KAO WAO NEWS No. 46

 

An electronic newsletter for social justice and freedom in Burma

June 11-21, 2003

 

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READERS' FRONT

CEASE-FIRE GROUP WARNED TO CLAM UP

STUDENTS MADE TO PAY HIGHER TUITION FEES

EYEWITNESS ACCOUNTS OF BLACK FRIDAY

ENDANGERED HERITAGE GROWS ON THAI SOIL

BURMA AWARENESS IN CANADA

NEW ZEALAND URGED FOR MORE ACTION

CHINA AND INDIA TARGETED FOR BURMA’S DEMOCRACY

CHIN MEETING PROMOTES PUBLIC PARTICIPATION

SOCIAL WELL BEING OF WOMEN UNDER THREAT

MON CEASE-FIRE: A NO WIN SITUATION

 

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READERS' FRONT

 

Dear Readers,

We invite comments and suggestions on improvements to Kao-Wao newsletter. With your help, we hope that Kao-Wao News will continue to grow to serve better the needs of those seeking social justice in Burma and Thailand. And we hope that it will become an important forum for discussion and debate and help readers to keep abreast of issues and news. Above all, we hope the newsletter will be used as a vehicle for those who want to share their views and experiences.  We reserve the right to edit and reject articles without prior notification. You can use a pseudonym but we encourage you to include your full name and address.

 

Regards,

 

Editor

kaowao@hotmail.com

http://www.burmalibrary.org/show.php?cat=1215&lo=d&sl=0

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Hi Kao-Wao,

Thank you for sending your news.  It is very useful at helping me to keep track on what is happening in Burma.

 

I've been following reports on the crackdown in Burma.  The international media has re-discovered Burma because of it and for a while there is an opportunity to shift Burma onto the mainstream of international concerns. 

This would allow Burma to receive ongoing attention after the immediate excitement dies down.

 

Jeff

Warsaw, Poland

 

Dear Kao-Wao,

The junta is not only brutal but also stupid.  Keeping Suu Kyi inside the jail will result in more pressure from the international community and the UN.  There will be more action taken whilst improving the campaign for freeing Burma, they will have no place to hide.

 

Maung Maung (Bangkok)

 

Dear All,

I would say that there will be no change in Burma anytime soon.  There are many political prisoners in Burma. The military junta doesn't worry of economic sanctions, because it can force people to do anything for them. They have been doing it for many decades, for nearly 50 years and they can survive. The junta will continue to hold the power. People in Burma can do nothing about it because the junta has a powerful army to suppress its own civilians. The civilians have to struggle for survival day by day.  Although the civilians don't accept the military government what can they do other than join the junta to get employment and keep silent.

I have no good ideas to win over the military junta. Neighboring countries can only talk at the military. Who cares?  I am sorry to say this and I don't see a way to get out of this.

 

Kwae Mon (via Monnet)

 

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CEASE-FIRE GROUP WARNED TO CLAM UP

(Kao-Wao: June 14, 2003)

 

The cease-fire group New Mon State Party has been urged by the Burmese army not to spread news and information about human rights violations committed in Mon State and southern Burma.

The request was made at an informal meeting between the cease-fire group and the senior member of current ruling regime, the State Peace and Development Council in Moulmein, capital of Mon State.

The Burmese Army gave the warning shortly after the New Mon State Party released its fact-sheet on the land confiscation of farmers and landowners in Mon State. Land confiscated is used for the building of military bases and road construction to pave the way for a gas pipeline project.  According to the source, the authorities feel threatened by accurate reports of Mon media based on the Thai-Burma border.

The SPDC accuses the Mon Forum, Independent Mon News Agency, and Kao Wao News Group, who have released news via radio, printed material, as well as E-news after the NMSP shared information with them.  A reporter of the BBC (Burmese Section) from the Thailand Burma border is also accused as a member of the cease-fire party.

“Don’t spread news to the public and exile groups, talk to us if you are not satisfied with what happening to your people.  If you have information on land confiscation, just hand it in to us”, said a senior official of the SPDC to senior members of the NMSP recently.

