KAO WAO NEWS No. 21

 

An electronic newsletter for social justice and freedom in Burma

 

No. 21, June 15-26, 2002

 

 

READERS’ FRONT

MUSIC TO THEIR EARS

NEW MON STATE PARTY LEADER ABDUCTED

INTERVIEW: HRP TALKS ON CURRENT MON CONFLICT

SUU KYI’S BIRTHDAY AT THE BORDER

COSTLY BATTLE AGAINST SHAN

MON LITERACY CLASS IN USA

MYPO STUDENTS BUILD CONFIDENCE

OFFICERS AND GENTLEMEN? : BY DAVID O’HANLON

GENERAL HAS DREAMS FOR WHITE ELEPHANTS

UNHCR CALLS IN POLICE

 

 

Dear Readers,

We invite comments and suggestions on improvements to Kao-Wao newsletter. With your help, we hope that Kao-Wao News will continue to grow to serve better the needs of those seeking social justice in Burma and Thailand. And we hope that it will become an important forum for discussion and debate and help readers to keep abreast of issues and news. Above all, we hope the newsletter will be used as a vehicle for those who want to share their views and experiences.

 

We reserve the right to edit and reject articles without prior notification. You can use a pseudonym but we encourage you to include your full name and address.

 

Regards,

Editor kaowao@hotmail.com

 

 

Dear Kao Wao editor,

I would like to make a friendly suggestion regarding the usage of 'celebrate' in the news article "THE FALL OF MONLAND UNFORGOTTEN " (Kao-Wao News 20, June 4, 2002).

 

To us, oversea Mon, Kao-Wao is one of the best sources of information that covered many corners of our homeland. We like to see the young Kao Wao grows fast and keeps flying high in the sky. That was what encouraged me to write this letter to you.

 

Editor, when I read the first paragraph of THE FALL OF MONLAND UNFORGOTTEN, I was confused. The problem may be just to me, a non-native English speaker. Or, it could be an incorrect message to many of us. Because, I think, many of us understand the word 'Celebrate' as " observe in the form rejoicing or happiness".  Actually, today's Mon people hold an annual ceremony, with sadness, in remembrance of the Falling of Hongsawatoi, when ten of thousands of innocent Mon people were brutally killed by the Burmese army.

 

We often use words that have similar meaning interchangeably.  But, in the case of the Anniversary of the Falling of Hongsawatoi, I think, 'commemorated' would be a better verb to use instead of  'celebrated'. It would be less confusing, at least to me.

 

Friendly yours,

Hongsa_Ramonnya

 

 

CORRECTION

 

Dear Kao Wao,

Thank you for featuring my book in 'Kao Wao 20'.  I think that I may have given you the old address for ordering it. The publisher used to be called Curzon Press, but has now changed to RoutledgeCurzon.

 

To order the book, email book.orders@tandf.co.uk

 

Thanks and best wishes,

Ashley South

 

 

MUSIC TO THEIR EARS

(Based on NLM News and Bangkok Post, June 16-20, 2002)

 

Patriotism through manipulation of the Burmese public sensitivities toward Thailand to garner support has long been the favorite weapon of denunciation whenever the going gets rough at the border for the Burmese military. The following reports are excerpts from the Myanmar press broadcasting its displeasure with Thailand.

 

Myanmars have already known that Yodayas (a derogatory term for Thai people) abetted some insurgents and traitors and provided them with arms, supplies and recruits. At present, there are many anti-Myanmar offices and organizations in Bangkok.  These acts are meant to keep Myanmar weak, undeveloped and unstable and their attitude is that they will give assistance to all those who are against Myanmar.  By doing so, they try to cause bloodshed among Myanmar citizens, to make Myanmar unstable and to hinder development in Myanmar” said a delegate organized by SPDC at the mass rally in Pyay District denouncing Thailand and ethnic insurgents undermining security and peace in border areas.

