KAO WAO NEWS No. 45

 

An electronic newsletter for social justice and freedom in Burma

May 30- June 10, 2003

 

READERS' FRONT

EYEWITNESS ACCOUNTS OF MAY 30

LAND CONFISCATION FOR ARTILLERY REGIMENT

REFUGEE MONKS SEEK PROTECTION

MORE YOUTHS IN THE CAPITAL LEARN MON

INTERVIEW: AN EVENING WITH DR. KANBAWZA WIN

STUDENTS FORM MASS MOVEMENT OPERATION COMMITTEE

PRO RANGOON INVOLVED IN ILLEGAL LOGGING

THE FIRST PRINTING PRESS IN MONLAND

FOUNDATION OF NATIONAL UNITY

ILO AND FORCED LABOUR IN BURMA

 

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READERS' FRONT

 

Dear Readers,

We would like to thank all of our supporters for reading our news and for

sending comments to our “Readers’ Front”. Over the past week the

international and overseas Burmese communities have expressed outrage over

the assassination attempt on Aung San Suu Kyi’s life instigated by the

Burmese military. (To date it isn’t really known yet if ASSK is alive). This

comes at a time when the democratic imperative is at an all time high

regarding the George Bush administration in dealing with despotic regimes.

While the accompanying crackdown appears to increase the possibility of more

international sanctions there is a strong feeling among many that the

writing is on the wall for the Burmese regime to reform and begin

reconciliation talks.

 

We invite an open discussion, comments and suggestions from all of you on

your thoughts on what appears to be the beginning of the end for the regime.

 

With your help, we hope that Kao-Wao News will continue to grow to serve

better the needs of those seeking social justice in Burma. And we hope that

it will become an important forum for discussion and debate and help readers

to keep abreast of issues and news. Above all, we hope the newsletter will

be used as a vehicle for those who want to share their views and

experiences.  We reserve the right to edit and reject articles without prior

notification. You can use a pseudonym but we encourage you to include your

full name and address.

 

Regards,

Editor

kaowao@hotmail.com

http://www.burmalibrary.org/show.php?cat=1215&lo=d&sl=0

 

___________________________________

 

Dear Editor,

 

I have been following your discussion and articles of "Burma needs US not

the UN” and “American Policy and the Uncivilized Burmese Generals” by

Kanbawza Win.  I am not optimistic that US will get directly involve at this

stage.  I do support all campaigns from Burmese community in exile and the

international community in pressuring the military regime for a change.  I

also absolutely honor those who have been killed, who have sacrificed their

lives in the long struggle.

 

The situation now is tense and we all are frustrated.  The time is ripe for

a change and all movements should work together in harmony.  The mass

movement led by Daw Suu and international pressure is getting stronger and

it is a right time for the junta to get out.  However, the armed groups (all

cease-fire and non cease-fire) fighting against the regime are inactive even

though I see a few statements from groups over the situation (DAB, NDF, ..).

  While the 1988 nation wide uprising was almost surely to topple the

regime, the Karen and Mon (KNU and New Mon State Party) were fighting each

other.  If the NDF (umbrella armed front) showed some action during that

time, this time the situation might be different.  Would it be possible for

those armed groups to show more solidarity and support the non-violent

movement this time?

 

Sincerely,

Kyaw Min (Pegu)

 

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DETAILED EYEWITNESS ACCOUNTS OF THE MAY 30 VIOLENT AMBUSH ON DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI AND HER ENTOURAGE

 

(Compiled from inside-Burma sources and translated from Burmese by Free

Burma Coalition)

 

Eyewitness accounts of the regime’s ambush on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her

entourage as recounted by some escapees:

 

1. From a NLD member who worked at the NLD Headquarters in Rangoon and was

part of the entourage

 

Shortly before the ambush, a convoy of about 7 trucks with their high beams

on was seen trailing Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s motorcade.  (Later the trucks

turned out to be the ones the army troops appropriated for their operation.)

 

When the motorcade reached between De-pa-yin and Bu-da-lin at about 1900

hrs, spikes and rolls of barb wire blocked the road ahead.

 

A well-known NLD member Daw Win Mya Mya was the passenger in the first car

whose tires were shot up.  The second car, a Toyota pick-up, which was right

behind Daw Win Mya Mya’s, came to a stop and whose passenger was beaten with

bamboo sticks, steel pipes, etc.  The driver of the second car chose not to

drive away so that Daw Suu’s car, behind his, would have time to escape.

 

But the NLD supporters who were part of the entourage surrounded her car and

tried to protect it with their bodies.

 

As soon as the ambush began, searchlights were turned on bright from atop

the trees that lined the road on both sides.   Also the headlights from the

army and Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA or the

regime-sponsored “grassroots” organization) shined on the NLD motorcade. 

These lights aided the estimated several thousand (up to 5,000) ­ riot

police, regular convicts posed as monks, and the USDA members ­ in their

attacks on the unarmed NLD members and supporters.

 

During the ambush, the attackers used steel and iron pipes and sharpened

bamboo sticks.  Gunshots were heard.   Some were shot in the air to stop the

motorists on the entourage from driving away.  The attackers pulled out of

the car NLD youth members who were assigned security duty for Daw Suu and

were in the same car, they were shot and killed on the spot, along with the

locals on the entourage who came to protect the NLD leader.  In addition,

the local monks who were part of the growing entourage and the NLD

Headquarters staff were beaten with sharpened bamboo sticks with their hands

tied behind their backs.

 

The motorcyclists, as well as the NLD supporters and members who ran on foot

were hit with wooden sticks and steel pipes by the soldiers, riot police and

USDA members, who were waiting behind trees and bushes from on both sides of

the road.  Some were seen shot to death as they ran for their lives.

 

Even some of the USDA members who got too frightened by the sight of the

merciless ambush tried to run away.   Not only the NLD supporting locals,

but also these USDA members were chased around and beaten up by the security

forces.

 

The death toll could be between 80 and 110.

 

NLD headquarters escapees said because they wanted to avoid interrogation on

their way back to Rangoon, so they decided to take off trekking through

jungles.  Some were injured and some had not eaten for two days.  Still

these escapees have not gone back to their own homes and remain in hiding as

the regime is hunting them down so as to prevent them from telling the true

story of what happened during the ambush.

 

2. From a driver who was forced to transport the attackers on his truck and

later escaped during the ambush

 

There were at least 50 trucks or lorries, which the authorities forcibly

collected as part of the ambush plan.