Local farmers and gardeners have appealed to the NMSP to request the junta for compensation and land replacement.  The NMSP formally lodged an appeal to the SPDC senior officials, but neither land replacement nor compensation is granted to local civilians in any form.  The local Burmese Army has confiscated over 5,000 acres of land with rice fields, rubber plants, lime and lemon trees since 1997, two years after the ceasefire agreement between the NMSP and SPDC.

Despite the threat of being charged for holding printed materials without passing the scrutiny board, the Mon language journal and newspaper, “Our Time” and “Guiding Star” have been very popular in the Mon community over the past three years.  Local Mon media cover news of imprisoned Mon leaders and other human rights abuses in the territory. Reporters inside Mon State risk their lives and keep a low profile under the roving eye of the Military Intelligence in each town.

Senior officials of the SPDC have asked the NMSP members working for the news services in the Sangkhlaburi border town to stop reporting, the source from the party said.

 

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Life in Mon State

STUDENTS MADE TO PAY HIGHER TUITION FEES

(IMNA: June 11, 2003)

 

Higher tuition fee is introduced to schools in Mon State, southern Burma ahead of the new enrollment for the 2003-4-education year.

On opening day, students with their parents flock to school; eager to begin classes, but this year they face a higher cost for their education. Teachers are asking for more money than in previous years.

“Fees for school enrollment, text books and sports are not so much. It cost over 1,000 Kyat, but fees for school repairs and new school buildings are too expensive. They ask for 7,000 to 20,000 Kyat. They also increase money for new students,” said parents from Moulmein, capital city of Mon State.

A schoolteacher, speaking under anonymity due to security, said, “we haven’t received enough of a budget from the government for school repairs and new buildings. Building materials are expensive.  We (teachers) ask the government for support, but receive too little, so we have to ask more money from the parents to cover the costs”.

Besides school entrance fees, the parents also have to pay for computer maintenance at schools in both the urban and rural areas. The local farmers are also forced to pay for this cost.

Parents, with little money to spare, pay out most of their money to cover the cost of education for their children, private tuition being the only way for a student to pass the final exam. A student spends about 100, 000 Kyat for tuition fees for all subjects for the whole year. A special tuition fee costs about 10,000 Kyat per month for one subject only.

Having exorbitant school fees to pay, families pull their children out of school at a young age reported a community worker. Later on, some will either end up as migrant labourers or work at small jobs in their community to earn extra income, while some will have the opportunity to transfer to Mon National School where there is no charge for schooling.

 

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Truth revealed by a truck driver's assistant

EYEWITNESS ACCOUNTS OF BLACK FRIDAY

(Source NCGUB)

 

My name is Kyaw Lwin (age 30).  I work as a "Spare" (driver's assistant) on the Nissan truck UD 2  Registration NO: (khakwe/1962).  The driver is Ko Nyo.

The nominal owners of the vehicle are U San Myint and Daw Marlaryi.  In fact, it is the property of the Military Intelligence in Yesagyo.  Our normal business is to transport goods from Rangoon to Monywa.  The point of departure in Rangoon is from Maung Myint's gate at Bayinaung-Khaye Road, Rangoon (phone 68 1229).

We were still in Monywa at the end of May having just taken goods there. 

The North West Army Command based there requisitioned 10 wheeler trucks (including ours) from the 28th May and we had to keep them parked in their North West Army Command compound at Monywa.

This is what happened on the 30th May.

An army captain (in civvies) climbed up into the front compartment. 

Communication accessories were put on the truck.  Then about 50 persons boarded the back compartment.  Some were in monk's robes, others in civvies.  After that the truck was covered with a canvas tarp and orders were given to drive off.

It was about 7:00 p.m. when we left the North West Army Command compound. We were ordered to drive towards Depayin,Ye-U side.  About 2 to 3 miles from Depayin, it was 8:30 or 9 pm when I saw a noisy crowd where people were being thrashed about mercilessly.  The captain told the driver to keep the headlights on and ordered the men in the back to get down and join in with thrashing of people in the crowd.

