KAO WAO NEWS No. 28

 

An electronic newsletter for social justice and freedom in Burma

 

No. 28 October 1-15, 2002

 

READER'S FRONT

INTERVIEW WITH NAI TUN THEIN

STARVATION IN MON STATE

CANADA LASHES BURMA FOR STIFLING DEMOCRACY

ALIEN WORKERS READY WITH RUBBER CUBE

EDUCATION PROJECT FOR MON MONKS

JUNTA MAINTAINS TIGHT GRIP ON RELIGIOUS ACTIVITY

REFUGEE HOLDING PROTECTION PAPER ARRESTED

ETHNIC KAREN, MON TOLD TO HAND IN ID CARDS

THE MON POLITICAL DILEMMA: BANYA HONGSAR

 

 

READERS’ FRONT

 

Dear Readers,

We invite comments and suggestions on improvements to Kao-Wao newsletter. With your help, we hope that Kao-Wao News will continue to grow to serve better the needs of those seeking social justice in Burma and Thailand. And we hope that it will become an important forum for discussion and debate and help readers to keep abreast of issues and news. Above all, we hope the newsletter will be used as a vehicle for those who want to share their views and experiences.

 

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Dear Kao-Wao,

It is so disappointing to know about land confiscation in Mon State and farmers are starving.  Where is the UN special envoy?  Does the international community take any action?  Where are the New Mon State Party and the HRP to speak out on behalf of their civilian?

 

Nai Win

(OMNSO)

 

Mon National Affairs

 

 

INTERVIEW WITH NAI TUN THEIN

 

Independent Mon News Agency conducted an interview with Nai Tun Thein, Chairman of the Mon National Democratic Front (MNDF) in April 2002 regarding the political crisis in Burma and Mon nationalism.

 

IMNA: What is the current political situation in Burma?

 

NTT: The current political situation in Burma is stagnating. Even though the government said they are doing better.  I believe it takes time for political development, but the international community needs to apply stronger pressure, otherwise there will be no political development.

 

IMNA: What is significant of the current talks between SPDC and NLD?

 

NTT: Although the government (SPDC) is saying the current talks is for a better future, but this is not going to happen suddenly.  Because I think, the military government is not willing to give up or hand over power just like that.  The government itself faces a huge problem.  However, I cannot predict when they will start to address the ongoing crisis in the country.

 

IMNA: Is there any possibility of tripartite dialogue, what is the situation?

 

NTT: Yes, we must have the confidence to initiate a tripartite dialogue.  In this kind of serious situation, everybody has to sit down together to address the problems in the nation.  It is for national unity and peace.  I could not find any other way to save this nation without conducting tripartite dialogue.

 

IMNA: To participate in the tripartite dialogue, what is the strength (mass force) of non-Burman nationalities?

 

NTT: We have three groups: non-Burman political parties who contested in the 1990 general election under the existing laws; groups of non-Burman organizations that have reached cease-fire agreement with the government; and other non-Burma group that have not reached cease-fire agreements with the government.  These three groups are the strength behind the non-Burman nationalities.

 

IMNA: How would the non-Burman nationalities represent themselves in a dialogue?

 

NTT: First, we have asked to call a meeting among our non-Burman nationalities.  We will then elect our representatives and provide technical resources (frame works) to be presented in the tripartite dialogue for our representatives.  To ensure a smooth process, the government needs to declare a nation wide cease-fire to all armed non-Burman groups, giving them free political access.

 

IMNA: Is there any agreement between NLD and non-Burman nationalities?

 

NTT: Non-Burma nationalities such as Mon, Rakhine, Shan and Chin parities were represented at the Ten Member Committee (Committee of Representative of People's Parliament-CRPP) that has worked for about three years.  Ten members of the committee were elected, comprising nine members of NLD and one from non-Burma nationalities.  We named them the Ten Members committee. The NLD is satisfied with this Ten Members Committee. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was arrested (put under house arrested) as a result of the non-Burman parties joining the NLD.  We have heard that they (NLD) support this tripartite dialogue.  Therefore, we can say the NLD is willing to conduct the tripartite dialogue.

