commission on 4 November, 1988 under the name of People's Progressive Party. It is found that almost all the chairmen, general secretaries and joint general secretaries are either those who once went underground as the BCP or those who were once detained for their BCP UG activities. If their activities and talks are studied, it will be found that the party members never carried out organizational work for mobilizing new party members for increasing their party's strength but on the contrary they blatantly declared that they would not contest the election. They have done things with the inention of instiling in the people's minds antigovernment sentiments and mentality by saying "Go on fighting for democracy until it is attained." Thus, they were able to form the League of Democratic Allies (LDA), which is an alliance of 11 parties.
(**Note: Decision was taken to exploit the sudden increase in public appeal of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to boost her into the role of a national figure while at the same time efforts were made to incite public unrest)
If we look at the set-up of the League of Democratic Allies (LDA) we will see that it coprises the National Politics Front which was formed a directly controlled BCP UG groups; the People's Progress Party which is linked the BCP Central; Democratic Party New Society which linked to BCP UG Zaw Min; the People Volunteer Organization (Myanmar Naing- Ngan) linked to BCP U Soe Win (younger brother of Bo Zeya) and the League New Generation (Myan mar Naing-Ngan) link to BCP UG Bodaw Khin Win and Sann Myint (a) Arjit Hein.
The patrons of League of Democratic Allies (LDA) are Thakin Lwin and U Aung Than of the People's Democratic Party; U Ba Hla Aung and Bo Aung Naing of the People Volunteer Organization and U Khin Maung Myint of the People's Progressive Party; Moe Thee Zun of the Democratic Party for New Society was the Chairman and Nyo Win of the People's Progressive Party was the secretary. The LDA held an Executive Committee meeting and all the announcements and declarations, which were the decisions of the EC, were written and published by Nyo Win and U Ye Myint. After a book entitled "Kyo-me-lay-dagun," criticizing that Moe Thee Zun was being surrounded by leftists was published, Moe Thee Zun group and the Moe Hein group split up within the Democratic Party for New Society, after which Moe Thee Zun went underground. After Moe Thee Zun had gone underground, Aung Zeya of Shwebo was elected chairman of the Democratic Party for New Society. Therefore, Aung Zeya became the Chairman of LDA as well.
(* Making contact with the National League for Democracy)
However, those who are most influencial in the LDA are U Khin Maung Myint chairman of the People's Progressive Party, and general secretary U Hla Shwe and U Nyo Win. During the disturbances U Khin Maung Myint and U Hla Shwe held discussions with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and they tried to get U Nu, U Aung Gyi and U Tin Oo to join hands. The group led by these two persons was active in instigating mass uprising during the disturbances which brought about the toppling of the Government. However, as Tatmadaw took over power, their arrangements collapsed. It is learnt that they came to the conclusion that it was necessary to launch armed struggle in harmonious step with the disturbances if disturbances broke out again. It was also decided to turn Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who was becoming very popular, into a national figure on the one hand and to cause mass uprising on the other hand. The League of Democratic Allies first of all approached the NLD and discussed measures for forming a front but failed. Therefore, they decided to make Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, a public figure by applying the rallying method (BCP jargon) and giving support by their parties and to create incidents which would lead Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s activities towards direct confrontation with the Government.
(** The ‘League of Democratic Allies’decided to create anti-government confrontational incidents with the activities of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi)
On 18-4-89, 18 parties attended a meeting and formed the alliance work group and it consists of
a. U Tin Oo (NLD)
b. U Win Tin (NLD)
c. U Hla Shwe (People's Progressive Party)
d. Bo Aung Naing (People's Volunteer Organization),
e. U Soe Myint (All Myanmar Naing - Ngan Youth League HQ)
f. U Kyee Myint (Myanmar Naing-Ngan United Democratic Party
g. Hkun Tin Shwe (Nationalities Organization)
h. Aye Tha Aung (Nationalities Organization)
i. Saya Dun (National League for Democracy Justice).
In forming the organizing committee on 23-6-89 U Win Tin became secre- tary and U Kyee Myint, U Soe Min, U Hla Shwe and Aye Tha Aung became members.
(**Note: U Khin Maung Myint and U Hla Shwe of the People’s Progressive Party came to the conclusion that it was necessary to launch armed struggle in harmonious step with disturbances as they break out)
Therefore, when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi went to Mandalay in May 1989, the Ma-Na-Ta party, two of whose patrons are Daw Myint Myint Khin and U Win Tin of the NLD heartily greeted and paid respects to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and addressed her for the first time as a public figure. Later when the Printers and Publishers Central Registration Committee issued Directive (38) on 6 June, 1989, activities aimed at creating one voice of confrontation to get the people to defy the Law regarding this Directive were carried out. At the same time Chairman of the People's Progressive Party U Khin Maung Myint and group toured Mandalay, Myingyan, Shewbo and Monywar and held agitative talks.
In their speeches they said that over 100 parties had combined with the NLD. They said in their speeches that as the public had accepted Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, she should be given full support. They said thus with the intention of indirectly making, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi into a national leader and of making her unwittingly tread the path of defying all authority, as is the desire of the BCP. In so doing they reviewed the current political situation as follows; "We are writing a new history of the BCP. We are to lay down a line which is tottally different from the previous ones, and which is bound to meet success. It is vital for us to lay down a line, which is significant, based on the basic principles of parliamentary democracy passed at the 1958 party congress and its effective tactics. There have also be great repercussions regarding the principle for the transfer of power by the State Law and Order Restoration Council. The NLD which is the main party in opposition has not yet accepted the forming of a united front. Even if it accepts there a irreconcilable differences between Daw Aung Suu Kyi and them. But these differences shoud be put aside for a while and efforts should made in a rallying maner, for the public to regard Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as a national leader. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi deals condescendingly with alliance parties and she is arrogant to the extreme. But as she plays an important role in the struggle for toppling the military government, we should be patient and rally round her, but it does not amount to forging a long-term alliance. The current 'unrest' created by her is to be spread to the countryside. At the same time we are to carry out organizational work among our basic classes and win them over within the shortest possible time and make preparations for armed struggle to synchronize with the mass uprising."
(* Decision was accordingly taken for the formation of an armed organization)
They passed such a resolution. It has been found that they aimed at getting an interim government by means of military and political movements supported by armed struggle of DAP, formed and given training by BCPs. Documents relating to People's Progressive Party and Da Ma Pha (LDA) are put on display on Board No 7.
(**Note: Arrangements made for the formation of the BCP UG's Democratic Patriotic Army and for the founding of legal political party)
BCP underground movement leader Thet Khaing and Tin Aung who
have their base in Yangon, lower Myanmar, left for upper
(* Movements launched for the formation of the Democratic Patriotic Army)
It was decided at the meeting held in Sagaing that an armed unit be organized to launch a movement in harmony with political activities; the unit be called Democratic Patriotic Army (DPA) and be given permission for its formation. These were submitted to the BCP Central. While these were being submitted to the Central, youths had absconded to Kayin insurgent and Mon insurgent areas and India border areas but not to the BCP.