The driver, the captain, and I were left in the truck. The beatings were delivered relentlessly and savagely.  It was the most frightening thing I have ever seen in my whole life.  It was a one-sided attack.  There were people running about, shouting, screaming and falling on the ground with blood all over them.  Some fallen bodies were carried and placed near our truck.  I had no idea who they were. They could have been the people who came with us in our truck.

The captain in the front of our truck spoke on the phone, saying, "Yes, General, Yes, Yes."  He then ordered me to carry the dead bodies into the truck.  At the same time I saw him fire 3 or 4 times from his revolver into the crowd at the front.

I carried 17 bodies into the truck.  All were bloodied.  Some could have been lifeless; some could have been still alive.  After that the truck had to be driven back.  The people who were brought there were not brought back on the bus.  I do not know what happened afterwards.  I saw the other 10-wheeler trucks at the scene of crime but cannot say what they had to do.

When we arrived at Ahlone village, we were ordered to stop and remove the 17 dead bodies on the side of the road and then drive on to the North West Army Command compound.  The captain gave the orders.

There was food and liquor prepared for us when we got back to the compound. We ate.  Then we were given 30000 kyats each.  The truck was driven away by another person.  We were told that it would not be for long.  But, it was returned the next day (31st May) in the evening.

We washed the car on the 1st of June and scrubbed out the blood stains.  We offered "soon" (food) to the monks.  I don't know what happened to the bodies we left by the side of the road at Ahlon.

We heard that the bodies were burnt. Now we are operating from the gate as before.

 

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Literature and culture

 

ENDANGERED HERITAGE GROWS ON THAI SOIL

(Based on IMNA and Kao-Wao: June 18, 2003)

 

New school policy developments in Thailand have allowed about thirty percent of class time to be spent on the teaching of ethnic languages in schools where ethnic people reside. This policy will provide many students with the opportunity to learn their language and increase the odds of survival for Mon language.

According to General Secretary of Mon Unity League (MUL), Nai Sunthorn, the teaching of Mon language will be allowed in the Thai school curriculums where a large majority of Mon people live. Mon language textbooks will be provided from Grade 1 to Grade 12 in schools that provides basic education to the children in Thailand.

“It’s very impressive, the Mon deserves their cultural rights but it’s only a beginning and we need more action and assistance from both the Thai Mon community and the government,” said the International Representative of the MUL, an umbrella organization of the Mon people.

Academics and some Thai-Mon leaders developed the textbooks derived from old and culturally rich Mon storybooks and hundreds of palm-leave scriptures. They will apply the draft textbooks to the Ministry of Education, Royal Thai Government, to obtain permission for teaching in Thai schools.

The Mon language experts who work at the Thai Ministry of Education are Mon language researchers and intellectuals who achieved their Degree studying the Mon language as their thesis, they have worked extensively in researching the historical development of Mon with the help of MUL.

The research group translated some old priceless Mon scriptures into the Thai language.  The authorities from the MOE and Rangsit University are committed to the translation but will need more people and funding, said Nai Sunthorn.  The group found about 5,000 items of old palm-leave scriptures gathering dust in two old Mon Monasteries, Wat Pran in Pathum Thani and Wat Doe in Ratchburi, near Bangkok. About 100 items of Mon scripture included traditional knowledge, herbal medicine and the rest making up religious content (Buddhism).

Nai Sunthorn and Zahan Mon from the MUL volunteered as part of the Research Group who contributed their efforts in bringing to light the issue of the endangerment of ethnic language in Thailand.  At present, Phathum Thani University and Srilpakorn University in Thailand have taught Mon language to the university students.

Many thousands of Mon migrated to Thailand over 240 years ago after the Burmese king annexed the Hongsawatoi Mon kingdom in 1757.