 

Immediately after the ambush, the authorities sorted the dead bodies in

different piles at the ambush site.  Pile one had about 17 corpses to be

transported.  There must have been about 100 people in total.  They were all

transported on the trucks to the headquarters of the Northwest Regional Army

Command in Monywa, the nearest command of the Burma Army (from the crime

scene).  (Monywa is about 2-3 hours’ drive toward the southwest of the

second largest city of Mandalay).  I am presently on the run because I fear

the authorities will want to shut my mouth permanently.

 

3. From a USDA member who took part in the ambush

 

Since May 26, 2003 local administrative councils/authorities began

collecting recruits openly.  The main target population was criminal

elements or shady characters in the residential quarters or local

communities.   I myself am a member of the USDA and each recruit was

promised 500 Kyat (local Burmese currency) per day ­ a net pay in addition

to all free meals.  We were told that we were paid to participate in the

protests against Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD.

 

We were all gathered on the compounds of the Army’s Northwest Regional

Command headquarters.  There must have been about 3,000 of us there, well in

advance of the ambush.   I also saw about 50 commercially used trucks parked

at the headquarters (Japanese-made Dynas and the likes).  These trucks were

clearly appropriated by the authorities (as is customary in the

military-ruled Burma).

 

Some of the USDA members were hidden behind bushes and little forests by the

road between De-pa-yin and Bu-da-lin in days leading up to the ambush.

 

I was forced to participate in the ambush.  When I witnessed the

slaughterhouse scene and realized the extreme brutality of the (Than Shwe)

regime, I decided to run away.  Four of us from our USDA group ran away.  I

dare not go home.  I am going to go on running or go somewhere where I can

be safe.

 

There could be as many as 100 killed in the ambush.

 

But those who did the beatings and attacks were not members of the USDA.  It

was the regular army soldiers and criminal elements who posed as monks who

did the hitting.

 

 

Excerpt from the original compiler’s notes:

 

There were many who were wounded in the ambush.  None of the wounded ended

up in any local civilian hospitals ­ in Mandalay, De-pa-yin, Bu-ta-lin,

Ye-ne, etc.

 

It is believed that the authorities burned the bodies of those died from gun

shots, within the compounds of the Northwest Regional Command.  The purpose

was not to leave any bodies lying around as evidence.

 

4. From credible within-SPDC/army sources or those that are privy to the

inner politics of the SPDC leadership

 

The order for the ambush came directly from Senior General Than Shwe,

Chairman of the State Peace and Development Council, Defense Minister, Prime

Minister and Chairman of the Union Solidarity and Development Association.

 

The executioners of this secret order were led by Major General Soe Win,

Secretary ­2  of the SPDC and the alleged Than Shwe loyalist and confident.

 

The plan was to make the ambush appear as though it were carried out by the

public who were angry with the NLD party.  The plan was to get Daw Aung San

Suu Kyi killed in the mob-driven slaughter scenario, without the single

assassin or assailant who would be responsible for the anticipated murder.

 

General Soe Win, the SPDC Secretary 2 and the Than Shwe’s loyalist, traveled

to Pa-koke-ku city without letting even his personal officer who remained in

Rangoon.  On May 29, at Pa-koke-ku General Soe Win had a closed door meeting

with Saw Htun, the Director-in-Charge of the USDA; Khin Ye, the Chief

Inspector of Burma’s Police Force; Colonel Tin Hlaing, Minister for Home

Affairs; and Brigadier General Soe Naing, the commander of the Northwest

Regional Command to discuss the ambush operation.

Soe Win directed the ambush.

 

On May 31, every one of them returned to Rangoon separately.  Saw Htun was

seen boarding a bus at Kyauk Hse, a town outside Mandalay.

 

Soe Win reported to Than Shwe that the ambush was a failure.   Than Shwe put

off the June 1, quarterly meeting of the SPDC and ordered the country’s

regional commands to be on high alert.

 

Secretary-2 General Soe Win is believed to have grown up in De-pa-yin, a

small town near where the ambush was carried out.

 

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Life in Mon State

 

LAND CONFISCATION FOR ARTILLERY REGIMENT

(Based on IMNA: June 6, 2003)

 

Ye, Mon State ­ Local sources reported that the Burmese Army is confiscating

more land near Morkanin village for deploying a new artillery regiment in

southern Mon State.

 

The army is building a military base for Artillery Regiment No. 317 in the

area where they forcibly took over 600 acres of rubber and fruit gardens

owned by Mon farmers between Morkanin and Hnitkayin villages.

 

“Like all previous confiscations, the Burmese army will not pay any form of

compensation to the farmers. Without any prior notice, they just came along

and took all the land,” said local villagers.  “Normally, they only need 300

acres of land, maximum, to deploy a battalion or regiment.  They should not

confiscate any more than that”, complained a civil servant close to the

army.  “For this project, the authorities took more land than required for a

military base”, he added.

 

Last year in August, General Maung Bo met with farmers in Mokanin village to

inspect a site to build an artillery regiment.  Local villagers are ordered

by the army to attend meetings without hesitation with army officers and are

informed of the proposed sites, the owners of the land are then informed

that their farms will be seized for the building of a heavy artillery

battalion.

 

The new Artillery Regiment No. 317 is under the command of Burmese Army,

Artillery Division No. 606.  The SPDC military regime has targeted to deploy

10 artillery regiments in Mon State and 9 regiments have already deployed in

the region according to Independent Mon News Agency’s local reporter.

 

The Burmese Army confiscated thousand acres of lands belonging to the local

civilians in previous years for military purposes.  Mon villagers have used

this land for generations to sustain a livelihood based on farming

vegetables, fruits, rubber and rice.  In all confiscation operations,

farmers receive no compensation and do not have recourse to any complaint

mechanism or other means of redress.

 

Land confiscation has had a severe impact on many families in Mon State, who

have been forced from their farms and with no other means of survival decide

to leave to Thailand and other neighbouring countries as migrant labourers.

Displaced families who remain in the villages, face hardship and poverty.  A

source from the Mon community says it also creates a negative impact on the

village economy and an increase in crime.

 

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Political refugees from Burma face uncertainty

 

REFUGEE MONKS SEEK PROTECTION

(Reported by Gong Ong, June 3, 2003)

 

Following the recent crack down over illegal immigrants by the Thai

government, refugee monks are seeking protection for their safety.

 

Thailand based Overseas Mon Young Monks Union sent a letter to Regional

Representative of the UNHCR office in Bangkok, on May 28, to enter a secured

camp.  The letter stated while some refugees are staying at Tham Hin

Temporary Shelter many are remaining in Bangkok area and facing arrest due

to the tight illegal alien policy of the Thai government towards refugees

and migrant workers from Burma.

