KAO WAO NEWS No. 59

An electronic newsletter for social justice and freedom in Burma

December 21, 2003January 6, 2004

 

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READER’S FRONT

CIVILIANS USED AS HUMAN SHIELDS DURING OFFENSIVE

BURMESE WAY TO MONEY LAUNDERING

ARMY OPENS FIRE ON KAREN NEW YEAR CELEBRATION

NEGOTIATING CEASE-FIRE: THE ART OF DISILLUSION IN MON STATE

SALWEEN RIVER MUSIC BAND IN THE USA

HUMAN RIGHTS ALARM OVER BLOODY DRUGS CRACKDOWN

DEMOCRACY OR FEDERALISM IN BURMA

MRC HOLDS 10TH CONFERENCE

MON CANADIAN PREPARE FOR BUDDHSIT TEMPLE

KAREN NEW YEAR IN VANCOUVER

FROM THE FIRST TO SECOND INDEPENDENCE

 

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READERS' FRONT

 

Dear Readers,

We invite comments and suggestions on improvements to Kao-Wao newsletter. With your help, we hope that Kao-Wao News will continue to grow to serve better the needs of those seeking social justice in Burma. And we hope that it will become an important forum for discussion and debate and help readers to keep abreast of issues and news. Above all, we hope the newsletter will be used as a vehicle for those who want to share their views and experiences.  We reserve the right to edit and reject articles without prior notification. You can use a pseudonym but we encourage you to include your full name and address.

 

Regards,

Editor

kaowao@hotmail.com, kaowao@shaw.ca

www.kaowao.org

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I would like to ask if you could put stories or tales told by our ancestors.  When I was young, I listened to the tales told by the elderly Mons at home but not many. Sometimes, I wondered if I could listen to it again.  From cultural and literal points of view, I wonder if you can post such Mon stories, at least one for every issue.

 

Sincerely

Min (Mudon Township)

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Kao Wao Editor,

I like the content and format of your article “Should we forget the past? By Lawi Weng”.  The answer is definitely NO. But we should learn from the past while maintaining and strengthening what was good. What do we want to leave to our children and posterity?

 

Thanks,

Richard Aung Myint

Fremont, California

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On Obstacles to Information Communication Technologies in Burma: By Cham Toik

 

This is a wonderful presentation and there are many laws that prohibit and criminal actions against culture, but with no definition.  All laws need to be scrutinised and these sections at least removed, if the law is worthy of keeping at all.

 

An excerpt from the charter of legal reform article in BLC journal that I prepared, "Three areas of law described in the following provide a sketch of a model that is used to frame laws.  These three areas are all commonplace areas in modern life and in a nation that wants to operate a market economy.”

 

Burma's Computer and Science Development Law 1996 despite its commentary has the effect of stifling rather than encouraging any development in this area.  This law in fact typifies to a large degree the SPDC's approach to law-making in their clumsy attempts to introduce market reforms and modernise.  They introduce a 'law' firstly by a simple announcement.  The Computer Science Development Law No. 10/96 SLORC 20th September 1996 provides a clear example of this desire to create law in a developing and modern area, but it is framed in such a way that any attempts at development in the said area are 'straitjacketed' from inception.  So reform is both promoted and stifled in the same statute.


The Television and Video Act of the same year 1996 is based on the same premise and "prohibits and bans decadent video tapes which will undermine Myanmar culture and Myanmar tradition;"  Again the question has to be put:

 

How is Myanmar culture and Myanmar tradition defined, so as one can know what one is breaching?  It implies that Burma is a mono-cultural and mono-traditional state, whereas it is a state of wide cultural and traditional diversity.  Law is a very blunt instrument to bring to heel so to speak all cultural and traditional values and in fact undermines the
respect for diversity of culture and tradition, which in turn fosters resentment by those not from the dominant cultural and traditional background.


Another common and popular source of public information is via the internet, a medium made illegal in the first instance, with some permissive categories of persons.  In July 1999 a training workshop on the internet was, we understand, organized or supported by the World Trade Organisation (WTO) where General Khin Nyunt presided.  This was a good development.  However the introduction of the internet is very restricted and whilst some have email access it is all through a government server.  In itself this is not a bad thing, if the government is facilitating communications by the provision of infrastructure. However, it is not just that.  Foreign missions will tell you that their email is intercepted and ostensibly read by the SPDC authorities, probably the Military Intelligence Service (MIS) headed up by General Khin Nyunt.  The regulations for internet users were issued by the Myanmar Post and Telecommunications (MPT) in 1999 and they are as vague and prohibitive as provisions in the Computer Science and Television and Video Law.8"

 

Regards
Janelle A Saffin (Australia)

 

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Mon State at War

 

CIVILIAN USED AS HUMAN SHIELDS DURING OFFENSIVE

(Based on IMNA report: December 29, 2003)

 

Ye – The Burmese army abducted local civilians for human shields during a military operation against guerrillas in southern Mon State and northern Tenasserim Division.