 

IMNA: What is your opinion on the cease-fire and non cease-fire groups?

 

NTT: As far as I know, both of the cease-fire and non-cease-fire groups are waiting to begin the tripartite dialogue.  We, non-Burma groups such as Mon, Rakhine, Shan and Chin who contested in the election are proposing the government invite both armed groups. Both sides agreed with us and welcomed our proposal. 

 

IMNA: What is your opinion of armed clashes between the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and Hongsawatoi Restoration Party (HRP)?  There also has been sporadic fighting in the controlled areas.

 

NTT: We must prevent any armed conflict between these two organizations.  We heard the monks' organizations made every effort to prevent this situation from getting out of control.  Right now, don't attempt to re-group these two organizations.  I suggest that HRP relocate far away from the NMSP's operated areas. It is much better to give frequent access for mediator/ monks between these two organizations.

 

IMNA: Is there an alternative way to gain a fully Mon independent state?

 

NTT: For the sake of a Mon independent state, if non-Burman organizations, registered political parties under existing law, cease-fire groups and non-cease-fire groups work toward building unity it could happen. Right now, we have seen three of our non-Burman organizations have similar opinions on this issue.

 

IMNA: What are your views regarding a Mon State within the Federation of Burma, precisely, border determination and an administrative power arrangement?

 

NTT: Each federal State has legislative power, administrative power and judiciary power.  The power of defense, the power of finance (currency), the power of foreign affairs shall be placed to the central government and the rest of powers shall be placed to each individual state. At the central government's body, not only representatives of Burman nationalities, but also an equal of number non-Burma nationalities from eight states shall be represented.  For example, each representative from each state shall be represented in the upper house (Senate chamber) equally.  Therefore, if there is a significant issue to be decided, all members must agree.  

 

IMNA: What is your opinion regarding seven divisions of Burmese states while each of the non-Burma nationalities has only one state?

 

NTT: Burma itself should form one single state and we should attempt to form eight states in this country. 

 

IMNA: Then, are you going to accept the current exiting ten townships of Mon State or would you extend other territories such as Pegu State, Tenesserim State?

 

NTT: We plan to extend our Territory. 

 

IMNA: How are you going to manage education?

 

NTT: Upon gaining full administrative power in Mon State, we will manage two educational systems. The first is to open a Mon Primary school that teaches Mon and English.  We teach Burmese on year two.  When students enter into primary school, they have to learn Mon, Burmese and English at the middle (secondary) school.  The rest, such as Geography, History and the Sciences are to be taught in English.  At Ten Standard, students have to write exams in Mon, Burmese and English for language subjects and the rest of the subjects' exams have to be written in English.

 

So students attending university will be comfortable with English and have the confidence for further study in Mon State or abroad.  If students wish to study Mon language (linguistic) at University, the institution must prepare for the program.  However, we will ensure the teaching of Burmese in primary schools because there are non-Mon nationalities in Mon State.

 

IMNA: What is your message to the Mon community?

 

NTT: Right now, the Mon community does not have the power and freedom to conduct a political campaign.  When the government allows it, we urge the Mon community to support the Mon political organization / party. 

 

STARVATION IN MON STATE

(By Taramon,  October 6, 2002)

 

Over 20 families from Tadane villages near the Three Pagodas Pass town are starving after losing their income from border trading, said a villager from Thai Burma border.

 

Almost all villagers are starving, said a Mon nurse in charge of the village's clinic. The villagers survive on the logging business and animal hunting, which has ceased to exist, she added, being victims of the skyrocketing market prices after the border closure. They have no money to buy rice, which is too expensive. "A six month pregnant women is weak after having virtually nothing to eat for two to three days now", she added. "She was sick after walking for a medical check". "I have never seen anything like this in my life". One villager said, "We don't have food. We don't have work." Most villagers are eating bamboo shoots, gums, cassava, and papayas to stay alive.  The people in this area are too poor to survive.

 

Adding to crisis is the villagers being forced to pay 3,000 Baht to the Mon splinter-armed group last week for taxes. Now they fear more violence is expected between the two Mon armed groups.