 

According to Rev. Nai Ponnyar, leader of Mon monks, 29 refugees who are

recognized by the UNHCR office were arrested by the Thai police on May 22,

2003 and have been detained at Immigration Detention Centre (IDC) in Bangkok

with migrant workers.  A source from the Mon community in Bangkok said the

UNHCR Bangkok office could not guarantee anything for these arrested

refugees recognized by their office.

 

As the camp is soon to be closed, refugees at Tham Hin camp including

rejected persons will be resettled to third countries reported the source. 

However, those who do not live in the camp are not allowed to resettle in

the third countries or be moved into a secure camp, said a Mon monk who

resided in Bangkok.

 

In December 2001, Maneeloy Burmese Student Center, in Ratchburi was

officially closed and all refugees were moved to Tham Hin camp, ten

kilometers from the Burmese border.  However, many refugees were not allowed

to enter the camp.  According to a refugee worker in Bangkok, about 900 to

1000 "Border Cases" refugees who were not in Maneeloy at the time of its

closure were not allowed entry to the new camp and face uncertainty due to

security reasons.  The limitation of refugees to enter the new camp has

caused difficulty for newly recognized refugees, Buddhist monks and other

"Persons of Concern," "Border Cases" and "Rejectees” being categorized by

the UNHCR office in Bangkok.

 

In January 2002, about 30 Mon refugees including Buddhist monks have

requested to enter the camp to ensure their security and a chance to

resettle in third countries.  The monks and students political refugees are

disturbed over the strained relationship between Thailand and Burma.

 

“We will resettle in any third country but no embassy will take our

application since we are not allowed to enter the safe camp or are

recommended from them (the UNHCR office)” said Krak, a student from Ye, Mon

State.  He fled Burma due to human rights violation by the military junta

and lives in Thailand as an illegal immigrant, despite being recognized as a

refugee by the UN.

 

A refugee in Bangkok receives 2000 baht (about US 50$) of financial

assistance from Bangkok Refugee Centre (BRC).  “The money provided is not

enough.  I and my brother sometimes work but Thai employer wouldn’t hire us

since we have no legal status, it is very difficult to survive” reported Ms.

Aye Yin who is separated from her elder sister resettled in Canada last

year.

 

In June 2002, the UNHCR office issued protection letters for refugees of

Myanmar nationals to present to Thai authorities during their stay in the

Kingdom, they must comply with Thai laws, rules and regulations.  But due to

the uncertain nature of the Thai-Burma relationship and the Thai

government’s policy not to encourage the refugee flow from Burma, their

future for resettlement to a third country is uncertain.  Refugees are

regarded as mere "illegal aliens" subject to arrest and forced deportation

under Thai policy.

 

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Literature and Culture

 

MORE YOUTHS IN THE CAPITAL LEARN MON

(Kao-Wao: May 26, 2003)

 

Despite the banning of Mon literacy ordered by Southeast Military Command,

issued last year in November, the numbers of Mon youth attending summer

literacy class in the capital city of Mon State is on the rise.

 

500 students have attended Mon literacy training sponsored by the Moulmein

Literature and Culture Committee (MLCC) of Mon State.  The graduation

ceremony for students attending the classes was held on May 25, 2003 and

about 200 intellectual, civil servants, students and special guests joined

the ceremony, reported the source from Moulmein.

 

The students successfully completed their study conducted by the Committee

for one-month training and many were enthusiastic to learn their national

literacy and heritage, said a committee member who organized the training. 

The course started on April 25 and the closing ceremony was held at Mon

Community Centre (Dhamma Salar), Daing-Won-Gwin at the capital of Mon State.

 

The Chairman of organizing committee, Nai Seik said, “During this year, the

Mon literacy course arranged by our committee offered classes to over 200

students in Moulmein but over 300 students turned out to attend the classes,

a hundred students also showed up at the Chaung-zone Township. We are very

happy to see more students attending in Chaung-zone after 3 years of

training.”  Since 1989, Moulmein MLCC has sponsored the literacy training

for those who voluntarily want to learn the Mon language.  This year the

Committee provided 5 classes in Moulmein and 6 classes in Chaung-zone

Township.

 

Although the Committee asked permission to the Mon State SPDC authorities to

allow the teaching of Mon, the authorities never answered their request for

official permission to do so, reported the source.

 

The project is self-funded and supported by the Mon community, the committee

continues to provide education to the students but the military intelligence

sometimes comes around and threatens the organizers to close down their

summer classes.

 

The Burmese authorities have enforced the ban on the teaching of Mon

language in schools.  An order was issued by Mawlamyine based Southeast

Military Command in November 2002 to stop the teaching of the Mon language

at government schools, several schools in Mawlamyine and Kyaik Ma-Yaw

townships have stopped teaching Mon following the order.

 

However, the Mon educational system is well established under the New Mon

State Party’s control area, three High Schools were established in the

strong hold areas with over 900 teachers.

 

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INTERVIEW: AN EVENING WITH DR. KANBAWZA WIN

 

A specialist on the political situation in Burma for over 30 years as a

journalist, civil servant, activist, scholar and author of several books on

Burmese and Asian affairs, including Constructive Engagement in the Burmese

Context, published by CPDSK, Thailand in 1995. Dr. Win served as Foreign

Affairs Secretary to the Prime Minister of the then Socialist Republic of

the Union of Burma from 1974-1979. As a peace activist in exile, he has

pursued with zeal for the restoration of democracy, human rights and

nationalities autonomy in Burma since the 1988. He has worked as an editor,

professor, researcher and consultant ­ in France, South Korea, Singapore,

Belgium, Canada, and Thailand.

 

His reputation for giving a balanced view and for being an outspoken critic

was well established even during his career as Foreign Affairs Secretary.

Dr. Win has worked hard at trying to expose the reality of the political

situation in Burma and has insisted upon all governments and International

Policy experts to take a much tougher stand against the Burmese regime. At

the same time he has appealed to all Burmese democratic advocates, and

ethnic nationalities including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, to work together in a

co-ordinated effort to make changes. It hasn’t been a smooth ride for Dr

Win, in the face of academicians, politicians, and others who have

criticized his viewpoints; he has the intellectual grit and moral integrity

to stick by his guns on restoring peace and democracy for Burma.

 

KW:  Your experience under BSPP government in Burma?