 

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International awareness campaign

 

BURMA AWARENESS IN CANADA

(Kao-Wao: Calgary, June 14, 2003)

 

"Prisoners In Their Own Country: Burma Today" was the main theme for building awareness on Burma, an event hosted by medics and activists on June 11 in Calgary, Canada.

The Medical Mercy of Canada, Amnesty International (University of Calgary), and the Calgary Burma Round Table hosted the event on Wednesday evening at the University of Calgary.

Over a hundred supporters joined in the gathering to observe stunning documentary videos from Thailand-Burma border, a photography exhibit, and Mon cultural dances.  Testimonial of personal accounts and solidarity messages were delivered regarding the present crisis.

After vivid and touching testimonials were given from former student leader Cham Toik and Chairperson of Mon Women Organization (Canada), Ms. Ong Mon Chan, a medical doctor who migrated from Indonesia said, “the speech that voices the suffering of the oppressed people in Burma refreshed my memory as a young doctor in Indonesia, when I risked my life to help my people who suffered under the brutal regime of Suharto. … my thoughts and heart will be always with you. Your efforts and perseverance will make a better future for the oppressed people in Burma”.

The Calgary Burma Round Table is a new action group founded to increase awareness and the group joined with the Medical Mercy Canada who travel every year to the Thai Burma and India Burma border, as well as rural Ukraine, since 1992 providing needy families with medical assistance including teaching and medical supplies.

Around Canada, Canadian Friends of Burma and Vancouver Burma Round Table groups, in Ottawa and Vancouver, held demonstrations against the Burmese military regime and Ivanhoe Canadian Company that invest in Burma.

AP news from Phnom Penh, Cambodia on June 18, 2003, reported the Canadian foreign minister, Bill Graham, as saying that Canada may take steps to increase pressure on Burma by applying tougher measures against Burma if pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi is not released immediately.  The minister said Canada has already withdrawn preferential tariffs and would consider what other measures could be taken if the Nobel Peace Prize winner is not released from military custody.

 

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NEW ZEALAND URGRD FOR MORE ACTION

(Kao-Wao: June 15, 2003)

 

Representatives of the Mon, Karen and Burmese communities in New Zealand met with Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade and urged the government to bring Burma before the UN Security Council.

According to the source from OMANZ (Oversea Mon Association of New Zealand), the team met with Mr. Phil Goff, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, at his Mt. Roskill electorate office on June 13 to urge for the unconditional release of all political prisoners in the wake of the Burmese regime's detention of Aung San Suu Kyi.

The source reported, the Foreign Minister was preparing to leave to attend a meeting of the Asia - Pacific Nations in Cambodia at which ASEAN's rogue member, Burma, is expected to be in the hot seat alongside that of the threat of North Korea.

The representatives of exile group also asked New Zealand to work with other United Nations members to bring the issue of Burma before the Security Council and to support measures by the UN in slapping Burma with economic and financial sanctions to oust the regime or possibly initiate armed intervention to remove the regime from power once and for all.

During the meeting Nai Hong Lavi, the representative of OMANZ described the ongoing human rights violations taking place in Mon state such as forced labor, forced portering and land confiscation. The overseas Mon patriots urged the New Zealand government to help in any way they could to exert greater pressure on the ruling Burmese military regime, to release Mon political leaders and withdraw of military operations inside the Mon areas.

 

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International activists stage demonstration in front of Chinese Consulate

 

CHINA AND INDIA: SILENCE SPEAKS THE TRUTH

(Network Media Group: June 14, 2003)

 

Nearly forty international human rights activists staged a demonstration in front of the Chinese Consulate in Chiang Mai to urge China to apply pressure on the Burmese regime to stop supporting the military by submitting a memorandum at the consulate.

Friends of the Burma Coalition-Thai-Burma border recently began targeting the two superpower neighbors of Burma, China and India, who have turned a blind eye on Burma’s current political crisis.