 

The Burmese media has covered many stories in June on the ceremonies to support mass rallies denouncing the ethnic armed forces.  The media attacked on SURA and KNU insurgents, who they claimed are encroaching upon the security and peaceful situation in border areas, and to show respect for sovereignty of the Union of Myanmar.  They try to provoke and threaten Myanmar by practicing military training near Myanmar border every year. These acts of Yodayas are to be assumed for Myanmars as a national danger. We respect territorial dignity and sovereignty. Sovereignty is our paramount, a delegate claimed at a rally in Pyay and USDA led formal slogans were shouted at the end.

 

Two rallies were held in Pyay, Bago Division and Mawlamyine in Mon State. The government organized rallies were full with Columns comprising members of the GONGOs (Government control NGOs) such as Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), Red Cross and Auxiliary Fire Brigades, War Veterans Organizations, Working Committees for Women's Affairs, Maternal and Child Welfare Associations and social organizations including civil servants, teachers and students.

 

“The rallies were stereotyped of the former BSPP. Columns were order to take designated places in the grounds, salute the flag and USDA members explained the purpose of holding the ceremony which was written down on the set agendas,” said a local in Mawlamyine.  The attendants who have no choice listened to about insurgent groups were assistant by Yodaya to attack Burmese army along the border. Another high school student said it is weird that they who support the drug lord UWSA condemn SSA and KNU as drug-trafficking destructive insurgents.

 

Mass rallies were held in various townships.  The hoisting of flags was compulsory, those who refused would be fined, they were hoisted at offices; schools, markets, roads and buildings hailing the mass rallies denouncing SURA KNU insurgents and Yodaya said a resident from Rangoon. Soe, a student in Moulmein said the military is right because Thailand is exploiting Burma in many ways and he needs to show his nationalism this time by joining the rally, it is necessary to have nationalist spirit to ward off any danger to the nation who tries to break up Burma.  But an observer claimed the rallies were also organized to divert the political development after release of Aung San Suu Kyi.

 

 

Inside Mon State

 

NEW MON STATE PARTY LEADER ABDUCTED

(Based on Independent Mon News Agency and Kao Wao, updated June 21, 2002)

 

A group from Hongsawatoi Restoration Party abducted a senior leader of the New Mon State Party, Nai RotSa, on June 18, 2002.

 

According to a liaison officer of NMSP, from the Thai-Burma border, a 15-member armed group of HRP led by Nai KhinMaung and Nai BlaingSorn arrested Nai RotSa, the Secretary General of NMSP, along with two of his assistants.  The armed group released one of the assistants, Nai Banya Dot to inform the NMSP that they abducted the General Secretary and his personal assistant, Nai Mon Saw Noi.

 

The armed group abducted Nai RotSa near Abyor village, about 25 kilometers in eastern part of Ye town, while he was traveling along Ye river, according to Nai Aye Mon, the NMSP source.  HRP Vice-chairperson Ong Seik Chai confirmed the abduction on June 20, 2002 replying that is part of a planed action of retaliation against NMSP.

 

 

INTERVIEW: HRP TALKS ON CURRENT MON CONFLICT

 

Like many Mon freedom fighters Ong Saik Chai’s eyes show patriotism, he speaks with quiet determination. Born in 1965, Ong Saik Chai (aka) Chan Ong is one of many unknown freedom fighters who has vowed to continue the fight against repression in the war torn zone of southern Burma, Mon State.

 

The present Vice-Chairman of the newly formed Hongsawatoi Restoration Party, Ong Saik Chai talked to Kao-Wao in a liberated area regarding the present Mon armed conflict and the abduction of NMSP leader, Nai Rotsa.

 

Q: Can you tell us about yourself?