They suggested that the BCP Central should organize the youths, that they should be organized into DPA and be given training, that the militancy of the people was still high and they opined that it was appropriate to take widespread activity for armed movement. It has been learnt that underground movement leaders drew up plans code-named "328" Mondaing operation plan and "111 " military operation for DPA. The plans included mobilization of trainees, sending of trainees to the training camps, conducting training and equipping, formation of the unit as DPA, building guerrilla base camps, launching armed revolution in the white areas, launching the movement and plans on military activities. All evidence of this may be seen exhibited at the seized documents section. All these plans were presented to the Central to seek its permission on DPA, and directions were given to send recruits for training.
When trainees were recruited only members of the UG group and BCP party members were earmarked and recruited for the first batch of the training. It is learnt that altogether 25 trainees including seven recruits from Lower Myanmar Naing- Ngan were sent to the training course conducted at the BCP central (Northern sector) branch at Mong- ko. Forty-five persons including 12 UG members, and student youths were given training at the second course conducted at Panwar in BCP 101 military region. On completion of the courses UG members and party members were sent back to their respective regions while about 30 students and youths remained at Panwar. Directives from the Central in connection with the DPA are on display in the section of seized pamphlets and documents.
(* Future objectives of the Democratic Patriotic Army )
As regards the objectives of DPA, the central earmarked U Kyaw Zaw, Yebaw Tun (a) Bo Kyin Maung and 101 military region commander Sakhon Tainyein to lead and control DPA. The training courses are intended . short-term plan carrying out UG work. Instructions have been given to organize obtaining more recruits and to make arrangement to arm them as so as permission was obtained from Central. At that time political activities base on the National Politics Front formed by them and League of Democratic Allies formed with most of the leftist for would be carried out. It was also plan to put themselves on confrontation line against the Government and begin instigating cause a mass upris again on Arzani Day 19 July and on 8-August anniversary. It is learn that if the uprising took place, DPA members who had completed the training were to carry out military activities at the same time. In this way they planned to launch an armed revolutiion and to form an interim government. It was planned that the Democratic Patriotic Army was to be the last resort for the Burma Communist Party which been disintegrating. DPA was to set up guerilla bases in Shwegu, Mongmit, Monglo, Madayar, Thabeikkyinn and eastern regions of Pyinmana and it had been arranged to enable the central to get a new lease of life.
(* Implementation of the military plans of the DPA)
Measures were taken to send, under arrangements by the BCP UG of the Upper Myanmar Naing-Ngan BCP UG group students and youths to Mongko and Panwar to undergo DPA training. Likewise, there is the Upper Myanmar Naing- Ngan Kyaungthar Thamagga aphwe-gyoke which infiltrated into the masses of students and youths. On 9 -August-1988 Mandalay Tetkatho Kyaung-thar thamagga was formed on temporary basis with Aung Myint Tun as chairman, Myat Soe Tun (a) Gyo Phyu as Vice-chairman, Hla Thu as secretary, Moe Thee and Thura as organizers, Byan- hlwa and Moe Thu as treasurers, Nayla and Sinbauk for management and Thiha and Linpya for news and information, Yan Aung for inspection, Soe Moe for general affairs and more than 50 members.
On 5-Sep-1988, Hla Thu, Thiha and a person wearing yellow robes went to SSA central. At about 11-Oct- 1988 Hla Thu together with Tin Moe Than (a) Moe Thee, Soe Moe Than ( a ) Moe Moe, Tin Min Than ( a ) Min Datha, Kyaw Kyaw, Myint Zaw ( a ) Thura, Soe Tun Oo ( a ) Thiha, left SSA for the town to carry out underground activities. Hla Thu and Moe Thee went to Mandalay region, Min Datha and Moe Moe went to Maymyo region and Thiha, Thura and KyawKyaw to Kyaukme and Hsipaw regions. Hla Thu and Moe Thee, while hiding at Marga tea shop in Eindawya Thingandan, Mandalay, organized their friend Myo Myint Aung of Sanpya Kwetthit. Through Myo Myint Aung they organized Thein Naing, Myo Myint Aung's cousin and another person making a total of four. Moe Thee also organized his brother-in-law Ko Latt. Then the seven of them went to Namlam monastery via Mandalay and Hsipaw. At the monastery they joined Min Datha and proceeded to SSA central headquarters. Then, they joined with students and youths from Hsipaw who were at the SSA head quarters and the number totalled 20. As they were exhorted by Hsay Htin of SSA to go to BCP (central) in Panghsang region and co-ordinate and seek help for undergoing military training and to obtain arms. Hla Thu, Peter, Tony (a) Hla Myint and Maung Maung Hsan went to the BCP (central) in Pang- hsang. On arrival there they co - ordinated with BCP central committee member Yankwan (a) Tin Yi, Tun Lwin and Than Lwin Tun of propaganda section in connection with receiving military training and arms and got their approval. They were told to send students and youths to SSA central.
Just as youths went to SSA central with the persuasion of Hla Thu and Moe Thee, so also youths arrived there under the 'organization' of Mahn Tun, a tutor in the Geography Department of Myitkyina College and Kyaw Soe, a demonstrator in the Physics Department of Mandalay University. Mahn Tun was very active during the disturbances in Mandalay. In November, after the Tatmadaw had taken over State power, Mahn Tun took measures for forming the Upper Myanmar Naing-Ngan Students Unity League with 32 executive members. There were differences of opinion among its members with one group wishing to form a political party and the other wishing to form a separate student group. After that the Upper Myanmar Naing - Ngan Students Unity League split as the Democratic party for New Society, Mandalay Division Democratic Graduates and Old Students Organization. National Political Students Organization had left it. Mahn Tun thought that democracy must be wrested if not granted and without joining any political party had tried to contact the insurgents, organized youths and students and sent them into the jungles. In November of 1988, he first got contact with Tony (a) Hla Myint and Yama (a) Thein Lwin, representatives of central committee of SSA. First, he sent three students and then another three students to the SSA. Next he himself went to the SSA centre together with Kyaw Soe, a demonstrator of Physics Department at the Mandalay University, Soe Win (a) Diamond and Soe Moe.