In their appeal letters, the campaigners urged China and India to direct their attention and put pressure on the Burmese generals, "to call for the immediate, unconditional release of Aung San Suu Kyi, NLD leaders and all other political prisoners; to cease providing the regime with arms and military equipment; to engage the regime in pro-active efforts to dialogue with the pro-democracy movement and ethnic nationality groups; to actively support the UN efforts and other key stakeholders to achieve peace, human rights and democracy in Burma; and to put Burma and the current political crisis on a top priority agenda in the upcoming Asean Region Forum (ARF) meeting."

The annual meeting of Asean Regional Forum (ARF) was held during the past week in Cambodia. A total of 24 nations sat together represented as ARF, including the ten-member ASEAN plus their global talk partners such as China, India, US, Canada, EU, Japan and Korea.

Asking why the campaigners targeted the Chinese consulate, Bee, one of the Thai citizens who submitted the memorandum said, “In giving the petition we attempted to make a strong statement about Chinese relations, the same aim with the Indian Consulate, both are currently allied with the SPDC. The support of the Chinese to (SPDC) is tight. We urged China to stop supporting the SPDC."

A three-member delegate of campaigners met a deputy officer on the behalf of consular to summit the petition.

Recently, the campaigners under an initiative of Friends of Burma Coalition (FOB) also staged a demonstration submitting a similar appeal to India’s consulate in Chiang Mai on June 11, the report said.

Human right advocates and activists from the Asia Pacific region along with dedicated individuals signed the petition presented to Burma’s two big neighbors. These organizations include the Free Burma Coalition (Thai Burma border), the Coordination Committee of Human Rights of Thailand (CCHROT), Thai Action Committee on Democracy in Burma (TACDB), NGO Coordinating Committee on Development (NGO-COD), Chantana Banpasirichota- Peace Way Foundation, Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (Forum-Asia), Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development, an organization from Malaysia, two from the Philippines, one from Indonesia along with individuals from India, Taiwan, Australia, France, Belgium and Mongolia.

The demonstration started at 11 am in front of the consulate, which was dispersed soon after by the Thai police, to break the crowd due to a traffic jam.

China is currently one of the few strongest allies the SPDC has got. Last December, China offered US$200 million in soft loans to Rangoon. Since 1988, China has been Burma’s foremost arms supplier, providing the regime with military equipment amounting to the value of somewhere near US $3 billion. It provided Burma with “friendship” deals involving a large volume and a wide range of arms, including fighter aircraft, naval patrol boats, armored personnel carriers, helicopters, field and anti-aircraft artillery, small arms and ammunition, as well as communications, electronic warfare, signals intelligence and other technical systems. There were joint signal’s intelligence facilities at several Burmese coastal sites and other comprehensive cooperation arrangements entered into by the two governments, mentioned in a FOB press release.

While the international community made up of US, UK, France, Thailand and along with several other countries showed their deep concern on the recent May 30th ambush by government-affiliated thugs on the opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her convoy, China and India virtually kept silent.

 

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Federal and State Constitution in progress

 

CHIN MEETING PROMOTES PUBLIC PARTICIPATION

(Chinland Guardian News: June 9, 2003)

 

Indiana Police, USA- Chinland Constitution Consultative Meeting was held in Indiana University School of Law - Bloomington campus on June 8, 2003.

 

The leading participants in the consultative meeting were Pu Lian Uk (MP), a current Convener of Working Group (I) of the Chin Forum, Dr. Zahleithang (MP) and Convener of Working Group (V) of the Chin Forum, Dr. Vumson Suantak (Co-convener) of Working Group (I) of the Chin Forum, Salai Victor Biak Lian (Secretary of Chin Forum Management Board), Salai Ni Lian (Joint Secretary of Chin Forum Management Board), Salai Hre Mang (Co-convener) of Working Group (IV) of the Chin Forum, and Salai Ngun Cung Lian (Co-convener) of the Working Group (I) of the Chin Forum.

 

Besides the native Chin leaders, a noted constitutional law scholar, Professor David C. William of John S. Hastings Professor of Law, acted as a consultant, and a Mr. Mukhid, a young legal scholar from Kazakhstan, also participated as special guests. During the meeting, the participants critically focused upon the question of whether the initial draft Constitution of Chinland truly represents, safeguards, reflects, protects, and promotes the customs, traditions, interests, desires, and nature of the Chin people.