 

A: I began studying at the monastery when I was at five.  I was ordained as a Buddhist novice at thirteen and studied Mon literature and Buddhism in the Kanni Mon community in Karen State.  Then I moved to Rehmonya monastery at Lamine, Ye township for Junior Class Buddhism study.  In 1982, when I was at 17, I joined the New Mon State Party to fight for our national freedom. After military and wireless intercept training I worked at Wireless Communication Department of Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA) until 1986. I was appointed as Corporal of District Battalion and later transferred to Mon Marine Force.  I was promoted to Captain in 1995.  I joined the splinter group led by Nai Hloin in 2000 and after we united with Col Pan Nyunt, I was selected as the Vice-Chairman of the HRP.

 

Q: Why has HRP abducted Nai Rotsa, the leader of NMSP?

 

A: We took him because we want NMSP to talk with us; our intention is for unity among the Mons.  The NMSP and MUL (Mon Unity League) are silent when they took our member.  Now they have sent Nai Damrong, MUL Negotiation Team leader to ask about the situation.  We want NMSP leaders to talk with us.

 

(Editor’s note: the fighting between the two groups broke out on May 21, 2002 when HRP attempted to occupy an outpost of NMSP at Baleh Doonphite near Halockhanee refugee camp.   NMSP arrested a Karen nationality being accused of HRP informer shortly after the fighting.)

 

Q: Why did you separate from the New Mon State Party?

 

A: After the New Mon State Party reached the cease-fire agreement with the Burmese junta we did not witness any development for the Party (NMSP) and for our nation.  Besides that, the Burmese army banned the Mon national education, which has been preserved by monks and is taught in many rural areas.  They expanded troops into our areas and also confiscated lands in Southern Ye, Northern Ye, Zobbu and Yebyu townships.  They took advantage of the cease-fire agreement to build more Army Divisions and Battalions in our area, and there has been no benefit for our people.  In order to safeguard our nation and Mon army we split from the cease-fire New Mon State Party.

 

Q: What difficulty are you facing after the split and forming the new HRP?

 

A: We are surrounded by the Burmese army Battalions No. 22, No. 19 and No. 44 in our area and NMSP is not able to protect our Mon people and the guerrillas because of the cease-fire.  As a new political party and army, we have nothing at the beginning and we have to set up every thing.  To feed our members including women and children is a challenge.  The enemy (Burmese Army) continues to suppress and surround us.  But we are mentally strong and have a strong desire to fight.

 

Q: How has the Burmese Army suppressed the Mon people in your area?

 

A: Since the cease-fire agreement, they (Burmese military) can move easily into our area and expand their troops.  They control our civilians easily and farmers have to sell them paddy according to their quota, local villagers are taken for forced labours, lands are confiscated for the Burmese Army and some houses are relocated.  Some of our women are being raped while working in the farms; they torture and shoot our supporters in rural area.  Also, the Mon National Democrat Front was dissolved and the leaders arrested, Mon National Day celebration is prohibited, (their human rights) violation is known by the international community

 

Q: What is HRP’s aim for the future?

 

Setting up unity is our aim.  We all have to work in harmony. While overseas Mon and international support are applying pressure, students, monks and all civilians inside need to work hard for our rights.  At the same time, HRP is fighting by arms while the cease-fire NMSP is silent   To have one voice among the Mons is our aim, to speak out politics on the stage of democracy is our plan.

 

Q: Did you get support from the civilians?

 

A: We have gained many supporters from civilians both from Mon State, overseas and Thai Mons in Thailand.  The people are fed up with the suppression of the Burmese junta and they want us to fight.

 

Q: What about other alliances?

 

In the local or lower level we have a very good understanding and cooperation with our alliances especially with the Karen National Union (KNU).  We have contacted with others who fight against the SPDC and we have also submitted our application to become a member of NDF (National Democratic Front) on February 24, 2002.

 

Q: At the beginning, your statement was to continue fighting the SPDC and not to fight between the Mons.  But there has been armed fighting with the NMSP. What do you want to say about this?

 

 

A: We never wanted to fight against other Mons and we have always urged a third party (Mon Unity League) to reconcile.  The last skirmish at Halockhanee was a misunderstanding and lack of communication in the area. We had informed them that we are going to search for some thing in the area.