At that time about 20 students had already arrived at the SSA centre. Next, Mahn Tun gathered the students there and held a meeting and urged them to unite. Then he went back to Mandalay region together with Soe Moe Thu. Next, on 7 January, 1989 he went back to SSA centre taking with him another two students. On 16 January 1989 there were about 42 students in SSA centre. Mahn Tun discussed giving training and equipment to students with Hsay Tin and Kaung Taing of SSA centre. They decided to send the students to BCP Central. Then Mahn Tun got Kyaw Soe, demonstrator in the Physics Department of the Mandalay University, lead the 42 students and sent them to the BCP central in Panghsang. Before the group left, a group of four including Hla Thu went to BCP Central in advance and discussed with the BCP training and arming of the students. The 42- student group reached Panghsang around 9 February, 1989. The 46 students were divided into five sections beginning 12 February and were given military training in small arms by BCP Hla Tun and the 11 ideology was taught Yan Kwan (a) Tin Yi of the BCP central comnittee, Tun Lwin and Thi Lwin Tun from the propaganda department. The nine students arrived at the end of March 1989 formed into the 6th section. Altogether 55 students were given training. Tun Lwin made arrangements to form Democratic Patriotic Army (DPA) for the implementation of the ‘111’military plan and '328’ Operation Mondaing. Than Lwin Tun of the BCP told the students that the DPA had been formed in different towns Myanmar Naing - Ngan and that representative from DPA in different parts of the country would form the People's United Democratic Front (PUDF), representatives from BCP would be inclued in the DPA and that they would take responsibility for necessary support. The students who in Panghsang agreed the formation of DPA.
(** Note: One of their intentions was Bridge to first demolish the Myitnge)
Each of them was equipped and Myint Oo, 25, of Yangon Institute of Technology was made their leader. DPA was divided into two groups so as to get new territory. One group was sent to Pyinmana and the other to SSA Central.
A group of 16 persons led by Peter and Han Win Aung together with arms and ammunition was sent to Pyinmana round about 20 June 1989 along with another group of 35 persons led by Aung Naing leader from former BCP Central bureau, it is learnt. Another group of 19 led by Myo Oo left Panghsang for (SSA) Central on 4 July 1989 together with some 50 persons from Wa split group led by one (the name of leader is still under scrutiny). Each DPA member had a small arm, two kinds of mines China-made hand grenades and two TNT slabs. These facts show that the BCP formed the Democratic Patriotic Army (DPA) as the second phase of their '111' military plan and practically armed its members.
In addition, it is found that with a view to providing military and political leadership, they attached their military and political leaders to the DPA as mentioned above. They have also made arrangements for the BCP UG groups in the whole country to carry out propaganda work, to gather mobs with the help of local populace to put a stop to the government machinery and to create disturbances in the inner front and at the same time for the DPA to attack important areas and to cut off the lines of communications. Before sending youths to the BCP (Central), Mahn Tun held discussions with them at the SSA Central and it was learnt from these discussions that the students' command group led by himself intended to launch armed attacks and cut off lines of communications while disturbances were being created in the inner front Since the BCP, forming the DPA, is to make their moves both in the inner and outer fronts with their internal UG groups, the Tatmadaw, will take measures to expose and crush them.
Just as Mahn Tun sent youths from SSA (Central) to BCP Central at Panghsang to attend military training course, so also he received arms and ammunition and explosives from the SSA/KIA insurgents. In December 1988, Mahn Tun arrived at the No 4 brigade of the SSA (Central) and obtained four China-made grenades and four fuses. When he visited the SSA group in January 1989, he got one M-20 pistol and one sten gun and brought them. In March 1989, Mahn Tun brought 50 slabs of TNT and ten fuses and hid them in separate places in Mandalay. It is learnt that his aim was to cut off the line of communications in Mandalay area and to demolish the Myitnge bridge first.
These programmes were discussed before the youths left for the BCP Central from SSA (Central). It is found that Mahn Tun collected arms and ammunition and explosives to launch combining inner and outer fronts, a general offensive in Mandalay area. Hence the National Intelligence Bureau will continue to investigate and expose the arms and ammunition and explosives and take action against Mahn Tun and his colleagues.
(* Study of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi of the National League for Democracy; the emergence of the National League for Democracy )
Brigadier-General Khin Nyunt, in explaining the situation, said that after the incidents of student disturbances in March and June 1988, while the incidents in August were taking place, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi arrived in Yangon to look after her ailing mother, Daw Khin Kyi.
On 8 August 1988, when the violent demonstrations were taking place, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said she would like to intercede between the students and the government for peaceful solution to the problems, for which she got the direct attention of students who were looking for leadership. At the same time, politicians U Htwe Myint and company urged Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to get into politics. Moreover, Thakin Tin Mya and his old politicians were present full-time at her residence, giving advice and help, goading her to get into politics. U Win Tin, U Ba Thaw (MaungThawka), U Moe Thu and others in the literary circle offered the necessary support to enable her to ascend the stage and deliver speeches at the Yangon General Hospital on 24 August 1988 and at the west gate of the Shwedagon Pagoda on 26 August 1988. It must be said that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi entered the political arena from then on. However, gauging by the wording she was then using and her action, and the background of the politicians surrounding her, word got out even then that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was surrounded by communists.
As anarchy had set in and the State administrative machinery had become defunct and as national independence and perpetuation of sovereignty were in danger, the Tatmadaw had to take up the duties of taking State power on 18 September 1988. The State Law and Order Restoration Council was formed and endeavours are being made for improvement of the general situation. The Multi-Party Democracy General Election Commission was formed with a view to implementing the multi-party democratic system for which the people were clamouring, also permitting the lawful registration of political parties. The National League for Democracy with U Aung Gyi, U Tin Oo and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as leaders was formed one of the lawful political parties duly register on 27 September 1988.
The National League for Democracy had a 12 member Central Executive Committee and a 4 member Central Body of whom 14 were of Aung Gyi's group, 14 of U Tin Oo's Patriotic Tathmus and another 14 of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi intellectuals group. Because it was made up of three groups which differed basically, there soon arose differences of opinion.
U Aung Gyi, in his letter to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on 25 November 1988, indicated that he wanted eight NLD Central Body members, U Ko Yu, Daw Myint Myint Khin, U Moe Thu, U Win Tin, U Tin Shwe, U Tun Tin, U Aung Lwin and U Chan Aye removed. The matter was taken up at the CEC meeting on 2 December 1988 and a secret vote was taken at the Central Body meeting on 3 December when U Aung Gyi's motion was defeated because there were 13 for and 24 against. Of his group, only U Kyi Maung remained with NLD and the other 13 quit.
One problem in the NLD was that of youths. There was the NLD (Youth) and the Thone-Yaung - Chai Aphwe, which handled Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's security. The NLD (Youth) handled political matters. They were vying for position, and there were differences among those who got it and those who did not. There were fortune - tellers, lawyers, doctors and artists involved at NLD HQ. Among the youths, were there those who went to the insurgent organizations, sneaked back illegally and sought refuge. In addition to those problems, the dealings between the youths and the elders were unclear, trading accusations. As the Thone - Yaung - Chai Aphwe began committing underground activities, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi herself had to speak to them to leave her residence compound on 1 June 1989 and push them out.