 

Furthermore, the participants, during the short span of their meeting, made a close analysis on the initial draft of Constitution of Chinland and how the draft Constitution of Chinland stands as a corner stone for the creation of future Federal Union of the Multi-ethnic Nations based on a genuine federalism in the present Union of Burma. Based on subsequent suggestions at a recent meeting, and from feedback and advice contributed by concerned Chin and non-Chin leaders regarding the Constitution around the world, Consultant, Professor David C. Williams, Mr. Mukhid, and Salai Ngun Cung Lian will be continuously working together to edit the initial draft accordingly.

 

It is hoped that the editing will be totally completed before the end of July this year then published and distributed as widely as possible to the Chin people around the world before the end of August 2003.

 

Following the inner meeting within the Chin Forum, the Indiana Chin Community hosted a public discussion on the Constitution of June 8, 2003 at Woodland Baptist Church.

 

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Feature Article

 

SOCIAL WELL BEING OF WOMEN UNDER THREAT

(Bop Htaw in Bangkok, June 2003)

 

Women in Burma have been killed, raped and abused for many years due to the ongoing civil war. Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the democracy force and General Secretary of National League for Democracy is always under the threat of violence, her life  has been threatened often during her political campaign to restore democracy and human rights including women’s rights. The Women Affairs Committee of Burma (WAC) formed by the current ruling military junta, State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) has failed miserably to protect the rights of women, especially the political rights of Daw Suu Kyi who has been harassed almost daily by the SPDC over the past fifteen years.

The SPDC established the Women Affairs Committee on July 3, 1996 to tackle the plight of women in the country. The wife of Military Intelligence Chief, Lt Gen Khin Nyunt, chairs the committee, Daw Khin Win Shwe. The SPDC had officially announced that “3rd July” as Women’s Day in Burma. The WAC working committee was formed on 7 October 1996 with several branch offices scattered over the country, in each State, Division, District and Township.

According to a committee media release last year, the government implemented the Beijing Declaration, it has accepted the resolutions of the Beijing Platform for Action in line with its political, economic, and social environment.

Despite the WAC commitment to tackle to the plight of women, the current events demonstrate another State sponsored organization, Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) which acts as a political tool of the ruling junta to hammer the democratic force led by Daw Suu Kyi, a Noble Prize Winner into servitude. The WAC has done nothing to address this contradiction to eradicate violence against women.

The WAC drew up a policy paper then distributed it to local communities around the country; its aim is to enhance education and health, tackle discrimination and problems of the environment and mass media. While it is a women’s organization, some claim that the Office of Strategies Studies (OSS) led by Lt Gen Khin Nyunt in Rangoon writes it. It inferred that the Military Intelligence Team is the most responsible for policy development in the country, presided over by the top army’s Senior General Than Shwe.

Currently, women writers, journalists, students and nuns are jailed for expressing their criticism and views of government activities. Even pregnant women are locked up, although some have returned home from jail with their children, a local Rangoon resident recently said.

Burmese government soldiers, militiamen and high-ranking army officials routinely target the most vulnerable, young women, especially non-Burman women in rural areas and conflict zones. Human Rights Foundation of Monland based at the Thai-Burma border have documented numerous cases in its monthly human rights report, stating that local women are traumatized by these horrific incidents and live in constant fear of being raped, killed, violently degraded, or abused while their partners are away from home or the village.

Local women are forced into becoming members of the WAC in local towns or villages. They are offered employment as public servants if they become full members of the committee, a local Mon woman said. The committee also approaches educated women in the community for participation in community works.

The WAC failed not only to protect the rights of women in politics but also in social and economic affairs as well. Despite advocating local young women not to leave to Thailand and to neighbouring countries as migrant labourers, nevertheless, a high number of women decide to leave home as there are no job prospects in their native villages, many women follow their husbands to Thailand.