 

This week, a fighting broke out between the groups near to the village. The situation is getting worse according to latest news from the eastern part of Ye township, Mon State, most of the local people are suffering from the skyrocketing price of rice.  The junta banned transporting of rice from one state to another for the sake of saving or controlling the price. In Mudone Township, Kamarwet village, rice looting took place last month. Over sixty people were involved and forty have been arrested. In another case, the villagers from Domai village looted a house and escaped.

 

 

CANADA LASHES BURMA FOR STIFLING DEMOCRACY

(Based on Reuters and Kao-Wao, Ottawa, October 9, 2002)

 

Canada launched a strong attack on Burma accusing the military government of stifling democracy and urging it to start serious talks immediately with democratic leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

 

David Kilgour, Canada's Secretary of State for Asia-Pacific, said there were few signs the junta was serious about introducing democratic reforms.  "The (junta) has yet to provide any substantive reason for anyone to believe that it intends to give up power or even to engage in substantive negotiations with Aung San Suu Kyi," he said to international donors, activists and friends of Burma at the Burma Conference held in Ottawa.

 

"Despite the release of Suu Kyi, Canada does not feel the regime has made sufficient progress toward democracy and respect for human rights to warrant changing our policy toward Burma," Kilgour said.

 

The Prime Minister of Burmese government in exile, Dr. Sein Win also told the audience of two hundred that despite a promise that the regime restores democracy in Burma, the generals look at anyone involved in politics as opposing them and show no hesitation and restrictions remain in place. Political parties, including ethnic-based parties, are denied permission to produce their own newspapers, distribute documents, or freely hold public meetings.

 

In his keynote speech, the National Coalition Government of Union of Burma's leader said Burma conflict is a vertical conflict between the successive central governments and its constituent units claiming for equality, autonomy and self-determination. The root cause of civil war in Burma is constitutional crisis, not ethnic conflict, and it can be only resolved by creating an atmosphere in which all ethnic nationalities are allowed to freely express their own vision for the rebuilding of the Nation and develop a constitutional arrangement accepted by all ethnic nationalities of Burma.

 

Dr Sein Win also urged for the international condemnation against these violations by the regime must be continued to deter the generals from committing them. The NCGUB will continue to promote dialogue among all ethnic nationalities of Burma through the national reconciliation.

 

In 1988 Canada broke off high-level bilateral ties and suspended official commercial relations with Burma while withdrawing all support for Canadian firms doing business in the country.

 

 

Migrant Watch

 

ALIEN WORKERS READY WITH RUBBER TUBE

(Kao-Wao, Bangkok, October 14, 2002)

 

Migrant workers are preparing inner tubes, from rubber tires, in order to save the lives of their colleagues who risk their lives diving into the river after being chased by the local police in Maharchai, Thailand.

 

According to the recent Thai policy on alien workers this year, the new arrivals are not allowed to register for a work permit. They are accepting only previous workers, registrants from last year. While the number of illegal workers entering Thailand has not decreased, there is a big problem with them getting a job and living in fear of being arrested or robbed by the police.

 

"We don't want to see them drown, as they are often diving into the river in front of us after being chased by local police (Saitrut)", said a registered worker. Most migrant workers in Maharchai are working at seafood factories and live near the river. Many of them can swim and float in the water to escape the police searching the riverbanks.

 

"Once caught, we have to pay between four and twelve thousand baht (4000 Baht equals roughly 100 US).  We have little money, our pay is quite low compared to what the Thai get, but we have to borrow from friends," said a worker living in the vicinity of Wat Khook, Maharchai Navit. The local police really are not all that concerned about the crackdown on unregistered workers. They only want to squeeze money from the workers, as they know their weak points, the costs returning from the border are being high. Many workers have to pay a fortune to the local police after being captured and squeezed.

 

 

EDUCATION PROJECT FOR MON MONKS

(MUL, Bangkok, September 29, 2002)

 

A group of young Mon monks from different areas in Thailand met near Bangkok to discuss plans to better organize as a group to encourage more education and community leadership initiatives among the Mon community.