Dr. Win:  I was a 7th July student residing at Taungoo Hall in 1962. But

with the Lord’s help I escaped the massacre. Since then I have seen the true

nature of the military dictatorship. I graduated with Political Science

honours in 1966 and work as a hall tutor (Pegu Hall where Kyaw Win was the S

& R secretary). After completing my Master’s degree I was called by Public

Works Corporation as a Staff Officer. (Not so much because of my literacy

but because of my athletic prowess as I represented Burma in several

bilateral meets and SEAP games) I was (still is) a technical academic and

would not join any political party including the BSPP. But the authorities

respected my insightful approach and forth righteousness and so when the

Minister of Construction Brigadier Sein Win became the Prime Minister of the

then Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma, I was called to be his

Foreign Affairs Secretary in 1974 (At that time Khin Nyunt was just a

captain and personal assistant to Colonel Tint Swe who was a deputy minister

for the Prime Minister Office, I remember how this little captain Khin Nyunt

come and stand at my table). From the beginning I was not happy of how

things are running in the country but since they are in power, I have no

option but to work through them and try to salvage what little things I can

do.

KW: Can you tell us how and why you left Burma?

Dr. Win: By late 1979 I had already lost my job and was back from Insein

detention centre when I founded a small Burmese NGO under the religious

umbrella in 1985 and hoped to spend the rest of my life doing social work,

when suddenly in 1987 the demonetization of the big bank notes made me and

my association penniless. The funds, which we got from foreign donors, were

all swept away at one stroke. I decided to go on a lecture tour to the 12

European Economic Community countries and in early 1988 landed in Paris

under the aegis of CCFD. (Committee Catholique Contre la faim et pour le

Developpement). From there I toured France and Europe when, on 8-8-88 I

rushed back home from Geneva. I stopped in Bangkok and found myself on the

side of pro democracy and autonomy forces. I was then working for the relief

of students in an ad hoc committee under the umbrella of CCT (Christ church

of Thailand) funded by the Geneva based World Council of Churches. Since

then I have never seen my native land.

KW: In observing Burma, what are the different perspectives from the

international community? Can you tell us the difference between the ICG’s

(International Crisis Group) approach and others?

Dr. Win: The Western world led by the US and Europe stood on the principles

of democracy and human rights. They believe in the universality and

indivisibility of the Human Rights aspects. The Asian countries spearheaded

by the ASEAN, followed by China, Japan and later by India believe in the

Constructive Engagement approach and interpreted the Western stand on Burma

as the most sinister plot of imperialism to interfere in an Asian country

under the façade of human rights violations.

As far as the ICG papers on Burma are concerned I have no or very little

argument with them in terms of research authenticity. But what I disagree is

their attitude towards the struggling lot of Burmese people. They stay

neutral in the struggle between democracy and human rights on one side and

tyranny and dictatorship on the other side. They construe it as the struggle

between the two protagonists. The reality of the situation in Burma is so

awful that to pretend otherwise and to maintain that the truth must

automatically lie equidistant between two poles in the name of objectivity

is to do violence to the truth. They simply could not comprehend the true

Burmese situation. The ICG tends to write a blank check for oppression.

Moreover it reduces complex issues to simple relativist absurdities that

hold all antagonists in a conflict to be morally equivalent between the pro

democracy groups and the tyrants. Thus in a way is tantamount to lending

credibility to the Burmese military dictatorship.

This is not surprising as Gerard Evans (the former Australia foreign

Minister whose government is supporting the Burmese Junta) is their

chairperson and its director Robert Templar (in his letter to the Secretary

of EIAS) have openly declared that they will not hire any Burmese academic

as they are unable to think clearly. This is tantamount to racial

superiority and I recollect Ruyard Kipling works “The White Man’s Burden”

that label the Asian and the African as half man and half beast. It also

paints the picture that they alone know the Burmese crisis in depth even

though not one of them could ever read or write Burmese. Not that I abhor

their attitude of “I am the monarch of all I survey” but mainly because of

their moral bankruptcy.

KW: What role should the international community play in pressuring the

regime in Burma?

Dr. Win: The international community should take a leading role in Burma for

the restoration of democracy and human rights. I believe in the Tripartite

talk, not the one usually interpreted by the Burmese as the Junta, NLD and

the ethnic groups but rather (1) the Junta, (2) the ethnic and the pro

democracy groups under the umbrella of NLD and (3) the international

community led by the United States. In this age of globalization more and

more countries are changing from dictatorship to democracy and the market

forces are making their presence felt, the international community has

became more important than ever to install a check and balance system.

I also strongly think that US should use force to put an end to half a

century of Burmese dictatorship which is the source of trouble in the region

and the world at large e.g. narcotics exports. This will also put an end to

the wild accusation that US fought two wars in Iraq because of oil. By

saving the 50 million plus Burmese people from the long clutches of the

hated Tatamadaw it will earn more kudos.

KW: How do you see the conflict in Burma? (Is it an ethnic crisis or a

democracy problem?)

Dr. Win: Personally, I think real genuine democracy and the ethnic problem

are just two sides of a coin. If there is genuine democracy, the ethnic

problem can be solved on the table rather than shooting at each other. In

this aspect we must be very careful not to practice the tyranny of the

majority. To be very frank I think Myanmar Chauvinism must be buried once

and for all.

Looking back at the modern history of Burma even before the Panglong

Conference convened in 1947, when our beloved leader Bogyoke Aung San signed

the Aung San-Attlee Agreement, one of the clauses is to get the consensus of

the ethnic nationalities and this was vehemently opposed by the pro Myanmar

chauvinist groups like Galon U Saw of the Myochit Party, Thakin Ba Sein of

Dohama Asiayone, Dr.Ba Maw of Maharbamar, Thakin Tun Oke groups etc. Bogyoke

Aung San’s early death ushered the triumph of the Myanmar chauvinism whose

torch was later carried by Thankin Nu (authentic proof can be seen in making

Buddhism the state religion) and of course by Ne Win, Sein Lwin and their

cohorts up to the present day Burmese Generals. These Myanmar groups wanted

to treat the nationalities somewhat like Pyu, Kanyan and Thet whom they had

obliterated even before the first Burmese kingdom of 1044 A.D. They are the

ones that practice the policy of “a great nation.”

But not every Myanmar is bad. There are several sincere and genuine Myanmar

who would like to see the Union of Burma as Bogyoke Aung San had visualized

i.e. unity in diversity under the federal constitution. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi

is one of them. Like father like daughter she really believes in democracy

and the rights of the nationalities and the genuine Panglong spirit is

already prevalent. Of course there will be some even among the NLD who opted

for Burmese chauvinism but since they belong to the democratic group at

least one can talk with them. Hence for the time being, the Non Myanmar i.e.

the nationalities should work with these groups and test it of whether the

NLD is serious in solving the nationalities question. Care must also be

taken among the Non Myanmar not to be racist.

