KAO WAO NEWS No. 58
An electronic newsletter for
social justice and freedom in
MUL WARY OF NMSP’S INVITE TO THE NATIONAL CONVENTION
ETHNIC PARTIES OPPOSE THE JUNTA’S ROAD MAP
THE INFORMATION AGE:
TO ICT IN
DEATH PENALTY REVIVED TO PUNISH DISSIDENTS
13-YEAR-OLD GIRL ASSAULTED AND RAPED BY LANDLORD
AMERICAN MON WOMEN ORGANIZE
POPPIES BLOSSOM IN THE NORTH AGAIN
SHOULD WE FORGET THE PAST?
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Congratulations on your 2nd anniversary!
We are well informed by Kao Wao news especially Mon issues. I am really proud of Kao Wao that as Mon group, this channel can make a loud voice and share the information to other sources.
Myaingkalay cement factory damages Mon cultural site
Dear Kao Wao,
Regarding the Myaingkalay cement factory near Pa’an,
as well as the serious human rights and environmental concerns which you
mention, the factory is also having a devastating affect on an important, but
not well-known, Mon cultural treasure. The factory is situated close to the
More alarming, the discharge
causes substantial vibrations and damage at the cave. Artifacts at the
If this were
However, the daily blasting at the nearby Myaingkalay cement has caused many hundreds of plaques to be dislodged or otherwise damaged (also, as insurgency raged over this part of Burma in the 1940-70s, historically important elephant figures and other pieces were looted). Unless the blasting stops or the damage is alleviated, I worry that this wonderful religious and cultural site will be damaged beyond repair.
On Kanbawza Win’s Are the Burmese People Fit for Democracy?
Kanbawza Win’s expression seems too extreme though part of it is the reality of the double impact of the military regime's 4 decade long impressive-human-mind-programming. The nature of the human being is attached with certain bad or negative attributes that cultivate bad behaviors that are not necessary or needed to express publicly. For example, all intelligent adults may know what a person does inside a restroom but it is not necessary to tell everyone about it.
The important thing to keep in mind is that we ourselves are susceptible to doing bad and necessary political evils, even though we claim in having and following the best policy for the good of the most. So, if the negative aspect of our activity beyond our control offends someone, it is important (our selves) not to be offended by his or her expression of such in-depth feeling. If we believe in self-perfection and self-glory, we may make the same or similar mistake many people have done.
For any democratic lover/activist to have political tolerance toward dissents and ability to work together even with the people who are impressed by our weakness or negative aspect of our activity is essential. And this must be one of our most important differences from those of the regime leaders' political practices. To value other’s ideas, opinions, and feelings is an essential leadership quality for our needed political and historical challenge.
What we do may be singled out as good as what others do or even better. But when someone evaluates the whole scenario, there could be a potential aspect that our overall performances are not that good for the overall progress of political change. "Good" is not enough but for the "best” we all struggle. It is good to remember what Hudson Taylor once said, "Good is the enemy of the best." Everybody has at least some idea what he or she thinks is good but only a few people possess the capacity to comprehend the Best.
So, when we are doing what we think is good, a simple good, lets also remember the potential existence of the best for which we all should struggle to in order to reach the end goal, not just spreading ourselves around the means.
I'd like to respond to Kanbawza Win’s article and to clarify KNU’s position on the current political situation. As he mentioned the SPDC is using its same old tactic of divide and conquer as another form of deception to divide all opposition groups. We all know SPDC’s strategy. SPDC started its major offensive against KNU and others opposition groups when Daw Aung San Su Kyi was released and trapped in another deception of confidence building secret talks. The objective of SPDC was to divide the ethnic nationals and DASSK by creating rumors of secret talks. After over a year of phony confidence building, DASSK realized it to be another phony confidence building tactic and consequently proceeded with her favorite action of mass campaign against the SPDC supported by NLD party and thousands of civilians. Unfortunately it led to the Depeyin incident and DASSK ended up in house arrest again.
Padoh Mahn Sha, the secretary of KNU
clearly stated that KNU will not buy into the road map for democracy and a
national convention prepared by SPDC due to lack of honesty, sincerity and the
fact that it is without DASSK.