 

Phra Mahar Uthai, caretaker abbot of Wat Khlongjed, Pathumthani in a meeting stressed that, "At present a number of young Mon monks in Thailand and Burma are in need of unity building in the area of education. Thus, it's difficult to get keep contact and help each other out.  So Mon monks are at risk of being underdeveloped and lack social education and background information like politics, economic, etc.  There is no support network based on education, and solid leadership skills need to be emphasized.  At this point the most important issue is education for human resource development, particularly among young monks."

 

Nai Sunthorn Sripanngern, secretary of the Mon Unity League, suggested that, "It is a good indication that the monks are being active in promoting education for the young monks. The Mon Buddhist monks have usually studied Buddhism; we need to reform like other religious groups that study a broad range of subjects. The monks are regarded as the community leaders and need to be fully educated in order to lead their laypeople. Other MUL leaders Nai Kasuah Mon, Nai Sumit and Nai Wongsa agreed unanimously to move in this direction.

 

It is hoped that Mon students, both monks and men, will apply at the universities in year 2003. The monks are allowed to study at Mahar Chula University in Bangkok and the second class citizen such as Mon in Sangkhlaburi who finished Thai secondary schools are allowed to study at Ramkhamhang or Sukhothai Open University.

 

 

JUNTA MAINTAINS TIGHT GRIP ON RELIGIOUS ACTIVITY

(Cited from AFP, Washington, Oct 8, 2002)

 

Myanmar's ruling junta maintains a tight grip on religious activity, fearful of the Buddhist clergy's support of democracy while discriminating against Muslims and Christians, the United States said.

 

In its annual report on religious freedom worldwide released Monday, the US State Department gave a generally positive picture on neighbouring Thailand, saying its citizens were free to practice their faiths.

 

The survey said that despite the right to religious freedom enshrined in Myanmar's constitution, successive military regimes over the past four decades have routinely imposed restrictions on religious activities.

 

"It systematically has restricted efforts by Buddhist clergy to promote human rights and political freedom... and in some ethnic minority areas, has coercively promoted Buddhism over other religions," it said.

 

"Through its pervasive internal security apparatus, the government generally infiltrated or monitored the meetings and activities of virtually all organizations, including religious organizations."

 

While a sharp increase in violence against the Muslim minority reported in 2001 had abated, there were accounts that restrictions on Muslim travel and worship countrywide had increased, it said.  "The government continued to discriminate against members of minority religions, restricting the educational, proselytizing, and building activities of minority religious groups."

 

Ethnic minority groups including the Karen and the Kachin, who are predominantly Christian, were particular targets.

 

The report said the junta continued to control and restrict the activities of the Buddhist clergy, and added that more than 100 monks were imprisoned during the 1990s for supporting democracy and human rights.

 

 

REFUGEE HOLDING PROTECTION PAPER ARRESTED

(By Kun Bop Htaw / Bangkok, October 1, 2002)

 

Win Aung, Burmese Foreign Minister missed an important place to visit on his recent trip to Thailand, the Immigration Detention Center, home to more than 600 Burmese nationals, made up of refugees and migrant workers.

 

A Mon refugee holding a letter of concern issued by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in Bangkok was arrested on Monday. The member of Mon Young Monks Democracy Action Group was arrested in front of Wat Prok Mon monastery at Yanawa District of central Bangkok in the late evening on Monday night September 30th. The detainee said, "I was going to have a meal at Wat Prok and was arrested by the police instead". He is an active member of the organization. He showed the letter from the UNHCR to the arresting officer who passed it off with a shrug.

 

He was detained overnight at Bangrak Police Station and was transferred to Immigration Detention Center on the following evening. After members of his association learned of the story, two Mon  monks visited him at Bangrak Police Station, after they contacted the legal officer of UNHCR at the Burmese Refugees Center in Bangkok, but as of yet nothing has been done about the young man's detention.

 

They called the legal officer several times and finally received a message saying not to hold too much hope for release. According BRC legal officer, 'We don't know why this has happened, we have pleaded for his release and safety. The police say, 'We don't have the time to talk about this matter, if you want to talk, just go to IDC (Taw Maw) to solve the problem'". A close relative of the detainee called the BRC legal officer for the third time requesting a visit to Bangrak Police Station to ask for his release by phone.