 

Q: We were told that HRP executed one soldier of NMSP. Is it true?

 

A: It’s not true.  Just one-sided propaganda, we arrested an officer of NMSP, Nai Htow Norn with one small arm and we released him right away after we took his weapon.

 

Q: What else do you want to say to the civilians and Kao-Wao readers?

 

A: Young guerrillas who share a commitment and spirit to fight for freedom and justice formed HRP. We need advice from Mon overseas and in Thailand, monks, intellectuals and all people, suggestions are warmly welcomed.  We call on all people of different lives to help and join our movement in achieving the goal to establish a free Mon State.

 

 

SUU KYI’S BIRTHDAY AT THE BORDER

(Kao-Wao and Bangkok Post, June 19, 2002)

 

On her 57th birthday, the noble peace laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is unforgotten by Burmese women and democratic forces.  A celebration hosted for the Burma’s Women Day took place at a liberated area, near the Thailand Burma border.

 

KNU leader Gen Saw Bo Mya, Khun Manko Ban of UNLD, Dr. Cynthia Maung and other women leaders, observed the gathering with other refugee women.  On May 6, 2002, Suu Kyi was released from house arrest after nearly 2 years of detention, further political development has not materialized as of yet by the junta who are obviously marginalizing her.

 

The Women’s League of Burma (WLB) also issued a statement on her birthday hoping it will lead to the beginning of a political process in Burma.  The statement said Suu Kyi is the flaming light of peace born out of the struggle. Though she has personally suffered from oppression and injustice, she has shown the path toward “freedom from fear” to the people.

 

WLB believe the military junta had to release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and ease the restrictions imposed upon her because of her moral strength as Burma’s leader.  The decision to release her is also a reflection of her strength as a political leader who truly represents the aspirations and dreams of her people at a time when the country’s situation is fast deteriorating.  In the statement, while the release of Suu Kyi is a heartening development, it is but a silver lining along the dark clouds over Burma, WLB believes that the people of Burma need to continue the struggle against military oppression in the country to create a society based on peace and justice.

 

The path along the freedom of fear has been a long road for Suu Kyi who has started to venture outside of Rangoon after her release from 19 months of house arrest. Last week she visited a well-known monk and is planning to visit more NLD offices in an effort to reinvigorate the party from years of repression.  Although Suu Kyi has called on all members and activists not to give up in their struggle but prepare for a renewed “fight for democracy,” she has not stipulated how this is to be achieved in the way of action and support or on how she plans to exercise her right to freedom of assembly and expression.

 

 

Thai-Burma Border Tension

 

COSTLY BATTLE AGAINST SHAN

(Based on Freedom News, June 19, 2002)

 

According to Shan Freedom News, the casualty of Burmese troops from May 20 to June 19,2002, were not less than 800 dead and wounded. The casualty of their Wa allies were not less than 700 dead and wounded.

 

In 18-19th June 2002, men from SPDC's 33rd light Infantry division (from Sagaing) launched their attacks on the Shan State Army (SSA) positions, but fall into SSA's trap and were surrounded. In these 2 days not less than 50 Burmese soldiers lay dead or wounded. One brigade commander was among the dead and a battalion commander was wounded. At the time of report, the Burmese troops could not break through and are still in the SSA's encirclement. Large caches of arms and ammunitions were captured by SSA troops.

 

In 17th June 2002, 4 Wa soldiers under a Chinese commander, mutinied and killed 5 Burmese soldiers near Nam Mae Kun, opposite of Mae Hong Son and deserted.

 

On 18th June, 3 escaped porters have also reached the SSA lines and on 19th June, at 16:05 hr, Burmese mortar rounds landed in Thai military Camp at Lak Teng, Weing Haeng, province of Chiang Mai.