(*Commencement of dissatisfaction over the Tatmadaw)
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi went out on an organizational tour of the
various townships in Ayeyarwady Division from 14 to
(**Note: At the press conference, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi severely criticized and attacked the State Law and Order Restoration Council and the Tatmadaw hand in hand with allied parties;)
(*Papers of Maung Ko Yu & Moe Thee Zun presented)
While she was thus disgruntled, U Ko Yu submitted to the Central
a. The military government will not easily, quickly, readily and fairly hold the multi-party democracy general elections without internal and external coercion and pressure, Judging from assessment of the SLORC's current actions;
b. Therefore, the NLD should lead the people and carry out political activities, quickly putting out declarations and protests and working
c. To make political demands and stepped up the pattern of combat, through -
1. action involving NLD at township level;
2. action in coordination with allied parties;
3. demonstrating mid-city two by two, using posters on persons, and hand-held;
4. planting large posters with demands in front of offices;
5. simultaneous demonstrations in concert with allied parties;
6. simultaneous mass prayer meetings of various religions (Buddhist, Christian, Mohammedan)
The above paper got out of the party's hands, far and wide, and also into the hands of young students. Some liked it. Youths around Daw Aung San Suu Kyi also said it was not enough for the NLD to be going into organization in the districts alone. Criticism on the need to openly discuss the government's "unlawful oppression" and to get into action became numerous.
While Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was on an organizational tour in
(*Some problems during the March incident prove her discontent)
In March 1989, the were student activities for the anniversary of the death of Phone Maw and the Tada Phyu incident. Political parties also took part. In the action taken the security forces prevent violence near Kamayut - Hledan, some NLD youths were involved.
The public was informed through a news release about the arrests made to stop a demonstration of a group of youths in front of the NLD office. That Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was disgruntled with those incidents was testified by her news conference No 3.
(*Second trip to Ayeyarwady Division)
While Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was on a tour of and Nyaungdonn and Danubyu in Ayeyarwady Division from 4 to 6 April 1989, the security forces stopped her for breach of Order 2/88 in Danubyu, there was tension on both sides, and the NLD aired its grievance at their fourth news conference at its headquarters on 18 April 1989, at the same time vehemently attacked the SLORC and the Tatmadaw.
(*Blatant slandering during the 1989 Water Festival )
On the occasion of the Thingyan Festival 13 to 17 April 1989, pandals were set up in townships for song and dance sketches, and also at the NLD headquarters. It was found that those occasions were used to fling derision openly at the Tatmadaw, with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi herself encouraging those sloganeering competitions, the essence of which was to instigate the people toward hating the Tatmadaw.
(* Trip to
She went on an organizational tour of
(*Activities defying authority)
The SLORC Information Committee had, at its 25th Press Conference on 3 February 1989 clarified matters regarding conformity with the Printers and Publishers Registration Law and had further clarified it at its 40th Press Conference on 26 May 1989. On 6 June 1989, the Home and Religious Affairs Ministry published Directive No 38 of the Printers and Publishers Registration Central Committee and said strict action would be taken if those concerned did not conform to the 1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Law. The NLD people were not satisfied with this announcement at all.
Legal action was taken against the Maha Nanda Press at 245,
During her Myitkyina tour, she said that in maintenance of law
and order, law and order must be known separately. U Win Tin and Tharrawaddy
San San Nwe also delivered speeches at the
(** Note: The slogan to defy all authority was adopted as the motto of the National League for Democracy and it was hung up as a banner on every occasion when speeches were given )
On her return from Kachin State and Mandalay Division, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi aired grievances ostensibly on account of government announcement in connexion with the printing law, saying words that meant non-compliance with Announcement No 38 issued by the Home and Religious Affairs Ministry beginning 6-6-89. When Daw Aung San Suu Kyi met in the first week of June with National League for Democracy intelligentsia and intellectuals group members namely Maung Thaw Ka, Daw Myint Myint Khin, Tharrawaddy San San Nwe, U Ko Yu, Maung Wun Tha, Maung Khet Pan, U Tin Moe and group, Maung Thaw Ka recited a passage from Henry David Thoreall embodying the idea of civil disobedience: all the members liked it and gave suggestions for appropriate Myanmar words for it. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi liked it and assigned U Win Tin to discuss the line of defying authority at the meeting held 4/5 days later. After discussion by U Win Tin at the executive committee meeting, the slogan "Defy as of duty every order and authority not agreed by the majority" emerged.
This slogan was adopted as the National Democracy motto, and it
put on banners at National Democracy specifying meeting. Beginning
(*Daw Aung San Suu Kyi made to become representative of political parties)
Forty - one allied parties were said to have come together soon
after the form of the National League for Democracy movement remained cool and
so U Win Tin suggested Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to invite and coordinate with party
representatives. So, meeting of 41 parties was convened .
In connexion with election of representative to meet the State Law and Order Restoration Council, a meeting was held at the National League for Democracy with participation of representative from about 100 parties. Of the 100 parties represented at the meeting, 68 put their signatures, it was said, but it was not clear whether they signed consent or attendance. Before the meeting reached a decision, U Tin Oo and Daw Myint Myint Khin on the pretext of another matter went to the Election Commission and dishonestly informed it that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was the sole representative of over 80 parties to meet and hold talks with the State Law and Order Restoration Council, it was revealed. (*Arrangements made for observing anniversary memorial days.)
As the meeting of the central leading body of the National League for Democracy was held during February, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said anniversary memorial days would be marked so as to make the people remember the solution of political problems by means of arms instead of solving them amicably by political means, and so as to move towards solution of political problems amicably through meeting and talks in future.
Thereafter, 13 March was observed as Phone Maw Day (or) “Myanmar Naing-Ngan Human Rights Day”. No political anniversary observance were held in April and May. At the central leading body meeting on 3 June 1989 it was submitted by U Win Tin and approved to hold ceremonies on 6 June as workers' cause anniversary day and 7 July as students cause anniversary day. Similarly 21 June was observed as Myenigone anniversary day and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi laid flower at Myenigone Traffic Lights junction. It was learnt that some central executive committee members criticized Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's action as having been done without central executive committee meeting decision. In marking political days the Arzani Day was not included at first, but later it came to be included due to urging and contrivance of some leftist authority - defers surrounding Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
(*Movements regarding Arzani Day)
In moves to raise the momentum of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's authority defying movement, the Arzani Day ceremony was used as a fighting base. In the speeches made on 13-7-89 at Kyauktada Township National League for Democracy, it was declared that the arrangement to have only ten persons from each party attend on Arzani Day was unacceptable, that it was a day concerning the public and one and all could come out in procession and pay respects, that it was necessary to withdraw troops placed on security so as to enable it to take place in peace, that the previous Arzani Day ceremonies had been attended by the President of the State himself, but gradually it declined to a state wherein only a single minister attended and paid respects, and that was tantamount to dimming the honour of the Martyrs etc.
(** Note: In increasing the tempo of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's activities conducted in defiance of authority, the Arzani Day ceremony was utilized as the basis for their 'struggle')
A coordination meeting in connection with Arzani Day was held at the office of National League for Democracy on July 13, 14, 16, 18, attended by representatives of various parties, and in the discussions, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said that, although ten from each party were to lay wreaths on Arzani Day, her party did not take out official permission to lay wreaths, as they would defy every order and power as of duty, that like them other parties too should refuse to take out permission in defiance of order but instead come and lay wreaths under their own arrangements, that the National League for Democracy would go out in procession and lay wreaths at the mausoleum, and that other parties were invited to attend the Arzani Day ceremony together with their party.