 

In the UNHCR letter held by the detainee, the second paragraph states that: 'any assistance provided to this individual during his stay in Thailand would be greatly appreciated. The bearer of this note is expected to comply with Thai Laws, rules and regulations'. The law upheld by the UN is always coming in question regarding refugees in Thailand, as it is not a signatory to the convention on refugees.

 

A close friend visited him on Wednesday morning at IDC and met other detainees; there are 227 people in this one room. Detainees don't have enough space to lie down in the overcrowded room. According to the BRC legal officer, 'don't worry too much, they will keep him in a proper room because he is under our protection'. Thai Action Committee for Democracy in Burma has been alerted to the story, the organization contacted mainstream Burmese media reporters of BBC, VOA or RFA, but no publicity has yet covered the story.

 

After Win Aung, Foreign Minister of Burma, visited Bangkok for bilateral relations between the two countries a significant change occurred from the Thai government's policy towards Burmese refugees. The Thais have increased its crack down on migrants, refugees, and democratic groups.

 

The refugee community from Burma is living under increasingly insecure conditions, not knowing what will happen next, whether they will be arrested or forced back home without their consent.

 

A Mon relief worker warned, 'Be aware of being deported to Measot because there are many Burmese spies, if you are protected under the UN, your safety is not guaranteed, especially in Myawaddy'.

 

 

ETHNIC KAREN, MON TOLD TO HAND IN ID CARDS

(Cited from Bangkok Post, October 6, 2002)

 

A thousand ethnic Karen and Mon in Bangkok have been told to hand in their identity cards and household registration documents, less than a year after receiving them.

 

The villagers in Suan Phung district asked the Law Society of Thailand and the Human Rights Commission for legal assistance. At a meeting yesterday, they demanded to know why the district has started to seize the documents.

 

The villagers received the documents last year. The district staff started taking them back without explanation. Almost 140 people have returned their cards and documents, and another 850 have been told to follow suit. Karen and Mon make up most of the ethnic groups living in the district, which borders Burma.

 

The Law Society will meet district staff next week. The villagers say that surrendering their papers could put the fate of their school-aged children in jeopardy. The children could be pulled out of classes once the school principals found they have no documents. Surapong Kongchantuk, from the human rights body, said children have a right to education as guaranteed in the constitution. The Law Society will be requesting the Education Ministry for assurance that the children remain in school.

 

 

Opinion

 

THE MON POLITICAL DILEMMA

(By Banya Hongsar / Bangkok, September 2002)

 

If you ask ordinary Mon people: "Who is your leader?" They would answer, "Well, it's hard to say, I don't know." This doesn't mean they don't know their leaders' names, but leaders are restricted from speaking out or scattered in the armed forces and political parties. This dilemma has manifested itself alongside politics, communication and the campaign for dialogue and will figure prominently in the future; the nature of Mon politics is neither new nor old but will be a challenge for leaders.

 

First in politics, the New Mon State Party and Mon National Democratic Front are running the race to serve Mon national interests. The NMSP and its armed force, Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA) has fought for a Republic of Mon State for over thirty years. The MNDF contested in the 1990 General Election won five seats of parliament, twenty constituencies. Nai Ngwe Thein, an outspoken Mon veteran politician was jailed in 1996 being accused of contacting NMSP top officials. But according to a source from NMSP, he was arrested because he had contact with Daw Aung San Kyi and the National League for Democracy in Rangoon. Mr Thein is a well-respected senior Mon politician elected as Vice-Chairman of MNDF in 1989. After Nai Shwe Kyin, President of NMSP entered Rangoon and lived in Moulmein in 1996s, ordinary Mon people grew more confused about Mon politics. The urban Mon business community gained easy business access under an initiative of NMSP, but the rural Mon farming community was left behind, paying the price for the ceasefire and forking over earnings to illegal tax collection methods.