Furthermore, KNU today does not stand alone, but closely works with
other opposition alliances of democracy for
I understand professor Win’s concerns and appreciate his article. We will not be defeated unless we surrender by ourselves. Therefore, please continue our struggle to reach our objective of democracy and federal union without any confusion or misunderstanding. KNU will not abandon the DEMOCRACY BOAT until we reach our goal.
Merry X’mas and Happy New Year to you all,
MUL WARY OF NMSP’S INVITE TO THE NATIONAL CONVENTION
The Mon Unity League has advised the senior leaders of New Mon State
Party not to be led astray regarding the high profile National Convention in
“The NMSP will not become a tool for the SPDC in its strategy in dividing the opposition forces participating in the National Convention process. It must closely engage and cooperate with the NLD and ethnic parties,” says Sunthorn Sripanngern to the NMSP leaders in his statement letter to the Executive Committee.
“It is essential to inform and build unity among the opposition forces ensuring that leaders have confidence in dealing with this process”, he added in the letter in the Mon language.
“The Party must withdraw its participation from the National Convention when the principles of the assembly are not respected and not leading toward a tripartite dialogue. The tripartite dialogue must meet the standards and principles mandated by the National League for Democracy which paves the way toward finding a political solution”, Mr. Sripanngern stated.
The MUL warns that the SPDC is playing a game to win over the opposition parties who wish to emerge as the legitimate government after the Convention. The NMSP is strongly requested not to receive any intensive package for a deal during the assembly, which obviously will have several strings attached. The SPDC has total responsibility for its wrong doing in the country.
The General Secretary of the MUL advised senior leaders of the NMSP to
remain vigilant and to prepare for a withdrawal from the assembly when the
process fails to accommodate
The NMSP’s emergency meeting in early December named a delegation comprised of Nai Chan Toi, General Aung Nai, Colonel Lawee Ong, Nai Tala Nyeh and Nai Tin Hla to join the state sponsored convention.
The MUL is the third political force in the Mon community and works by
consensus among the Mon population in
ETHNIC PARTIES OPPOSE THE JUNTA’S ROAD MAP
The alliance ethnic political parties oppose the
junta’s road map and the principles of the National Convention sponsored by the
According to the statement issued on 10 December, the UNA firmly opposes the SPDC’s road map and the 104 basic principles set forth in the National Convention. It believes the objective and procedure of Prime Minister Gen Khin Nyunt's road map is to revive the adjourned 1996 National Convention and to implement the 104 basic principles prescribed at that Convention. As outlined, the people's delegates are not represented in full at the National Convention and are unable to present and discuss their views freely.
The basic principles prescribed at the National
Convention clearly indicate the military's anticipation of a further grip on
power and a place in
The UNA urged the junta to convene a genuine National Convention comprised of the democratic forces including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, representatives of the national races, and the relevant SPDC authorities.
The United Nationalities Alliance was formed with the nine ethnic political parties which won seats in the 1990 elections.
THE INFORMATION AGE:
Participants from government delegates, business sectors, civil societies, individuals, and media groups gathered in
Geneva, known as the international conference city of half a million population, was crowded with over ten thousand participants for the World Summit which was attended by Heads of State, Prime Ministers, Presidents, media bigwigs, and ministers from 176 countries who came to endorse a Declaration of Principles and a Plan of Action which sets forth a road map to bring the benefits of Information Communication Technologies (ICTs) to underserved economies.
United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan told delegates that we have in our hands, on our desktops, and in the skies above, the ability to improve the standard of living for millions upon millions of people.
But Yoshio Utsumi, Secretary General of the
International Telecommunication Union and
On December 11, 2003, leader of Myanmar Delegation for WSIS and Ambassador / Permanent Representative of the Union of Myanmar U Mya Than delivered a statement to the international audience that one advantageous aspect of the ICTs is the multi purpose use of these technologies to help achieve the Millennium Development Goals including infrastructure building, capacity building, and technical and financial assistance for the developing countries, especially within the LDCs (Leased Developed Countries) such as Myanmar (Burma) a country that became a LDC due to poor administration by the same military regime he spoke for.
It is not surprising that the
The Information Society is as outlined in Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, that everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; that this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.
And Article 29: that everyone has duties to the community in which alone the free and full development of their personality is possible, the exercise of their rights and freedoms, the rights and freedoms of others, and of meeting the just requirements of morality, public order and the general welfare in a democratic society.