(*State Law and Order Restoration Council Chairman warns Daw Aung San Suu Kyi)
To get Daw Aung San Suu Kyi discard the "defy all power authority" line, 5-7-89 General Saw Maung, Chairman of the State Law and Order Restoration Council, met personnel of national and international media explained matters including the fact that the Tatmadaw is not subject to influence any party but an organization that is neutral and carrying out its own duties, that if one wanted to build democracy it would be very wrong to resort to confrontation method, that such a thing as head-on confrontation and defiance of authority was something that should be done, that it was not good to do inner- party organization by the method of creating enmity for the Tatmadaw, that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's line of defying every order and authority was very wrong and it was necessary not to pursue it any more, requesting all parties to work together without losing sight of the set objective.
(* Thakin Soe's Unity and Development Party sends an open letter to the National League for Democracy led by U Tin Oo and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.)
An open letter dated 5-7-89 was sent to U Tin Oo and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from Unity and Development Party wherein was written that "our party had committed great wrong during 1947 - 70 and so had the responsibility to repay the debt of the wrong to the state, that our party had used head-on confrontation all the time, laying it out among the masses in all aspects such as philosophical, ideological, organizational and practical aspects, and that our party's "ideological and practical errors," physical, verbal and mental head-on confrontation and violent actions should well be taken as lessons by the National League for Democracy led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi." They said that they were apprehensive that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and party would commit the same mistakes as they themselves had made in 1946-48, it was learnt.
(* Movements to be launched on 19-7-89)
Regarding arrangements to march to the Arzani Day observance
ceremony under the leadership of the National League for Democracy, the NLD
leaders held discussions through out the night of
(*Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's home and compound were searched according to law)
(*Those illegally residing in the Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's residence were detained and documents from her residence seized)
(*Papers and documents of the armed insurgents and unlawful organizations were found and seized)
(* Forty individuals found to be unlawfully residing within Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's house compound were detained)
On 20-7-89, a search was made of the compound of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's residence according to law and seized papers and documents sent by armed insurgent groups and illegal organizations and 40 persons living illegally ln the compound were temporarily detained.
Among the letters and documents sent by the insurgent groups was one dated 23-9-88 sent by KNU Kayin National Union Chairman Bo Mya and addressed to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Bogyoke Aung Gyi and Bogyokegyi Tin Oo. The letter mentioned that the KNU would give full support in opposing and attacking the Tatmadaw.
Two copies of the declaration made by the BCP central on
Also found was a diary of a youth, who from Yangon reached the (ABSDF) Paya-thon-suarea and visited the KNU area covering the period 18-9-88 to 16-10-88.
A bio-sketch of Win Naing Oo of the Democratic Student Front (DSF), India (Manipur) and the Progressive Student Force for Democracy (PSFD) dated 13-3-89; and documents on the activities of student youths in Thailand; account of visits to Indian border and re-entry into Myanmar Naing - Ngan with four members of the DSF on 20-2-89; review of the prevailing political situation and the attitude of DSF and PSDF were also found in a letter.
In another letter found, one Than Tun Soe of the ABSDF No (701) battalion had written dated 7-6-89, to Ko and Ko Aung who taken body guard duty for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The letter said that although arrangements were made to meet with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi it was not yet possible; it also said that video tapes and photographs were sent by ABSDF to be show Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and requested arrangements be made for meeting with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Of the 40 persons who were detained in the compound of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's residence, Soe Myat Thu, (22) son of U Mya San was also detained. Soe Myat Thu is joint in-charge supply committee of ABSDF. He is said to have left Yangon on 2-9-88 and proceeded from Mawlamyine to Ranoung and arrived in Bangkok and took part in the activities of the ABSDF. During November I988, in order to get help from war veterans regarding armed resistance and to hold discussions with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and student leaders of the National League for Democracy, he re-entered Yangon through Ranoung-Kawthoung route. After holding discussions with student leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, - he left for Bangkok again. On 13-2-89, he took up duties as joint in-charge of supply committee at the meeting to elect and form the central committee at U l'huta Camp. On I 3-2-89, at the end of the central committee emergency conference, he met and held discussions with Kachin insurgent leader Brang Seng at Mane-palaw camp on matters relating to receiving education in West Germany. He reentered Yangon on 7-5-89 to study the situation in the country and stayed in the compound of the National League for Democracy and held discussions with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi once at the end of May and once in the middle of June to ask advice on what the ABSDF should continue to do. He continued to stay in Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's compound and while he was active in makimg contacts with foreign embassies for obtaining assistance, he was detained.
I would now continue to clarify matters relating to the contacts made between the Burma Communist Party (Central) and important personnel in Yangon City through letters. Leader of the underground movement Thet Khaing was the main person who made arrangements for contacts between the Burma Communist Party (Central) and important personnel in Yangon City. In November 1986, the letters he had to send were the letter from U Kyaw Zaw to San Kyaw Zaw; a letter from U Kyaw Zaw to Daw Khin Kyi; a letter from Ba Thein Tin to a famous former politician; a letter from Ba Thein Tin to a person well-known for his writing, a letter sent by Ba Thein Tin to the wife of a former leftist politician; and a letter from politbureau Kyaw Mya to a Rakhine national.
It was written in the letters that the letter from U Kyaw Zaw's wife to San Kyaw Zaw was delivered by Thet Khaing through Daw Kyi Kyi, wife of former BCP Chairman Thakin Zin. The letter was that U Kyaw Zaw's wife asked from her daughter, a diamond ring, a ruby ring and a pair of diamond earrings. The letter said that San Kyaw Zaw gave to Daw Kyi Kyi the things asked for and that the letter handed over the money realized from the sale of the jewellery to Thet Khaing. In the letter U Kyaw Zaw wrote to Daw Khin Kyi, he said that he remembered her, that the entire people should participate at a time when the country is in a crisis and that he would like to get a reply giving her opinion. The letter was delivered to Daw Khin Kyi through Thakin Khin Aung by Thet Khaing and Tin Aung. Thakin Khin Aung told Tin Aung that Daw Khin Kyi had said to him that she would never stay in the rear if it became a national affair. The letter Ba Thein Tin sent to a well - known veteran politician said that he had become old, that the situation of the country was deteriorating, that efforts should be made in the interests of the country and that endeavours should be made to end internal strife to get democracy and achieve peace. Thet Khaing and Tin Aung delivered the letter to the person concerned through Thakin Khin Aung and Thakin Thein Pe. The person concerned did not reply. The letter to the good writer was also delivered through Thakin Khin Aung. It was mentioned in the letter that the current crisis of the country was a national affair and that that person should engage in national politics instead of engaging himself in writing only. But there were no reply from him. It was learnt that Thet Khaing himself delivered a letter to a veteran leftist politician. Ba Thein Tin wrote in his letter that the situation of the country was in its lowest ebb and that he called for participation in the struggle for the cause of democracy, peace and national welfare.