 

 

MON LITERACY CLASS IN USA

(MRC, June 10, 2002)

 

The USA based Monland Restoration Council (MRC), on June 10, 2002, commenced with the second semester of Mon and Buddhist literature weekend class at the Mon Buddhist Temple of Fort Wayne, Indiana.  Seventy-two students registered (including fifty young students and twenty adults) to study Basic English and Mon traditional Buddhist culture and literature.

 

The Buddhist class comprises the history of Buddhism, Buddhism in Monland during the time of Suwannabumi (Golden Land) period as well as Buddhism, which flourished in Ramannyadesa from the 3rd century BC to present date. All classes are conducted in Mon and English medium for all students who are interested in both Mon and Buddhist literatures. Classes will be offered for 120 hours. The examination will also be conducted by mid November 2002. Similarly, Mon literature and Buddhist culture classes were also opened last year with 55 students.

 

 

MYPO STUDENTS BUILD CONFIDENCE

(Kao-Wao June 21, 2002)

 

Mehm Rot Htaw and Mehm Soi Ha recently returned to Mon state after spending 3 months of internship training in Chiang Mai.

 

 

The students took time off from their studies at Moulmein University to attend an internship program organized by the MYPO (Mon Youth Progressive Organization) and SYCB (Students and Youth Congress of Burma). The program offered English and computer skills training plus the chance to learn from the experiences of other youth from different ethnic groups, who are chosen from the Burmese democratic forces. The students also have the opportunity to increase their knowledge about what is happening in the world as they come from a country that restricts freedom of expression.

 

The students were very happy with the training and of having a chance to see things from a different perspective. Rot Htaw has become more aware of the political situation regarding the ceasefire agreement, political development in Burma and of recent news regarding HRP. They acknowledge that they were badly informed about what is going on with the movement regarding the NMSP and feel that it is important to support them, however one student admitted that armed struggle might be the only way for the Mon people to gain self-determination.

 

 

OFFICERS AND GENTLEMEN? A BRIEF REVIEW OF THE BURMESE ARMY: BY DAVID O’HANLON

 

With the fall of Ne Win and his family from grace and the release of Aung San Suu Kyi there is at least the appearance of an opening for negotiations. Much has been made in the past year of supposed divisions and factions within the Burmese military. But how much do we really know about the Tatmadaw?

 

The Tatmadaw in turn in times of crisis as always been able to present a solidly united front over a long historical period. If the Tatmadaw is like any other Burmese national institution then it is fair to assume that it is indeed deeply factionalised along rival patron-client network lines. However at the end of the day although they may indeed head different factions Maung Aye and Khin Nyunt remain brother officers. All the talk of a division between them that was current earlier in the year like the speculation of a division between regional and unit commanders at the end of last year has all dissolved into thin air. In the end it is all guess work disguised as analysis.

 

Given his record and the sinister reputation of Military Intelligence (M.I.) Khin Nyunt is an unlikely candidate for a moderate. It is easier to conceive of him as head of the sneaky beaky stiletto blade faction as opposed to Maung Aye's in your face heavy club faction. Essentially though they both share a common set of beliefs that opposition equates with enmity and that the interests of the army, being the heirs of Burma's Kings, are the interests of the country.

 

Therefore any means to destroy opposition are legitimate. Essentially it is a debate over means rather than ends.

 

Beyond an adherence to Burman chauvinism the Tatmadaw has shown itself to be politically very flexible and capable of moving from the Burmese Socialist Progress Party (BSPP) to the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) to the State peace and Development Council (SPDC) incarnations carrying almost no ideological baggage at all. When Ne Win detailed then Brigadier Aung Gyi to devise a socialist ideology it was done in a pragmatic utilitarian manner as a means to outflank the communists.  (1) In 1988 the Tatmadaw threw off the Burmese way to socialism like an old coat without recriminations or purges.