Contrary to the statement made by the Myanmar delegate, ICTs in Burma stands years behind that of the developed
countries, even its neighbour Thailand and Malaysia
are decades ahead. At the Exhibition
The Government of Myanmar established the ICTs
Development Council, chaired by the Prime Minister General Khin
It is true, the two Internet service providers in
While over 80% of the population has access to Internet in
For many people in
At the so called IntraNet centres in the Basic Education High School (BEHS) at Kamawet Mon community of Mudon Township in southern Burma, the authorities ordered private business with computers to equip schools for a short media and computer training program because the government is unable to do so. Senior military leaders appear out of nowhere in the village to hold a drab ceremony opening the computer training programs. The authorities need about 10 computers but the school has only 5 and another 5 were taken from the village’s various printing businesses to supply the schools. Most students do not have the chance to access the computers after training.
No one is given the right to hold an opinion or express their views in
We were very touched by your presentation and we won’t let our beloved
Floor Burrell (
OBSTACLES TO ICT IN
(By Cham Toik:
major problems that exist in
immediately, the rights of the ethnic nationalities were rejected and civil war
broke out. As a result of the
denial of basic freedoms for all people in
Lack of fundamental freedom (Article 19, Universal Declaration of Human Rights)
Things went from bad to the worse when General New Win seized power in a coup d’etat in 1962, he immediately introduced restrictions on freedom of expression; the free press has been silenced ever since. The country was ruled through a draconian one-party system known as the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) and other political and social organizations including those of the ethnic nationalities were forcibly disbanded and muted.
Under one form or another, state censorship continues to this day. Under the present military government, the Press Scrutiny Board (PSB), a division of the powerful Ministry of Information, scrutinizes every single publication considered to be ‘anti-government’ and is consequently perceived as a threat to the military state. Similar censorship boards retain stringent control over art, music, film, performance and all other forms of artistic expression. All authors, publishers, journalists and poets must submit a personal biography to the board of literary censorship.
board then investigates to find out if these individuals have any association
to opposition political parties or connections to other people or groups deemed
a threat to the regime. Anyone suspected or proved to have ‘undesirable’
connections is placed on a blacklist and their work is banned. (See chapter on. Freedom of
Opinion, Expression, and the Press in the
As part of their overall effort to control information, the present military regime restricts all forms of communication. Without a government permit, which is expensive and difficult to obtain, individuals can be arrested for possessing or using a fax machine, mobile phones, photocopier or computer; and imprisoned for years. (See, for instance the Computer Science Development Law of 1996 at http://www.myanmar.com/gov/laws/computerlaw.html
past month alone, a court in Burma sentenced nine people to death for high
treason, including the editor of a sports magazine, Zaw
Thet Htwe, and some Mon
leaders, Nai Min Kyi, Nai Yekkha and Shwe Man, who the
junta claim planned to create a mass movement in collusion with members of Aung
San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party. (AP:
There are only two Internet service providers in the country: a department of the Government’s Telecommunications Ministry and Bagan Cybertech, a company controlled by the son of the military government’s Prime Minister and top ranking military officers. Access to many parts of the Internet is blocked and only about 10,000 subscribers have been approved to use email. (Open Democracy Website, Power of Corporations, June 2003)
Civilians are forbidden to communicate with the outside world freely, and although many have access to foreign radio and telephone services, no independent media group is allowed to operate inside the country. This situation has marginalized people depriving them of all forms of information, their only source being the propaganda apparatus of the state-run media, which is next to useless as a reliable news source.
Radio and TV programmes (there are only a few radio stations in Burma) are state-owned and most are the mouthpieces of the regimes propaganda machine—no ethnic and indigenous language programme is broadcasted apart from 30 minutes a day for the 7 major ethnic groups combined (Shan, Chin, Kachin, Karen, Kayah, Arakan and Mon) in their languages.
of the government has affected the life and culture of all indigenous peoples
In the case of the Mon people, who lost their sovereignty more than two centuries ago in 1757, Buddhist monasteries now serve as the centers for preserving old Mon palm manuscripts and provide a venue for community schools as well. Over the last few decades, patriotic young Mon people and the monastic community have taken a united stand by undertaking self-help Mon literacy campaigns throughout the Mon region.