That person replied that he was glad to receive the letter, and that he could help if they wanted to make contact with East European countries. Thet Khaing submitted this to the BCP, it is learnt. Ba Thein Tin also wrote letter to wife of former Pha-Hsa-Pa-La leader but as it was not accepted by her it was burnt Politbureau Kyaw mentioned in his letter to a Rakhine national that he had met the latter the revolution, that would like the latter to contact him if condition permitted. The letter was delivered through a Rakhine national. But there was no reply.
Thakin Khin Aung planned to give another letter from Thakin Ba Thein Tin to Daw Khin Kyi in June 1988 through Thet Khaing and Tin Aung. Ba Thein Tin expressed praise for Daw Khin Kyi's nationalist spirit; he was glad to hear that she would work for the national interest, that Thet Khine had been assigned to act as BCP represetive for future work, that the year was the 50th anniversary the 1300 (BE) uprising; that a commemtion should be exploited for anti-Lanzin Party activity, Daw Khin Kyi br made to take part in such activities, if that gained momentum, Daw Khin Kyi would be asked to form a government ment while at the same time BCP units would transform into national forces and they would join Daw Khin Kyi, while the people, other insurgents and some from the Tatmadaw might join them and that all this would procure the recognition by other nations of Daw Khin Kyi's Government. The letter was not delivered to Daw Khin Ky1because of her deteriorating health condition and it was burnt reportedly by Thakin Khin Aung.
(**Note: The personal letter from U Kyaw Zaw of BCP Central to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was four pages long)
A letter from U Kyaw Zaw to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi reached Thet Khaing from Wa1Linn (a) Kyaw Mya about the end of January, 1989. The letter was handed over to Daw Kyi Kyi (wife of Thakin Zin) through her son-in-law Moe Win. Daw Kyi Kyi sent for San Kyaw Zaw in the beginning of February 1989 and asked her to deliver the letter to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi by hand.
Before that, Daw Kyi Kyi asked San Kyaw Zaw to frequently visit Daw Aung San Suu Kyi so as to become friendly. The four-page letter from U Kyaw Zaw to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi expressed his condolences on Daw Khin Kyi's demise, that the BCP leaders were in favour of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, that they had identical views; they urged her to strive for an end to internal strife, to step up national politics, to work for development of democracy and to prevent disintegration of the Union. The intention was for the letter to be delivered to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi by San Kyaw Zaw during February. But the letter was not delivered to her because San Kyaw Zaw did not have a chance to meet her. The letter was returned to Daw Kyi Kyi who however did not accept and instructed San Kyaw Zaw to deliver the letter to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi without fail. Further investigations are being made to learn about the letter. It cannot be said for sure whether or not the letter reached Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. What happened to the letter may soon be found out, it is hoped.
Relations between the Burma Communist Party and other insurgents were then explained. Since 1955 Nai Shwe Kyin and Nai Pan Thar of NMSP (New Mon State Party) had had contacts with the Burma Communist Party. More than 1,000 from Mon Pyithu Tat-Oo Party surrendered enmasse in Mawlamyine in 1uly 1958. At that time Mon Pyithu Tat-Oo Party central committee member Nai Shwe Kyin together with 100 men were at the BCP Lower Myanmar division headquarters and did not surrender. Nai Shwe Kyin was a bachelor and BCP was able to persuade him to marry Daw Tin, a medic of the Bago division and younger sister of Yebaw Thet, member of the BCP division committee, and set up a new Mon State Party with the assistance of the BCP. Since then New Mon State Party emerged and Nai Shwe Kyin became its Chairman.
(* The Burma Communist Party's link with other insurgents)
It is learnt that BCP central despatched films of the photographed letters to NMSP through underground movement group member Kyaw Lay. In January 1989 assignment was given to underground movement leader Thet Khaing to contact with NMSP. It is learnt that Thet Khaing made contacts with RIT student NMSP UG Khin Maung Yin (Mon) who had been organized by Thet Khaing and sent him for contacts in January 1989. NMSP central recognized the contact of Thet Khaing. NMSP said Nai Pan Thar's letter mentioned that they had not lost contacts with Saw Han of BCP Dawei district in Tanintharyi Division, that training was given to 12 Yebaws of Saw Han at the NMSP central communication training course; that representatives ofKIA leader Brang Seng and KNU leader Nga Mya were sent to BCP to ask for arms on the pretext of "the students." The letter also mentioned that Nai Pan Thar told Khin Maung Yin that Nai Shwe Kyin was not well and was being hospitalized and that passport had been confiscated by Thai police. In March 1989 Thet Khaing sent another letter to NMSP central through messengers Khin Maung Yin and BCP UG literary study group member Aung Myat Htut.
It was a reply to the letters of NMSP central. The messengers returned in May bringing with them NMSP chairman Nai Shwe Kyin's letter to BCP chairman Ba Thein Tin and Nai Pan Thar's letter to Thet Khaing. Nai Pan Thar's letter to Thet Khaing mentioned that the condition of students in border areas was deteriorating, that CRDB Tin Maung Win's group had no strength; that U Thwin was a follower of Bo Mya; that Maung Aung shuttled between Bangkok and New Delhi; that Thanmani Bo Khin Maung and U Sein Mya were at Phayathonzu; that NMSP wanted to attack occupy Yay when moonsoon was over and wannted BCP to join with groups and attack Mogok; that 12 guns were bought at 90,000 Bahts for Tanintharyi Division BCP Dawei distric incharge Saw Han and his group that Saw Han group had men but no arms and therefore they were armed by NMSP and they should move under the name of NMSP and that reply starting whether they approved or not was expected. It is learnt that Tanintharyi Division BCP group letter to the BCP central was entrusted with Maung Yin who returned. It is learnt that Thet Khaing had sent these letters to the central through a messenger. During June 1989 Thet Khaing received a letter sent by U Thein Aung, younger brother of writer Daw Khin Myo Chit to Thanmani Khin Maung through messenger of UG Wai Linn. The letter mentioned that the 8-8-88 affair would be a landmark mark in the Myanmar history and that encouraging and he was glad to know that they were taking the same path. Thet Khaing sent that letter through NMSP. These activities show the BCP UG's contacts with other insurgents and these are clarified for the journalists.
Next, let me present the present situation of Burma Communist Party. The BCP set up their headquarters at Pang hsang in the north-eastern area and fought battle and carried out armed movements. The first battle in which the comrnunist suffered the greatest defeat was Hsi - hsiwan tapan battle in 1986. After the battle the Tatmadaw captured Kyukhok (Pang- sai) and the BCP's military considerable declined.
(**Note: As soon as the unrest and disturbances which they created within the country erupted, they proceeded to try and take military initiative with the attack on Mong yang)
I will present it in brief. BCP was not able to fight any battle in the border areas after that. Since the BCP suffered military set backs they tried to create disturbances within the country taking advantage of the political and eonomic conditions of the country and on the reports of BCP UG.