 

The majority of the Mon live in rural areas along Salween River and Tenesserim division. The rural Mon community had little access regarding the outcome of the business arrangement of cease-fire agreements, but most hoped they would be able to work freely on their farms. This was not to be, today many ordinary Mon people in Ye region are dictated by the military and not allowed freedom of movement on their farms. The Mon political leaders from both sides of NMSP and MNDF face political mandates to gain popular support from ordinary people.

 

Nai Tun Thein, elected MP of Mon State works extensively to maintain his party after three of his colleagues; Nai Ngwe Thein, Dr Min Soe Lin (MP) and Dr Min Kyi Win (MP) were arrested in late 1990s. As chairman of MNDF and spoke-person to the foreign media, he gained support from the international diplomatic community, but is restricted from contacting and working with former colleagues who are abroad. The Mon leaders do not ignore the current situation in the urban and rural areas, but are banned to move about and provide relevant services or communicate with the Mon community at large.

 

The second obstacle is the Mon leaders do not have media access. Neither NMSP nor MNDF is able to hold a license to broadcast Radio and Television or printed news reports, with the exception of a black and white newsletter issued at media release. Leaders realize that without free communication, there is no chance to improve political awareness. After UN delegates and others met Nai Tun Thein, a man from Khin Nyunt's office came to see him asking him not to meet these guests again, he refused. On many occasions he was pressured to give up politics, being offered invitation and gifts that he never accepted. He leads a frugal life taking the bus daily from his home located on the outskirts of Rangoon to Mon Dhamma Yone (Mon Dhamma Center), while other NMSP leaders own vehicles or arrange transportation to town. The Mon politicians have contact with Aung San Suu Kyi but the military intelligence often blocks access.

 

The third obstacle of Mon politics is a political campaign to promote dialogue; both sides of Mon senior leaders are all too patient at maintaining a peaceful solution rather than battlefield approach. The NMSP developed political awareness through the Mon National Day Celebration in the community, but celebrations have tended to focus more on traditional events rather than on political issues. A well-respected citizen of the Rangoon Mon community said, "Members of NMSP have done well at cash (tax) collection for social events or the likes, with some leaving the party as a result, they are like a volunteer charity organization".  However, they directly or indirectly criticize the current military government about human rights violations in Mon State. The MNDF is moving in the right direction in working with international delegates to build pressure from the outside. Another important organization, the Mon Unity League, an independent umbrella Mon organization, tries to mobilize political action from both within and without.

 

The final obstacle is that the government is in a long drawn out transition. Both stakeholders between NMSP and MNDF must play a vital role that will add some momentum and substance to the transition and toward positive political development. MNDF works closely with the United Nationalities League for Democracy (UNLD) in the country while the NMSP closely works with its former ethnic nationalities in the border areas. The NMSP regularly holds "National Seminar" in its Headquarters after the celebration of Mon National Day, and last year called a State Constitution Seminar that will affect the federation of Burma. The MNDF prepared a brief draft of the Federal Constitution alongside that of other non-Burman nationalities. In partnership with the two parties, Nai Sunthorn Sripanngern, Secretary of Mon Unity League visited Germany and Belgium in December 2001 along with other delegates for Ethnic Nationalities' Studying Tour on Federalism.  The other lobby force of the Mon politics is Nai Cham Toik, International Representative of the Mon Unity League who took part in the European Union Lobby Tour along with other delegates in September 2001. These Mon delegates work independently of any Mon political party but acknowledge their leaders' principles in politics.

 

 

The cease-fire was a first step to overcome obstacles, but the outcome is not the community had hoped for. The SPDC ordered NMSP to surrender arms and register as a legal political party to contest in a further general election. On the other side of the political fence, MNDF applied to be acknowledged as a legal political party, recognized in 1989. Shall the Election Commission of Burma give registration to these two major Mon political parties in the future? It is hoped that they will, but without open communication and mature understanding Mon politics will not take off, Mon people will continue to encounter nothing but ambiguity in deciding allegiance to their leaders, which will negatively affect the future and destiny of the Mon people.

 

(Banya Hongsar is working for the Human Rights Foundation of Monland and Independent Mon News Agency.)

 

 

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