Every summer when the government schools close down, large numbers of Mon children and adults enroll in these schools in the monasteries to learn the basics of Mon literature. This self-help Mon literacy movement provides a glimmer of hope for the Mon people to learn their own language and literature in parts of the country where their homeland is located. However, even this self-help Mon literacy movement is constantly under surveillance and cannot grow freely under the rule of the Burman-dominated, racist military dictatorship. (See the Mon Unity League’s: The Mon, a people without a country at
Some monastery communities and students have applied to the military government’s Press Scrutiny Board for permission to publish in the Mon language but they are regularly refused permits to print Mon books, even though the contents pose no threat being simply articles from Burmese-language magazines translated into Mon. These writings are not remotely related to politics, yet the PSB still refuses to give permission because of the assimilation policy towards the indigenous peoples.
Only a few Mon magazines endorsed by senior and revered monks have been granted publication rights by the regime after waiting through a long censorship process directed by various levels of the administration. At least six months are required before approval is given and often the authorities do not issue permission or offer a rejection, but simply ignore the application.
journalists and publishers have also been arrested and imprisoned by successive
military governments in
on trial in
Nai Soe Aung, a leader of the Mon Literature and Culture
Committee was arrested for publishing a poetry book and the authorities shut
down Kaung Mon Press in
example of ICT in
authorities needed 10 computers but the school has only 5 and another 5 were taken
from the village’s various printing businesses.
Kamawet is the largest Mon community in
The new challenge, a constructive approach
In 1988 the Burma Socialist Programme Party government formed by General Ne Win collapsed as a result of a popular uprising. The people’s movement was bloodily suppressed and a new military clique seized state power. Many civilians and students fled to the border areas and neighboring countries where they continue today to languish in refugee camps or small enclaves known as the liberated areas.
Poor communication has overshadowed all sides in past and present negotiations; recently however some media groups have emerged in these liberated areas (border areas) among Burmese democratic groups and indigenous peoples during the ‘90s. But very few publications, journals and magazines in the border areas are distributed in the Chin, Karen, Kachin, Arakan, Shan and Mon languages. For the most part, the democratic Burmese media groups who use Burmese have gained the advantage in having access and thus have an edge in playing a larger role in negotiations with the military government and a third party.
to information of course is vital for a democracy to flourish, but in a country
in which the population is a deliberate target by both rebels and the military,
speaking out is a risk none want to take. Few details about what is happening
seven million people of Mon ethnic origin in
The small indigenous media groups depend for survival on self-reliance and the donations of a small band of patriotic-minded supporters. Some receive limited funds from NGOs and donations from the local community. Without proper training and government funding, indigenous media groups are facing a new challenge to keep on par with major and international communities.
Sustained support will be necessary if fledgling independent media groups are to survive and increase their news coverage on issues affecting the indigenous peoples, ethnic nationalities, and isolated communities that they seek to serve. Above all, we indigenous people need to have the freedom to exercise our fundamental rights in order to enlist support and to increase awareness in the international community, all of which are crucial to making peace a reality.
DEATH PENALTY REVIVED TO PUNISH DISSIDENTS
(By Banya Hongsar)
Soon after the ruling generals sent an oral invitation inviting senior
members of the New Mon State Party to attend the National Convention in
There was no legal trail nor were they allowed to hire lawyers. Legal aid is unheard of in
The trail was conducted inside Insein Prison under the hearing of Judge Daw Khin Zaw Win, according to Radio Free Asia’s report.
This is the first death sentence handed down to Mon activists in modern
political history in
Four representatives from social organizations in Mon State wrote a letter to New Mon State Party seeking a legal trial for the three Mon victims: Ne Win (Nai Yekkha), Shwe Man and Nai Min Kyi who are alleged to be behind the “State Plot” along with six other democratic activists.
Local civil rights groups led by Buddhist monks have sought out senior members of the NMSP to urgently deal with the unfair trail of capital punishment. The Mon civil rights groups theorize that the three Mon activists are not the key players of the secret bomb attack against the senior military officials.