They fought the Mong Yang battle the moment the political movement within the country erupted. After Hsi - hsiwan tarpan, the biggest military offensive of the BCP was the battle of Mong Yang. The Mong Yang battle was the biggest in which a large number of men were used. They thought that they would win the battle. That was why with the political movement, they launched the military movement and they tried to win victory. They hoped to form a BCP interim government with 20 BCP UG members. With this end in view they fought the Mong Yang battle. But things did not turn out as they had hoped.
The Tatmadaw sacrificed many lives. Altogether 124 Tatmadaw men gave up their lives and 202 insurgents were captured dead. Many more were killed although their bodies were not left behind.
As they had suffered heavy losses in Mong Yang battle, the units in the BCP and BCP armed organizations were demoralized. Things did not happen as they had hoped for. Although there was no demoralization among the leaders, many pro blems arose among the rank and file. What was wrose worse was that the or ganizations of Kokang and Wa Nationals split away.
Because of their military setback, there was dissatisfaction and Kokang nationals split away from the BCP on 12 March 1989 and the group seized Mongko which is the BCP northern central branch on 18 March. After leaving the BCP, the Kokang nationals formed the Burma Nationalities Democracy Allied Army.
(**Note: Disillusioned and totally dissatisfied with the military defeat suffered by the BCP, Kokang and Wa nationals split with the BCP; while the Kokang nationals captured the Northern Central HQ (branch) at Mongko, the Wa nationals captured Panghsang Central HQ)
After the Kokang nationals had split away, the Wa nationals also left the BCP on 17 April 1989. This hurt the BCP very much because the BCP Panghsang Central was captured. When the headquarters of BCP of Panghsang was captured, all the arms, ammunition and other materials fell into the hands of 'Wa' nationals. All the BCP leaders ran for their lives in disarray. When the 'Wa' national group captured the BCP Headquarters, they also seized all the arms and ammunition the broadcasting of the BCP.
(**Note: Wa nationals capture Panghsang central headquarters, all the armouries and the broadcasting station BCP brigades No 768 and No 8IN in eastern Shan State also split away)
After that units n the No 768 and 815 bridges in eastern Shan State also split away. So there is no longer an armed group in the BCP. There are only the 202 in Shweli valley. It is not clear whether central bureau sided with the BCP or with the others. The BCP has only about 150 men around their headquarters. After the Kokang and Wa nationals and No 815 and No 768 military regions split away, the BCP central committee members were also divided because their central headquarters of Panghsang had been lost and they had to abscond. After that the central committee members gathered at Monlian on 4 May 1989. At the meeting the BCP reviewed their situation, it is learnt.
The BCP reviewed their past activities so as to learn why their strength had declined, and they realized that their military and political lines had failed beginning 1986. The BCP opined that they had suffered because they had dogmatically adhered to international communism and leftist extremism; because the idelogy they followed was not progressive and out-dated; because there was no intra-party unity owing to factionalism among party cadres; because they had been biased in enforcement of discipline; because they had no sound political lines; because cadre training was low quality; because they had been unable to produce able cadres to replace the aged leaders whose leadership ability had been poor and because they have never followed correct political line throughout their entire revolutionary period.
Based on these assumptions, the BCP laid down a new political line, it is learnt. As they no longer had any armed force to speak of the BCP made arrangements to move to Panwa in Kachin State which was the base of BCP military region No. 101. They managed with great difficulty to reach Panwa. At that time the Kokang and Wa national races had split away and No 101 military insisted that they were not under the Cetral. They went so far as to say that the Central could come and they would provide whatever assistance they could, but only as allies and not as subordinates. Since the Central find no other to turn to, they had to form alliance with their former subordinate. So they shifted to Panwas promising they stay in whichever place they were allowed to stay.
Those who left for Panwa were the leaders Thakin Ba Thein Tin, U Kyaw Zaw, Yebaw Aung (a) Boh Tin Maung, Tuphan (a) Khin Maung Gyi and Yankwan (a) Tin Yee and their families. They left for Panghsang on 9 July and arrived at Panwa on 14 or 15 July. The leader of the No. 101 military region was Set Khon Tein Yein, a Kachin national. The strength of the BCP central was about 150 if the family members were included. And of these 150, only 50 were equipped with arms. Entirely dependent up on the No 101 military region they founded DPA utilizing whatever armed force they had to incite armed disturbances within the country.
(**Note: BCP Central headquarters has only about 150 men at present. They have gone over to BCP (101) military region at Panwa in Kachin State and are staying there)
It would not be wrong to say that they attempted to turn Myanmar Naing-Ngan into another Lebanon. I would like to present you all that the BCP had imposed their evil designs upon the country for wresting power by all foul means and without taking into consideration the well-being of the country and the people.
(* Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her surroundings)
I would continue to clarify matters relating to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her entourage.
It was learnt that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi returned to
That is why, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, befriended the intelligentsia with whom she became acquainted during the disturbances and formed the Aung - Suu - Tin group mainly with these persons.
However, it is evident that she did not know everything about the persons with whom she became acquainted. Hence, after the formation of the National League for Democracy, news emerged that this group was riddled with communists. One of the persons who initially put Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on the stage is reported to have disclosed that the reason for selecting her as a political leader was that if the Tatmadaw attempted to quell the disturbances by shooting the presence of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Bogyoke Aung San's daughter, may lessen the amount of shooting.
After the formation of the National League for Democracy, as it is known, there were spilts and in the end, all that was left were only two groups, the patriotic veteran yebaws group and the intelligentia group. The patriotic veteran yebaws were those who had fought the communists while they were with the Tatmadaw and they hated the communists. That is the reason why the patriotic veteran yebaws group was not very satisfied with those who were once members of the communist party, underground communists, communist half- castes and those who had communist traits and who were now is the National League for Democracy. There were also among them wolves in sheep's clothing pretending to be sympathizers of democracy and others which began attacking the patriotic veteran yebaw group. While members of the patriotic veteran yebaws were being attacked, these groups made efforts to gain proximity to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. U Win Tin who is a member of the CEC and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi were those who respected each other and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi appears to have absorbed much of U Win Tin's political ideas. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi also accepted many of the things said by U Win Tin and it is thought that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi highly regarded U Win Tin's political fore sight. On some occasions, work to be carried out by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi were assigned to Win Tin.