 

Likewise during the SLORC era Aung San Suu Kyi's statements were co-opted to from policy. Thus the Ghandi Hall declaration became the National Reconciliation Convention. Her statement in 1995 that Burma had to choose between dialogue and destruction was used by SLORC as a rationalisation to avoid dialogue. Finally there are the Orwellian style slogans plastered on billboards all over the country that give one the impression that Tatmadaw doesn't actually have politics as such, only psychological warfare. The Tatmadaw seem to have inverted Clauswitz.  Politics is war conducted by other means.

 

Negotiations thus appear to be for the Tatmadaw to be less an attempt to reach a meeting of minds as a probing mission. In the same way that a recon patrol probes the enemies defenses and draws fire checking for weak points the Tatmadaw spins out negotiations searching for the lines of fissure amongst it's opponents. The Communist Party of Burma (CPB), the Kachin Independence organisation (KIO) and the Karen national Union (KNU) have all fallen victim to the Tatmadaw's expertise at divide and rule. It is to the National League for Democracy’s (NLD) credit they have been largely able to resist this process.

 

As Aung San Suu Kyi has pointed out the senior ranks of the NLD are not without considerable military credentials.  (2) Maybe this is why she is able to read the Tatmadaw? The generals have historically read any conciliatory concession as a sign of weakness and appear incapable of respecting anything other than strength. Given that Aung San Suu Kyi's “stubbornness” seems less like intransigence and more like shrewd psychology. Those who chide her for failing to take a conciliatory enough line desperately underrate both her comprehension of the situation and the entrenched pathology the NLD is up against.

 

Much of the Tatmadaw's current modus operandi, unsurprisingly given its origins, strongly echoes that of the Japanese Imperial Army. This includes the use of forced labour en mass, portering, the heavy reliance on secret military intelligence and farming out of narcotic production to raise revenue.  (3) Finally there is a strong preference amongst many officers for a brutal and bullying command style, which includes that old Japanese favorite, face slapping.

 

If there is genuine factionalism within the Tatmadaw today then it is between Officers and other ranks.  This is true for any army but it is particularly true of the Burmese where constant brutality and exploitation has alienated many ordinary soldiers and left a hard core of senior NCOs recruited before 1988 holding the balance of power. Over the years many Tatmadaw deserters have given the impression in debriefing and to journalists that if soldiers believe they can get away with fragging their officers and deserting then they will. Usually they are individual private soldiers but sometimes larger parties are led out by corporals and even senior NCOs. This is true of even the elite Light Infantry Divisions (LIDs).

 

The conditions they describe are horrific. Underfed, they are encouraged to forage, or loot from villages in order to survive. Young soldiers are expected to massage Senior Non Commissioned officers (S/NCOs) after a long day on the march. Often these are alcoholics and drug addicts who habitually abuse those under their power. Often an officer and a few S/NCO’s and Junior Non Commissioned Officers (J/NCOs) will make up a ruling clique in a unit and rule it through bribery, bullying and brutality. It is yet another example of formal western methods of power distribution (i.e.; the chain of command) being abandoned for the tried and tested Burmese patron-client system.

 

Only recently have some of the much vaunted new arms provisions started to make themselves felt at the Forward Edge of Battle Area. This however may be too late. Recent reports indicate that extreme youth of the soldiery now preferred by the Tatmadaw has led to a rapid decrease in basic military efficiency even amongst the once elite LIDs.

 

In the past however many observers have commented on the toughness and efficiency of the Tatmadaw. On the march they are fast and almost inexhaustible. Their skill at arms, tactical sense and self disciple are all very impressive. They almost never let the weapons of fallen comrades be captured by the enemy and then only after hard fighting. The tactical thoroughness of the Tatmadaw and their repeated readiness to use a sledgehammer to crack a nut bears witness to this.

 

A critical weakness however is the over reliance on junior officers. Anyone with the "pull" to avoid front line service does so. This leaves quite large formations to be commanded by surprisingly few officers of junior rank. This in turn leads to its’ field formations being very unwieldy. Due to the lack of initiative allowed NCO’s it appears as if a commissioned officer has to be physically present in order for anything to happen. It also makes them very vulnerable to ambush. Almost all the insurgents have to do is to kill the commander (always identifiable by their preference for M1 carbines) and the entire force is rendered immobile.