Currently, the independent report indicated that over (1,300) political
prisoners in the country have been punished in which they were rounded up and
shipped off to
In August this year, the Court rejected an appeal made by former
General Ne Win’s family who were sentenced to death
for their attempt to over throw the military government in
During colonial times, the British authority sentenced Burmese
dissidents to capital punishment for pursuing freedom and social justice in
their homeland. The British authority paid no tolerance even to Buddhist monks
and students in the country and often imposed the death penalty. When it comes
to a matter of power, both the British authority and the current
During the British era in
The constitution rather than the ruling elite must lay down the law if
Burma is ever going to be a democratic society, a nation should have a vision
and possess the political will to reform its institutions. The death penalty of
innocent civilians, even for those demanding freedom from discrimination for
their people especially that of young people, is a horrific tragedy. The ruling
junta’s stance is lackadaisical and hasn’t a shred of compassion or dignity
when it comes to meting out punishment. The bottom line is the will of the
people which will have an ultimate impact on the democratic process, but due to
very limited resources available at the time of writing this article, further
exclusive fact finding should be undertaken for policy matters to bring about a
dramatic change in
13-YEAR-OLD GIRL ASSAULTED AND RAPED BY LANDLORD
A source from the migrant
worker’s community said a young girl was raped by her landlord in Mahachai, about 35 Km southwest of
On December 11, a Mon girl was raped by Nai Od at "Thawatchai Chang-Ruey Flat" on
The local source reported that Nai Od, the 27 year old son of a 30 rented-room building owner, together with three others came to the room rented by 2 Mon girls around on 11 December. They brought several bottles of beer and asked them for an invite to drink beer inside their tiny apartment. The girls refused, but Nai Od violently slapped the elder sister and threatened them to stay in the room.
After the men got drunk the landlord’s son started to molest the younger sister. When the elder sister tried to stop him a fight broke out between them. The elder asked her younger sister to escape from the room. The younger sister had escaped at first along, with the elder sister fleeing in a different direction, but sadly Nai Od's friend outside the room spotted where the young girl had hid, so Nai Od captured the young girl and brought her back into the room and raped her while she pleaded for help from surrounding neighbors. The source said Nai Od brandished a gun to keep people from stopping him.
The two girls are originally from Ye Township,
Overseas Mon community
AMERICAN MON WOMEN ORGANIZE
Mon women in the
35 Mon women gathered at a newly
“Improving the patriotic spirit, culture and literature among the Mon nationals in the
Women fourteen and over can apply for membership and those eighteen and above can vote and be nominated into the leading committee. The committee is responsible for implementing activities freely without affiliation with any other organization. The women expressed a great responsibility in participating in the struggle for freedom and were pleased with the high turn out of women willing to work together, they will begin capacity building among their members before starting other activities.
Over 200 Mon people are now residing in
POPPIES BLOSSOM IN THE NORTH AGAIN
Unlike last year, when
suppression was at its height, poppy fields have begun to appear in places
where there were only desolate hills, said sources returning from northern
The sources who were on vacation since the end of the Buddhist Lent, said except for parts of Kutkhai and Hsipaw townships, more poppy fields were observed in townships like Lashio, Hsenwi, Muse, and Tangyan.
In Tangyan, local authorities appeared to be oblivious to the poppy fields in locations where, during the previous year, they had dispatched armed teams to destroy.
"This year's harvest is
really good, especially around Khun Sa's home ground, Loimaw, Nawngliang,
"Cowed by last year's
suppression, some farmers in Mongzi and Monghawm have moved elsewhere," a local source told
the visitors. Kutkhai was one of the townships that
had undergone harsh reprisals, such as extrajudicial killings, as reported in Show
Business: Rangoon's War on Drugs in Shan State, released by S.H.A.N. on 10
December. The vacationers also saw
numerous poppy fields in the Wa
townships of Marnhparng and Pangyang,
on the eastern side of the
"Spurred on by the 2005 zero-production deadline declared by Panghsang, even Wa officers and their families are in a frenzy to make the most of the remaining two poppy seasons," a relative told the visitors. "The officers' involvement naturally encourages us ordinary people to work harder."
The Shan State Army "South" of Yawdserk, in the meanwhile, insists that it is all for peace talks but "the problem is they keep demanding that we surrender. That is against our principle. We will only surrender to an elected government."
In Panglong, the demand for fertilizers for use in the poppy fields for some traders in town were making profits from selling chicken manure brought from Shwenyaung, according to a recent arrival.
The UN Officer for Drugs and Crime reported in June that opium cultivation was cut by half in northern
SHOULD WE FORGET THE PAST?