Women have a strong role to play in promoting freedom and a well-balanced, stable political environment in Burma, their participation is needed at all levels. But traditionally Burmese women are viewed as subordinate, very little information is made known of what happens in the domestic sphere, let alone the public, and with the plight of women and children in Burma becoming more of an urgent concern, with even the most respected women, including Daw Suu Kyi, being subjected to violence and harassment for speaking her voice, there is a need for immediate worldwide attention. Burma became a State party to the Convention of the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) on July 22, 1997. However, it failed to fulfill both its moral and social duties towards women in the country, especially women in politics, in conflict zones and non-Burman women in rural areas.

Currently the Burmese ruling junta only appoints women in the public service at a lower post. Women are assigned as staff in departments and hold no power of their own over the decision-making process. The SPDC’s ministry team excluded ministerial posts for women while officially declaring that both man and woman have equal status in the country. The Women Affairs Committee is a nothing but a political dupe for the ruling junta, like its twin the USDA.

 

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Analysis

 

MON CEASE-FIRE: A NO WIN SITUATION

(By Banya Hongsar, June, 2003 / Monland)

 

A controversial cease-fire agreement of the Mon political party and its armed forces has been an eight year fiasco, very little in the way of a constructive political settlement has materialized.

At first, it was hoped that the Mon would gain some rights in Monland. New Mon State Party and its armed wing, Mon National Liberation Army have fought against the Rangoon government for over four decades to establish a “New Mon State” with full power. Leaders, comrades and private soldiers including its supporters have scarified their lives for this cause.

For better or for worse, the Mon nationalist political party agreed to talk with Rangoon on June 29, 1995 with exerted pressure from Thailand. The debate of whether the cease-fire is right or wrong will continue until “equality rights” is achieved along with the complete withdrawal of the Burmese military from Mon State.

“The Rangoon government is urged to talk with its opposition and resistance groups with a down to earth attitude. Neither party will benefit as long as it regards each other as the enemy and resorting to military force to win a political crisis,” said the late NMSP’s President Shwe Kyin who passed away on March 7, 2003 in Moulmein. He established the party in 1958 and formed the regular army (Mon National Liberation Army) in 1971.

Recently General Secretary of the party, Nai Hongsa said “the cease-fire talk is a new tactic of weakening our force while some members have changed their mind to do more business than politics”. He is not satisfied with the process, it takes so much times while no genuine political settlement has been made in the country.

The Mon nationalist party has faced two major splits threatening the stability of the party over the past eight years. Mergui Mon Army split in 1996 and Hongsawatoi Restoration Party in 2001. Mon National Council in exile publicly criticized the weakness of the NMSP’s leadership over the eight years. In February 1996, the Council issued an analysis paper titled: “An Analysis of the Ceasefire between the New Mon State Party and SLORC” written in Burmese. It said, “the ceasefire is perceived as it is, a peace process gone wrong. It appears to be an official surrender to the (enemy). It’s a concession to the dictators for committing further abuse on our civilians and it is assumed that (this process) is kowtowing to the dictator. A few members of the council are former NMSP’s Central Committee members who played a vital role in its policy implementation.

The nationalist armed force, Mon National Liberation Army continues to conduct regular military training at its headquarters in Monland.  According to the party’s newsletter, “The Light of Flying Sheldrake” in March 2002, the MNLA completed 8th session of Training for Regiment Battalion. Despite this, many observers have accused the MNLA of lacking the capacity to maintain its military operation during the ‘peace period’, the force still exercises its right to develop its military capacity.

“To serve the Mon people” for a half century, the party hasn’t stopped running the show after the cease-fire talks. The party completed its 23rd session of Basic Political Course in January 2002 for its members and the Department of Health also finished its 24th Session on Medical Course offered to local Mon youth.

However, the Burmese Army for their part have confiscated more than 5,000 acres of land in Ye, Than Phyu Zayat, Mudon townships, to enlarge their regiments, infantry battalions and army camps in Mon State. Local farmers, land owners and properties owners have made formal appeals to seniors of New Mon State Party, but no help, or compensation is forthcoming from the junta.  NMSP formally lodged a letter to SPDC in 2001 but received nothing but silence and complacency.