(I was rather perplexed when you used the word ethnic crisis). There is no

such word as ethnic when Pyidaungsu was formed, rather we were referred as

Nationalities (Taing Yin Thar in Burmese) Do we become ethnic because we do

not belong to the Myanmar race? Is there an ethnic cleansing because we are

dirty? Another factor, which I would humbly like to point out to you, is

there is no such thing as ethnic crisis like in Kosovo or Bosnia where one

ethnic group fights the other. All the nationalities in Burma are fighting a

common enemy i.e. Myanmar chauvinism represented by the Mudane Tatmadaw.

Even then please note that we are not fighting against the Myanmar people

itself, we are just fighting the Myanmar chauvinism. If the nationalities

were given autonomy under the federal constitution there would be no civil

war as the Burma Communist Party (the only party that fought under the

banner of ideology) is six feet under the ground. There are many Myanmar who

see eye to eye with us and even the Myanmar dominated groups like ABSDF,

DPNS etc and fighting shoulder to shoulder with us.

KW: What forces are important for peace and reconciliation in Burma?

Dr. Win: The moderate and liberal forces from all sides of the conflicts

both Myanmar and Non Myanmar should covet in trying to find peace and

reconciliation.  They must be able to override the extremist and the ultra

nationalist among their colleagues and must be rational enough to find the

solution. Democracy and federalism that will fit the need of the people of

Burma together with forgiveness (not forgetfulness) understanding and

respect of each other will finally bring peace and reconciliation

KW: Which constitution is needed to solve the political and economic turmoil

in Burma?

Dr. Win: A federal constitution that respects the nationalities, drawn up

not only by the consensus of the entire people but also of the

intelligentsia who can foresee the future especially in this age of

globalization must be drawn up with a check and balance system in political,

social, economics and cultural fields.

KW: How can the Burmese community in exile help to bring change in Burma?

Dr. Win: The Burmese in Diaspora have already highlighted their struggle to

the international community and what they need is more cohesiveness and

corporation among themselves. But the trouble with the Burmese people in

Diaspora including the nationalities is “Jealousy”. Everybody aspired to be

liked Bogyoke Aung San but ended up acting like Shu Maung. The international

community is now looking at the Burmese in exile and was wondering what sort

of Burma will be when democracy is achieved. How much they can work together

will be judged by their actions now. Efficient leaders should be sorted out

to lead the exiles and not only work between their own clan and groups. The

joke that “if we put two Burmese in a cell they will form three political

parties” should be proven otherwise by our actions.

KW: Is there any chance that Daw Su Kyi, the military regime and ethnic

groups can work together?

Dr. Win: As I have said earlier that Daw Suu and the ethnic groups could

work together but not the “Mudane Tatmadaw” as they are evil by nature.

Their philosophy that “they alone are patriotic while the others did not

have a pale of patriotism and are parasites” is imbued in them and there is

no room for compromise. This mammoth army must be disbanded and replaced

with Pyidaungsu Army who will really serve the country and people.

KW: What do you expect following the release of AS Suu Kyi? (Editor’s Notes:

the interview was taken before she suffered head injury and was re-arrested

by the regime.)

Dr. Win: I really expect that the release of Daw Suu to usher a new period

of negotiation instead of an end in itself. Daw Suu must be able to close

the aging intellectuals and the young hot heads. She must be more forceful

in dealing with the Junta.

KW: What problems will Burma face in the transition period?

Dr. Win: There will be several problems besides reconstruction,

rehabilitation. There will be problems in education and health as most of

the educated are out of the country. Problems will be faced in politics,

social and economic fields. Complete trust among the protagonists must be

restored. The hardest part will be the moral and intellectual reconstruction

of a nation that was systematically destroyed by these generals. Extremes

will be committed from all sides and conflict resolution will have to play a

major part.

KW: What kind of Burma do you want to see in the future?

Dr. Win: I want to see a free and united Burma taking its rightful place in

the community of civilized nations and not a pariah state like now.

I want my beloved readers to think globally but to act locally.

**********************************************

 

Tension after arrest of Aung San Suu Kyi

 

STUDENTS FORM MASS MOVEMENT OPERATION COMMITTEE

(Network Media Group: June 5, 2003)

 

Exiled student leaders including those who actively led 8888 uprising in

Burma have formed a committee for mass movement in the midst of the recent

compelling situation between opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and the

military regime, said Moe Hein, a former secretary of Democratic Party for

New Society (DPNS) while staging a demonstration in front of Burmese Embassy

in Bangkok yesterday.

 

Moe Hein revealed that Burmese student leaders around the world in America,

Australia, Japan, Thailand and India have also formed mass movement

committees, namely the Democratic Federation of Burma comprised of several

pro-democratic groups.

 

He also said that they got a telephone message from Burma regarding the

formation of a similar committee inside Burma on June 3.

 

Though he did not reveal the names of the committee members inside Burma,

Moe Thee Zon in America, Ko Zaw Min and Ko Ye Htut in Japan and Ko Moe Hein

and Ko Zayar Win in Thailand were in-charge of the committees respectively.

 

“The military government has used a do-or-die tactic on the democratic

opposition and, till now, no body knows whether Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and U

Tin Oo are still alive or not. The regime manipulated a coward act of

beating in the darkness on these world-respected leaders. As they used such

inhuman behavior on our democratic opposition, we shall no longer confront

them politically but to use revolutionary ways as the ultimate annihilation.

We, the Democratic Federation of Burma, welcome and invite all to join our

alliance, we will not exploit them for our personal or political benefit,”

said Moe Hein. Zayar Win, a leader of Basic Education Students Union, also

supported the newly formed committee, "Democratic Federation of Burma", and

who organized yesterday's demonstration in front of Burmese Embassy in

Bangkok.

 

***************************************************

 

Environmental Disaster

 

PRO RANGOON INVOLVED IN ILLEGAL LOGGING

 

(Independent Mon News Agency, May 25, 2003)

The Democratic Karen Buddhist Army, a pro-Rangoon outfit, is involved in

illegal logging along the Burma Thailand border area, reported a resident

from the Three Pagodas Pass border town.

According to local source, a Buddhist religious leader San Pyu Ya Thae and

Lt. Col. Lay Win from the DKBA Battalion No. 906 are involved in cutting

teak in the area near the border town and selling it to traders.  All teak,

from 2 feet in circumference to 7 feet in height is sold for 18,000 Thai

Baht per ton.