The Burmese military has released five senior members of the NLD
(National League for Democracy) who were detained on
By releasing the NLD's five members of the
central executive committee, I believe the regime is much like a fox, which
wags its tail in front of his owner. But when his owner is no longer looking,
he tries to steal the chickens in the cage, again. The Burmese fox awarded five
of the chickens amnesty to highlight to the audience that
he wouldn't eat them. Indeed, the chickens really made him hungry, but he
turned a blind eye so the audience didn't know that he wanted to eat them.
I still am skeptical about why the regime gave amnesty to those five prisoners. I know that the regime didn't want to release those five people even though they are old. There are older people than them in prison. Why doesn't the regime release all the seniors in their jails? The regime might think that if they give some rice to other chickens, they will be easy to catch them whenever they want to. By feeding a carrot to the NLD, it will be easier to capture the ethnic ceasefire group’s leaders who are going to step right into the regime's trap and will be put in prison when they attend the next national convention.
Instead of releasing those five political prisoners, why doesn't the regime release the NLD key players in politics such U Tin Oo, U Lwin, U Myint Shwe and most importantly, Aung San Sui Kyi? The regime may think that they are younger and have more strength to resist them. They are worried the Depayin's mass killing crimes they committed will come out into the open. They are aware that if they release Aung San Suu Kyi, she will try to call for the international community to set up a commission to investigate the incident of the mass killing.
After the May 30 ambush killing, some of the democracy movement organizations, which are based along the Thai-Burma border, tried to implement an ombudsman commission in order to find out what really happened in the Depayin's evidence. They also urged the U.N (United Nations) human right commission to put more pressure on the regime to let the commission investigate the case. Otherwise, the regime is trying to ignore the May 30 ambush's issue. They don't want to have a nightmare, for instance, that the Dead Lord is coming to call them to go to the hell and out of power.
From my point of view, it is not possible for the U.N to set up a
commission for the democracy movement groups in Burma because we may see a
similar event to the genocide killing that happened to the innocent people in
Cambodia by the Khmer Rouge. The U.N has tried to set up a criminal court for a
long time in
The Burmese military is afraid like Hun Sen
of Cambodia. If they allow an investigation into the May 30 ambush, what of
other crimes they have committed, such as the mass killing that occurred in the
1988 student uprising? The regime is going to have to confront the atrocious
crimes they have committed and will lose power and have to live in prison for
the rest of their lives; the same as Milosevic's Yugoslavian dictatorship. They
are looking for a way to hear from the people of
If Aung San Suu Kyi agrees not to talk about the Depayin case after they release her, I am sure that they will release her earlier than the last time. Not only has Aung San Suu Kyi asked for an inquiry, but also the NLD spokesman U Lwin asked for an inquiry into the May 30th ambush to investigate the ambush.
Some people may view Aung San Suu Kyi as a hardliner because she doesn't forget the past. She still would like to find out the truth, even though she is under house arrest. And also U Kyint Maung has mentioned if the regime falls, he is going to send them to the War Tribunal. It seems that his voice has intimidated them.
It is said, "no one can predict the future." But the regime
can predict the future of what will happen to them. This is why the regime
doesn't want to release Aung San Suu Kyi and doesn't want to start the national
reconciliation process. They don't want to have peace and sustainable democracy
for the people of
United Nations secretary-general Kofi Annan has urged
Mr Annan said he was encouraged by Burmese Foreign Minister Win Aung's pledge at a meeting in
In a statement read by his spokesman, Fred Eckhard, the UN chief said he was also encouraged by Win Aung's commitment to implement the transition plan "in an all-inclusive manner".
Win Aung this month pledged that all ethnic groups and political parties would be able to participate, including democracy champion and Nobel peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy.
Ms Suu Kyi's party won a landslide general election victory in 1990, but the military government ignored the result.
Mr Annan wants his envoy, Malaysian Razali Ismail, "to be allowed to visit Burma as soon as possible to help facilitate the participation of all the parties concerned" in the transition process and the convention, Mr Eckhard said.
But Ms Suu Kyi's party walked out of it in 1995, and it has not met again since 1996.
Ms Suu Kyi and scores of her supporters were locked up at the end of May following a bloody attack on her convoy by pro-government youths as she traveled outside the capital. She was allowed to go home after an operation in September but remains
under house arrest, refusing liberty until others arrested with her are freed.
Mr Razali has spearheaded a strong UN push for national reconciliation and democracy in
Mr Annan last month criticised the authorities for preparing their August 30 road map without setting out a timeline or consulting any opposition figures including Ms Suu Kyi.
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