 

Although it has been helped by countries such as China to play catch up the Tatmadaw is not a technologically very sophisticated army and remains essentially a large infantry based force. This is understandable considering that its main purpose has always been counter insurgency. It is required by the generals to act as a homegrown army of occupation in order to keep them in power.

 

Hopefully there will be a political breakthrough in Rangoon but if for some reason diplomatic efforts were to fail then as some commentators have observed one could only look for the emergence a Burmese General Ramos or a Wintaro to break the deadlock. However, given the history of the institution this is unlikely unless it was faced with complete disintegration. A financial crisis severe enough to cut off the inadequate pittance ordinary soldiers receive at present could possibly bring this about. Such a crisis of discipline within the ranks of the SPDC could convert such a huge and cumbersome force into a double edged sword for the generals.

 

Although as an institution the Tatmadaw behaves crassly I have met a few career officers in third countries who do not fit this mold. They have struck me as well educated and courteous. I suspect that intelligence and professionalism are not totally dead within the commissioned ranks of the Tatmadaw and this in turn is grounds for at least some guarded hope in Burma's future.

 

NOTES:

Smith, M. Burma and the Politics of Ethnicity. Zed Books, London 1991.

 Selth, A. Transforming the Tatmadaw: The Burmese Armed Forces since 1988. Canberra papers on strategy and Defence No 113. Canberra, 1996.

 Fink, C. Living in Silence: Burma under Military Rule. White Lotus, Bangkok, 2001.

 

 

GENERAL HAS DREAMS FOR WHITE ELEPHANTS

(Based on NLM News, Yangon, June 16, 2002)

 

The Secretary-1 of the State Peace and Development Council Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt recently checked out the facilities of the white elephant house, located in the southern part of Mindhamma Hill in Insein Township.

 

Chairman of Yangon Division Peace and Development Council Commander of Yangon Command Maj-Gen Myint Swe, the deputy ministers, the vice-mayor, heads of departments and officials, welcomed Khin Nyunt. The Secretary-1 viewed the white elephants and gave necessary instructions to the officials. Later, the Secretary-1 left the house in the afternoon after inspecting the construction of the white elephant garden.

 

In Burma’s history, owning a white elephant bestowed a considerable amount of prestige onto its owners, they possessed symbolic and mythical significance within the realm of kingdoms, which brought good luck to the kings.

 

 

Refugees Alert

 

UNHCR CALLS IN POLICE

(Cited from AFP, the Nation, June 26, 2002)

 

A group of Muslim illegal immigrants from Burma seeking asylum at a UN refugee agency in Malaysia were handed over to police yesterday.

 

The Rohingya Muslims had occupied the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) centre in Kuala Lumpur for nine days.  The UNHCR had called for the assistance of authorities to remove the Rohingyas from the centre after finding their claims to refugee status lacked credibility, it said in a statement released yesterday.  “UNHCR is not in a position to grant them [status] as mandate refugees in need of UNHCR's protection. The decisions were based on a careful examination of their cases”.  The statement said the decision had been relayed to the 18 immigrants.

 

The group, who invaded the UNHCR centre here in two batches on June 17 and 18, had said they would refuse to leave until they were granted refugee status.  Around 2,500 Rohingya Muslims fled Burma to Malaysia in 1991 and 1992 alleging persecution by the army, but most were later repatriate with the help of the United Nations.

 

 

KAO WAO NEWS GROUP

Email;  kaowao@hotmail.com, Tel;  + 66-1 561 0860

 

ABOUT US Kao-Wao Newsgroup is committed to social justice, peace, and democracy in Burma. We hope to be able to provide more of an in-depth analysis that will help to promote lasting peace and change within Burma. Editors, reporters, writers, and overseas volunteers are dedicated members of the Mon activist community based in Thailand. Our motto is working together for change.

 

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