A trader said the pro-Rangoon armed group sold 17 tons of teak wood in

April.  He added if the local traders would like to sell them in Thailand,

they first make the wood into furniture and the sell it in the Thai market. 

Local resident complained of the local junta’s forestry authorities for

keeping silence.  “Even though the religious leader San Pyu Ya Thae shows a

reason to disseminate Buddhist belief in the area and build the pagodas, he

has been dreadfully involved in illegal logging.  DKBA soldiers are not

afraid of anyone in Three Pagoda Pass town, they could sell (teak)

independently and freely”, said a town resident.

The DKBA does not ask permission from the military government and township

forestry department to cut teak.  Teak is a restricted type of tree in the

forestry department’s regulation, anyone who harvests teak is committing an

illegal offense.

 

*************************************************

 

History

 

THE FIRST PRINTING PRESS IN MONLAND

(By Sunthorn Sripanngern, Bangkok)

 

While I was doing research for old Mon palm leaf scriptures and old printed

Mon books at Wat Salardaeng, Pathumthani, 45 km. north of Bangkok, I found

some evidence of correspondence between Mon monks in Monland and Thailand

including a personal letter from Ajatala Maha Yin, the founder of Maha Yin

Nikaya (a Buddhist sect in Monland) to the abbot of Wat Salardaeng Phra

Ajarn Boonnaak, dated November 1900, which described the founding of the

first Mon printing press in Monland.

 

I was very impressed and excited to learn of Ajatala Maha Yin's meaningful

and beautiful handwritten accounts, both in Mon and in Thai, reporting about

Mon monks studying Pariyatti (Buddhism study) and the examination.

 

In regard to the newly established Mon printing press (AD 1900), he

narrated, "Each nationality has their own printing press for the honor of

their nation. Since there is no Mon press in Monland we will do our best to

establish it in order to preserve and promote our language and religion for

the future generation of the Mon. The British, though they are foreigners,

sent letters (in English) praising our work as a good one for our community.

But among our Mon people, many say, "No hand rows the boat, but keeps leg in

the water".  (Please see his original letter).  He asked opinions from his

close friends in Thailand on the work of safeguarding Mon language and

Buddhist religion practically both in Thailand and Burma.

 

Who is Ven. Maha Yin?

 

The Venerable Buddhavamso or Maha Yin, the founder of the Mahayin Nikaya in

Monland was born at Krung Khru Village, Samut Sakhon, 36 km. west of Bangkok

in AD 1840, (BE 2383).  As a young boy he studied the basic monastic

education in his home village and memorized in a short time all the basic

Pali grammar, Suttadhippaya and Abhidhammasangaha, an outline of Buddhist

Philosophy.

 

At the age of 20, he was ordained at Wat Bovornnives Vihara, Banglamphu,

Bangkok, presided by Sangha Raja, Somded Phra Maha Samana Chao Krom Phaya

Pawarisvariyalongkorn, grandson of King Rama II. There he graduated as Maha

Prayoga 5 and was responsible for teaching Pariyatti to the monks of the

monastery from 1871 to 1873. Since that time he was known as Maha Yin.

 

When the Prince Krom Phra Nared Worarid, younger brother of King Rama V the

Great, became a novice, Maha Yin was responsible to take care of the Prince.

 

In 1873 Maha Yin left monastic life and served as a royal page for a year.

Soon after that he began a journey to Monland.

 

He headed for Sangapoun Monastery, east of Moulmein, the abbot Ajatala

Sangapoun was also from the Thai-Mon community. Since the abbot knew that

Maha Yin was a

scholar in Buddhism, he encouraged Maha Yin to become monk again and to help

educate the Mon people.  Finally his encouragement was successful, the abbot

presided over the ordination ceremony at Nadi-simar on the Salween River in

1874. After that Ven. Maha Yin returned to Thailand for a while to visit his

parents and friends. When he came back into Thailand to stay at the

monasteries of Dhammayutt he had to accept Yatti or be re-ordained in

accordance with the rule of Dhammayutt Nikaya in Thailand.

 

In 1875, Ven. Maha Yin left for Monland again. This time he stayed and

practiced meditation at the graveyard of Kado Village, 10 kms. north-east of

Moulmein. His strict behavior about the Buddhist discipline and wisdom in

Dhamma greatly impressed the lay people in that area. Later on a small a hut

(Phae Dut) was built for him. The following are the names of those lay

people who supported Ven. Maha Yin.

 

Nai Sue, Mi Hmyin

Nai Shew Kyi, Mi Gun

Nai Ru, Mi Bwe

Nai Dun, Mi Soi

Nai Shwe Hlay, Mi Kyin Uh

Nai Maung Khin, Mi May

 

These devotees were very impressed with Ven. Mahayin's wisdom and deep

understanding of the Dhamma. They quickly had a small building erected on a

plot of land near the graveyard.

 

The supporters were very eager to extend the monastery in order to receive

more monks who were interested in studying the Dhamma. By this time Ven.

Mahayin's scholastic reputation had spread far and wide to many towns and

villages such as Thaton, Kyaikkhami. Bilukyun, Kyaikmaraw, Mudon and parts

of Karen state. Many monks arrived in the monastery to study with Ven. Maha

Yin. On the full moon day of month Paseik (May) 1875, the Pali-institute of

Maha Yin was formally established.

 

Later on his senior disciple monks held a meeting about setting up of a

Nikaya or sect. The following are those who participated in the meeting.

 

1. Ven. Mogaliputta,   Kwunta Village, Mudon Township.

2. Ven Agghdipa,   Kawkhapon village, Mudon Township.

3. Ven Nalagiri,   Muyitkalay ,Chaung Son (Bilukyun Island).

4. Ven. Nadalankara,    Zartapyin village , Pha-An Township.

5. Ven Hkemakaw,     Kada Village , Paung Township.

6. Ven. Kusala,    Kalawh Village , Chaung Son (Bilu Kyun Island).

 

All the above senior monks agreed that it would be of great benefit to the

Mon to have their own Nikaya (Buddhist Fraternity) established legally. 

They decided to name the group Dhammayutt because Ven. Buddhavamsa was

ordained within this Nikaya in Thailand. Later the group became known as

Maha Yin Nikaya.

 

Ven. Maha Yin was concerned with the development of the Sangha. He

encouraged his students to achieve the highest possible academic standards,

for 8 years he held a Dhamma Vinaya examination both written and oral.