The organization regularly holds special events such as Mon Revolutionary Day, Mon National Day and Public Seminars for an acknowledgement of national struggle for freedom and independence.

After 1995 cease-fire talk process, the Mon communities both home and abroad have gathered every year in Thai-Burma border for national conference. Mon National views were exchanged at Seminars held in each year with a sponsorship from NMSP. The seminar is the first gathering ever to be held between NMSP and non-NMSP organizations including local representatives from Mon State. Representatives have formally presented their views and debates to the delegates while they were enjoying freedom of expression in liberated areas. However anti-NMSP camps ignored the seminar but support such a public gathering in the jungle.

The ruling military government uses a divide and rule tactic that oppresses ordinary local Mon people when it cannot control activities of Mon nationalist movement in liberated areas. Consequently, urban-based Mon language teaching classes and other local business of the Mon community are banned. The urban-based official Mon political party, Mon National Democratic Front was abolished and its prominent leaders and supporters were hauled off to jail. Divided camps between NMSP and MNDF have split off in the community to master political activities. However, the Mon leaders from both sides have kept in confidence for an ultimate goal to establish a Mon State with full power either under a unified federation or self-determination.

The Mon Buddhist monk community has also played a vital role during the cease-fire period in the national movement. The Monk community is concerned over the split of the party (“break away” in the party circle). On 15 October 2001 the senior monks wrote a letter, “A Warning Letter to New Mon State Party,” to the party warning that such the split is politically unacceptable. Prominent senior Mon monks have constructively debated with party leaders of the potential threat of the cease-fire process if the party fails to stand up firmly to establish an Independent Mon State.

Almost all villages in Mon State regularly celebrate Mon National Day as a mass public campaign. In celebration they post pictures of former Mon King Rajadhirit or a portrait of the Queen Mi Jao Bu (Shin Saw Pu) in public events.

Htaw Mon, the General of the Mon National Liberation Army said at a Mon seminar, “We will not surrender”. Adding that, “in modern civilization, people should not regard each other as a permanent enemy.” He asserted that cease-fire process is still in the developing stage for both sides. The General now holds the second post of the New Mon State Party as Vice-President No (1) while Former General Secretary Nai Rotsa holds Vice-president No (2).

The only winners of the cease-fire process are local and regional businessmen and companies who have access inside Burma to exploit gas reserves, timber, especially teak, the fishery, border trades and drugs.

The controversial ceasefire process of the Mon has indeed damaged Mon unity. However, men and women from within the Mon community took the risk and formed the Mon Unity League in 1995 soon after the party reached the ceasefire process in Moulmein. The League serves as umbrella organizations for the Mons both home and abroad including NMSP (1995-1998 periods) to achieve a common goal of the national movement. The ruling Burmese regime took notice of the growing reputation of the League after it played a key role in successfully engaging with the international community. Its top priority is to build unity among the Mon. MUL members have taken on the role as diplomats in foreign affairs, appointing a number of International Representatives to work abroad.

As present, the political environment of the party has developed inside Mon territory; a few urban-based Mon communities have praised the role of the party after the ceasefire process. Some local Mon businessmen have boosted their businesses with Asian countries. However, the ruling Junta has banned further contracts in which they assume that the party gains greater support from urban based Mon business class community.

Senior members of the party have reinvented their image in the community in recent years. General Htaw Mon himself has visited his native village in Mudon Twonship for a public gathering.  “Although the party has never controlled more than a fraction of the Mon people’s ancestral lands, before 1995 it did represent an alternative centre of power to Rangoon. The party continues to find ways to legitimize it position in Mon State and will for many years to come”, wrote Ashley South, author of Mon Nationalism and Civil War in Burma, the Golden Sheldrake in his book about Mon politics.

 

The views expressed here are solely the opinion of the author. (Kao-Wao Editor)

 

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