U Win Tin is a journalist with much experience and the majority of the people with whom he came in contact and were acquainted were leftists.After the assumption of power by the Tatmadaw on 18 September 1988 he is reported to have said "We are now back to square one and that is why arrangements should be made for staging demonstrations and must take to the streets again." Only when a friend who knew the real situation explained did he back off. Being a bachelor, he has no house hold duties and could spend long hours at office and show that he can work and his political foresight made Daw Aung San Suu Kyi think highly of him. After gradually gaining Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's confidence, he was able to dominate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's way of thinking and was able to practically implement activities. On the other hand he did not oppose the patriotic tathmus whom Daw Aung San Suu Kyi trusted and hence he became more trusted. The most obvious thi obious things was that he support U Tun Tin, who specialised in studying communism, in being upgrated frrom CC to CEC. U Win Tin making the National League for Democracy carry out organizational work was able to matain the spirit which erupted from the 1988 disturbances and situation of the activities and he was able to organize and lead the public with these situations and eventually able to make public regard leader of the National League for Democracy as public figures and, aim for the election. He estiblished political aim and created situations to bring about mass activities every now and then. The one who worked together with him in implementing the plan in Yangon Division was U Tun Tin, an EC member of the National League for Democracy. U Tun Tin specialized in literature on leftist ideology and he fully believes in communism. He was also accepted and assigned duties by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
(*Daw Aung San Suu Kyi agrees to U Win Tin and Daw Myint Myint Khin's serving as patrons of National Politiec Front)
U Tun Tin was but a CC member and U Win Tin, a CEC member. So U Tun Tin usually carried out the matters that the CEC wanted to get implemented, together with U Tun Tin. It was U Win Tin who expressed the idea that this should be carried out in striving to turn Daw Aung San Suu Kyi into a representative that most political parties supported. As his idea was accepted, he, together with U Tun Tin took measures to realize it. This was undertaken with the support and agreement of the LDA and others which they had obtained in advance. This is quite clear. As the People's Progressive Party is made up of "halfcaste" communist; it is not easy for it to stand on its own feet. So when the National League for Democracy formed the 41 - party alliance it joined it. When the CEC and the organizing committee were formed, he was on the nine-member committee together with U Win Tin. He made efforts for not only himself but for the LDA to merge with the NLD.
It was found that U Tun Tin made further efforts to materialize the Arzani Day affair after the arrest of U Tun Tin. U Win Tin and CEC member Daw Myint Myint Khin were patrons of National Politics Front formed in Mandalay. It is Known to all what kind of organization the NPF is. It was also learnt that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi agreed to U Win Tin and Daw Myint Myint Khin's becoming patrons of the NPF. At that time, U Ko Yu added fuel to the fire. He wrote a paper instigating staging demonstrations beginning from February, 1989. Although the CEC did not accept and discuss it, he distributed it at the meeting of the State/ Division Organizing Committee members held at the NLD office. This paper spread to the youths and it was liked by militant youths and those who wished to go out into the streets and fight and those who were fond of fighting. This became an agitative paper among students and youths. It is a fact that U Ko Yu was once a red-flag communist.
It will be found that the communists have infiltrated into the National League for Democracy and their actions and their ideas have influenced and dominated the NLD.
In the mean time, when the CEC laid down its policy, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi took the leading role and carried out the tasks according to the ideas already known. The patriotic Tat-hmus did not criticize or point out what was good and what was bad. They, like others, nodded their heads to show approval. They were not able to tell Daw Aung San Suu Kyi what to do or what not to do. As regards Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, one of the EC members pointed out that genuine democracy such as that exists in US and England and what Daw Aung San Suu kyi wanted was not possible in Myanmar Naing-Ngan. He said it would take about 40 to 50 years to achieve it. It is also learnt that there were differences of opinion between patriotic Tat-hmus and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi regarding the 1962 Printers and Publishers Law and the matter of marching on Arzani Day and problems arose. Therefore, NLD has been formed with persons holding different ideas and views.
(**Note: The communists have infiltrated the NLD—NLD's being imperceptibly influenced by the communists)
(** Note: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi dances to the tunes of the BCP UG without her knowing that the BCP UGs by clever manoeuevering, created her into a mass leader and sent her on the path of defying all power and authority)
They did not declare the basic political line but carried out the 'defy all authority' line and acted according to the communists' style of work and thus there was disunity and the NLD got onto the wrong path. On the other hand, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi did not know the BCP UG in-charge Thet Khaing and Wai Linn (a) Kyaw Mya's machinations of turning her into a mass leader using the tactics of 'driving elephant into the stockade' and their efforts and help in sending her onto the path of 'defy all authority'and she danced to their tune. In addition, NLD, being influenced and swayed by BCP, made repeated attempts at causing the disintegration of the tatmadaw and this has been shown by events. At the same time they are shouting at the top of their voices that they do not have faith in the election to be held by the State Law and Restoration Council and it has been blatantly exposed that they have planned to seize State power by employing the method of violence in conjunction with the BCP UG's effort to cause mass uprising.
As the authorities were able to timely arrest the BCP UG with the assistance of the people, flowing a lot of blood on the Arzani Day on 19 July (what the BCP called the Second Revolution) was avoided just in time.
(** Note: The NLD, under the sway of the BCP, have made repeated attempts to cause the disintegration of the Tatmadaw and is shouting at the top of its voice that it does not believe in election)
(**Note: The plot to seize State power by violent means in conjunction with the BCP UGs' attempt to create mass uprising has come to light)
I would like to say that it was very fortunate for the country everything proceeded peacefully on 19 July. If we had not been able to timely expose the BCP UGs, a lot of blood would have flowed on 19 July. The BCP would not have given up their plan. It was the most opportune time for them. They hoped that they would be able to form an interim government if they succeeded in their plan. We were able to expose the BCP UGs and seized them together with materials and evidences, their plan was foiled and I would like to say that it was very very fortunate for the country.
We said time and again during the disturbances that these were the work, the creations of the BCP. That hurt the feelings of some persons. There is no need to feel hurt if it is not ture. Truth hurts and we assume that they are hurt because it is the truth. Some of those whose names are mentioned by me today include those whom we did not think BCPs. I have presented how far - reaching the BCP's strategic plan is and up to what extent they have hoped to achieve.
I achieve that as I am explaining these to the country through the Journalists, some points which were not clear at one time have now been made clear. The operation we are undertaking today is not finished yet; it is still going on. We are continuing to expose the BCP UGs. It is necessary to expose the BCPs who are infiltrating in service personnel and political parties. There remain many BCP UGs in the world of service personnel. We would like to request the people to join us in exposing the BCP UGs. On behalf of the State Law and Order Restoration Council, I would like to express thanks to all present here."
After the press conference, the local and foreign journalists critically observed the documents sized from the Burma Communist Party UG movement network (Lower Myanmar Naing Naing - Ngan BCP UG movement group and BCP UG movement group members, documents and other related things and photos seized from the Upper Myanmar Nang- Ngan BCP UG movement group members, photos concerning with the Democratic Patriotic Army (DPA), the photos of those who planted mines in the EPE compound in Mandalay and seized explosives, and documents distributed by the National Politics Fornt (NPF) papers distributed by the People's Progressive Party and League of Democratic Allies, photos of personnel from some political parties which have contact with BCP UG movement members, propaganda leaflets distributed between 1985 and 1989 by the BCP UG movement group, agitative reports and manuscripts seized from BCP UG members in charge of students and service personnel, the organizational set up of some political pand documents seized from the house of research group member Htay Win who collected papers documents which a be studied by members of communist ideology study group.—MNA