 

In 1898, representatives from all Maha Yin monasteries assembled at

Nigrawdha Rama monastery in Waedut Village, Chonson Township, Bilukyun

Island where the first "Question and Answers on Dhamma Vinaya" was held.

This assembly gave the monks an opportunity to recite sections of the

Vinaya, Abhidhamma and Sutta Pittaka in public and under the scrutiny of

learned Mahathera. Questions and Answers were held on Bilukyun Island for 77

years from 1898 until 1975.  Now it alternates to various Maha Yin

monasteries each year.  Ven. Maha Yin was reasonable for the introduction of

the first printing press in Mon state. It was called "Buddhavamsa Press" He

translated the texts from Pali-Thai characters into Mon. The first translation was

Dhammapada. The following are some of his books:

 

Attributes of the Buddha

Training of lay Devotees

Means by which we can develop Satipatthana

Means to a good life

Training of the monastery schoolboy

Mon Grammar

 

At one time Ledi Sayadaw, Burmese Sangha Raja, visited Moulmein. From there

he was invited to Kado MahaYin Monastery. On entering the monastery he heard

the lay devotees chanting  Dhamma Qualities of the Buddha, Dhamma, Sangha,

the 10 Parami, 5 Khandha, Ayatana, Dhatu, Four Noble Truths, 37

Bodhipakkhiya Dhamma. Ledi Sayadaw was amazed at these lay people and asked

who had taught them. They replied that Ven. Buddhavamsa was their teacher;

at that time Ven. Mahayin was in ThailandLedi  Sayadaw said "Your teacher

is a highly evolved being".

 

In 1905 Ven. Maha Yin was required to handover all responsibilities toward

his senior disciples and return to Thailand. He stayed at several

monasteries including Wat Banglamut for 2 years.

 

King Rama V the Great heard news about Maha Yin and invited an offering of

the title of Raja Kuru. Sangha Raja Somded Phra Maha Samana Chao Krom Phraya

Vachirayanvaroros was also offered the title of Phra Traisaranadhaja in 1907

and was appointed the abbot of Wat Bavorn Monkhon, on the Chao Phraya River

opposite Thevet (National Library) Bangkok. He lived at Wat Bavorn Monkhon

until 1916 when he passed away.  Since then there were no Mon abbots living

in the monastery.

 

Note: In his personal letter to Phra Boonnak in November 1900, he was

already titled as "Tisaranadhaja".

 

A special thanks to Khun Manop Kaewyok of Baan Salardaeng for providing the

letter, books and other information on this important time in Mon history.

 

****************************************************************

 

Opinion:

 

FOUNDATION OF NATIONAL UNITY

(By Banya Hongsar, Monland: June 2003)

 

This is a critical period in Burmese history, especially for the non-Burman

people who need both domestic and international support in their demand for

unity of all nationalities. This is vital if ever there is to be peace in

Burma. For a better understanding the concept of unity for the non-Burman,

the United Nationalities Alliance (UNA) was established in December 2002 who

strived for “national reconciliation” after engaging in a half century of

civil war.

 

The organization is oriented more toward an agenda of national interest

rather than any group’s political motivation in the country. After the

Burmese military authority abolished its former alliance, United

Nationalities League for Democracy following the 1990 general election,

leaders of non-Burman nationalities in Burma continued to engage on a

national political level for the sole purpose of abolishing military rule in

the country.  The new alliance has worked hard to achieve majority support

on a nation-wide basis, the leaders of the organization sit in on weekly

meetings in Rangoon organizing strategies, planning and discussing ways to

promote democracy and federalism in Burma.

 

According to the organization’s official statement on December 16, 2002,

unity will be gained through a constructive implementation of all non-Burman

leaders and their organizations both home and abroad as well as cease-fire

and non-cease-fire organizations to a Federal Union of Burma, an objective

since 1947, but the Burmese military failed to honour the rights of

non-Burman in their motherlands according to this principle.

 

These urban based nationalist leaders both fought for independence and

democracy for over five decades as a political elite since the 1950-60s, and

remain firmly attached to their political beliefs for national

reconciliation between the military authority and the democratic forces

including non-Burman people in the country.

 

The UNA has called to convene a National Convention with full members of

both Burman and non-Burman representatives in the country towards national

reconciliation whose aim is to establish a genuine Federal Union of Burma. 

Leaders of the organizations have bitter experiences under the thumb of

Burmese military rule; almost all of them have been jailed and are banned to

hold public meetings in their own home State.  After reaching measurable

success in the cease-fire process between the current State Peace and

Development Council and a few major non-Burma resistance armed organizations

in the country, many of the non-Burman leaders both from the jungle and from

the urban community have met informally to talk about political development

in the country.

Non-Burman leaders have sincerely called upon the current military authority

to begin momentum to building unity of the nationalities at every

opportunity.  On the 54th Union Day, Shan, Arakan, Zome and Mon urban-based

political parties issued an official statement for national reconciliation

along with four other individual non-Burman leaders. They signed the

document and forwarded it to the ruling junta, the State Peace and

Development Council.

 

According to the statement written in Burmese, the crisis of the country

today proves that there is only one way to build national unity; there are

no doubts among us.  The state power holder, State Peace and Development

Council and the winner of the general election National League for Democracy

must meet for a dialogue that will enable all to work for the benefit of the

country.  We are committed to be part of the nation building and national

unity (solidarity) process.

 

The same effort was made again on the 55th Union Day anniversary of the

first gathering in Shan State, between the Burman and non-Burman conference

held in 1947 and before Burma gained independence, the Kachin, Shan, Mon,

Karenni, Shan (SSPLO), Kayan and Palaung cease-fire organizations conveyed a

message to the State Peace and Development Council. The message stated first

and foremost that, “we, non-Burman nationalities who belong to the armed

resistance organizations have engaged in the national interests of our

country regarding sovereignty, a cause that calls on the military government

for unity of all nationalities, to exchange civil war for peace, establish

the rights of nationalities and national development and promote the

foundation of a modern nation upheld by democratic institutions.

 

We have put forward an enormous effort and sincerity in trying to achieve

these goals.

 

After February 12, 2002 the message was released in the Burmese language for

all organizations both home and abroad. It is a concrete approval of the

unity of all non-Burman resistance organizations after the cease-fire

process began in the country.  However, top leaders of the Burmese military

authority do not give it a chance. As currently being demonstrated through

the ongoing systematic oppression against the democratic leader Aung San Suu

Kyi on her nationwide tour and the closure of pro-democracy offices

throughout the country.

 

We must indeed hold a “tripartite dialogue” according a resolution passed by

the United Nation General Assembly and the international community’s

goodwill. Soon after the tripartite dialogue is achieved, national unity

will be achieved, the statement said.

 

Further on it stated, we sincerely believe controlling the union (country)

with a massive armed force is not a solution to maintaining peace, but

building a country through a principle of genuine federalism, which will

maintain long and lasting peace in the country. This is the most important

concept: the foundation of national unity must first be in place before we

embark on building a strong and prosperous country.  Non-Burman leaders from

twenty-five political parties established United Nationalities League for

Democracy (UNLD) before the General Election 1990 with this in mind. But

instead the military authority abolished the multi-force political mandate

after the election. The nationalist leaders did not surrender their

political mandate and regrouped to re-establish the United Nationalities

Alliance (UNA) in 2002.

 

As Nai Tun Thein, leader of Mon National democratic Front, a key player of

UNA and also a member of Committee Representative for People’s Parliament

said to Independent Mon News Agency recently said in May, “the leaders of

UNA from almost all of non-Burman nationalities are prepared to talk to the

ruling Burmese military authority.  They have urged bi-lateral talks between

NLD and SPDC.” Followed by a tripartite dialogue between the NLD, the

military, and the nationalities. We hope the military will finally look at

what can be done to change the situation and begin the actual process of

national reconciliation that so many of us have been struggling for.

 

*******************************************************

 

ILO AND FORCED LABOUR IN BURMA

(June 7, 2003, 91st Session, Geneva)

 

The International Labour Organization has released its report on

developments of forced labour inside Burma. Several recommendations and an

Action Plan was drawn up by the ILO for the Burmese government to implement.

 

The ILO session was a follow up to developments from July 2002 to March 2003

during which time a new Liaison Officer was appointed, Ms. Hông-Trang

Perret-Nguyen to work with the Director General and Minister of Labour, Mr.

U Soe Nyunt, the Liaison Officer took up her post in October 2002 in Yangon.

Ms. Hông-Trang Perret-Nguyen was unable to endorse an Action Plan put forth

by the Myanmar government in March 2003; the Governing Body of the ILO found

that the Myanmar government’s Action Plan did not meet the minimum

requirements to be meaningful and credible in eradicating forced labour in

any realistic way.

 

Background history. The ILO appealed to the Burmese junta to take action to

end force labour, especially portering in August 1998.  In 1998, the ILO

found that forced labour was "generalised and systematic" in Burma. On

December 17 1998, it imposed sanctions against Burma under Article 33 of the

ILO constitution. The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions

immediately called for tour operators to cancel trips to Burma on the

grounds that forced labour is used to develop the tourist infrastructure.

Sanctions may be working; EU exports in 2000 to Burma totaled €111 million

(down almost 90 % to US 1,105 million in 1999); imports from Burma totaled

€404 million (down from US2, 260 million in 1999).

 

Initially an ILO High-Level Team left the country in October 2001, however,

forced labour continued and even was reported to have intensified. The ILO

Commission of Inquiry following a conference in June 2002 after making

initial contacts with government personnel in May 2002 released a report on

its observations in Burma taken in September, October, and November 2002

stating that forced labour continues despite the sanctions imposed. Several

groups reported cases of forced labour and human rights violations in Burma,

including the All Burma’s Students Democratic Front, Narinjara News, ICFTU,

Earth Rights International, Human Rights Foundation of Monland and Amnesty

International.

 

The ILO noted that eradicating forced labour involves several barriers in

which the government must confront, including the fact that very few

villagers were unaware of Order No. 1/99 that forbids compulsory labour;

military personnel forcing villagers to give false testimony; villagers

being made to pay for information meetings and for the Green Book,

information on the law; the self reliant attitude of the military; contempt

for villagers by the military; and institutional and financial obstacles.

The ILO stressed the need to have Order No. 1/99 made a public act to

educate all levels of the military personnel, government ministries and the

population. The ILO also stressed the need to have written reports and

investigations regarding allegations of forced labour.

 

Given the lack of success in eradicating forced labour, the ILO has

introduced a new Action Plan that involves the dissemination of information;

awareness-raising programmes; pilot project for local road construction;

expansion of animal transportation; enhancing public awareness of the

mechanism to make complaints; specific functions of Field Observation Teams;

and the role of the facilitator to deal with allegations of forced labour.

 

The Action Plan is to be implemented over an 18-month period beginning 2003

July 1, the pilot project will take place in the Myeik region, southern

Burma, which includes a systematic search for concrete alternatives to

forced labour in that region. The military had introduced the beast of

burden, mules and asses to take the place of human labour, but more animals

are needed to ensure a steady supply. The mediator/Facilitator mechanism is

to help victims of forced labour to seek redress. Part of the public

relations campaign is to reach out to the ethnic communities to distribute

Orders of the law prohibiting the use of forced labour, written up in

pamphlets translated into Mon, Kayin, Chin, Kayah, Kachin and Shan

languages.

 

News bulletins will be distributed once a month to local libraries,

government and NGOs. Another part of the Action Plan is to educate military

officials and personnel in monthly workshops. The Ministry of Labour will be

in charge of seven Field Observation Teams in areas where forced labour is

practiced headed by the Field Observation leader, including in Rakhine

State, Chairman, Social Security Board; Mon and Kayin State, the

Director-General, Office of the Central Inland Freight Handling; Shan State

(East), Shan State (South) and Kayah State, Director-General, Factories and

General Labour Laws Inspection Department; Tanintharyi Division,

Director-General, Office of the Central Trade Disputes Committee; Shan State

(North), Deputy Director-General, Department of Labour; and Chin State,

General Manager, Social Security Board. The role of the FOT is to identify

instances of forced labour and prosecute those responsible.

 

The Liaison Officer is responsible for working at implementing the Action

Plan in the eradication of forced labour and in dealing with forced labour

allegations.  General Khin Nyunt expressed his government’s support stating

that, “the Myanmar authorities wish to have positive and constructive

cooperation with the ILO, and we are carefully considering the ILO’s advice

on how to change our practices”.

 

To date the Burmese military is committed politically to eliminating forced

labour as stated in its constitution according to ILO convention No. 29 in

its legislation, executive and administrative capacities. Burma violated the

Forced Labour Convention, 1930 (No. 29), which it ratified in 1955.

 

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KAO WAO NEWS GROUP

 

Email: kaowao@hotmail.com, kaowao@shaw.ca

Phone + 66 -1 561- 0860, + 1- 403 - 248 2027

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