 

Local sources reported, the Pa-An based Regiment No. 22 of Southeast Military Command took civilians and forced them to march in front of the BA during their offensive.  19 villagers including Buddhist monks and village headmen were arrested for interrogation and 7 people remained in army custody during military operations in the rural area.

 

Since the area is defined as the black area, the BA restricts movements of civilians to block off alleged support for the rebels and villagers were prohibited from going out at night from 5 PM to 7 AM.

 

According to a refugee who recently arrived at the Thai-Burma border, over 40 civilians were arrested and 5 villagers were killed during the brutal military operation.

 

A 25 year old son of Nai Pe from Hangan village was killed near due to the curfew imposed by the army; and on December 23, Nai Kao Chan (19 years old) from Yang Dong village was shot to death in his farm near the village.

 

On December 20, a former medic of the New Mon State Party Nai Norn Ong and other member Nai A-zan were taken from their houses and killed by the army after investigation.  Another victim Nai Zit (age 40), a hunter from Hangan village, was also being shot and killed.

 

Local villagers were forcibly recruited to clear the bush, weed and walk in front of the army and to shout out whenever they were to come across armed opposition groups.

 

The front line operation office of about a thousand troops was led by Colonel Nyi Nyi Swe and stationed at Khawzar village, southern Ye township since in early December.

 

After the New Mon State Party reached a cease-fire with the ruling military junta in 1995, a former NMSP member Nai Hloin split from the Party and resumes fighting against the BA in the rural areas of southern Mon State.

 

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Life in Mon State

 

BURMESE WAY TO MONEY LAUNDERING

(IMNA: December 16, 2003)

 

After closure of two main banks: May Flower and Asia Wealth, people who hold black money in these banks can easily withdraw their money by giving bribes to the government departments.

 

According to the Mon business community, those who have money can also settle business companies and withdraw cash by cooperating with registered business companies and making deals with the government departments.

 

A Mon businessman said many companies belong to drug dealers withdraw their money after paying 20% of the total cash withdrawn. 

 

The businessman confirmed that the regime has its hand in the money laundering business for drug dealers and illegal business communities by transferring some ‘black money’ in the government departments, which supplies the State budget.

 

After the set amount of money is bribed, the drug lords and illegal business communities use their remaining money to buy assets, real estate and properties.

 

The Mon civilians in the rural communities save money within the community and revered monks’ bank accounts.  Recently, the banks were crowded with Buddhist monks who have arguments with the bank authorities to withdraw their money.

 

Two main banks, the May Flower and Asia Wealth are well known for operating businesses from the drug trade since the meeting of Asia Development Bank (ADB), which was held in Chiang Mai, Thailand two years ago.

 

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Fighting continues despite cease-fire deal

 

BURMESE ARMY OPEN FIRE ON KAREN NEW YEAR CELEBRATION

(Kao Wao: December 26, 2003)

 

According to sources from the Thailand Burma border, Karen New Year celebration was disrupted when the Burmese Army launched an attack during traditional festivities despite an informal truce with the military junta.

 

The source reported the Karen National Union was unable to decide the venue for a truce meeting amid continuous clashes at KNLA's Brigade 6, Duplaya region in Karen State.  The 2nd, 3rd and 5th Brigade have been engaged in conflict.  The Karen New Year Day celebration at Kawkareik Township was held with security provided by the members of KNU 6th Brigade, but was cut short when the BA launched light and heavy artillery shells.

 

The attack occurred on December 22 during the New Year ceremony attended by 40,000 villagers at Waw Dan Village on the bank of Aung Tharaw River about 10 miles from Kawkareik, the ceremony planned for the 23 December was cancelled.


A KNU commander said two schools combined to celebrate the Karen New Year's Eve ceremony marking the harvesting of a new crop. The KNU fighters provided security telling people to stay calm and systematically dispersed the crowd shortly after the attack; no one was injured.


The Karen New Year has become a popular festival in recent years gaining wide support from the local Karen community who enthusiastically attend the celebration every year in larger numbers.

 

The SPDC troops have also attacked KNU fighters in regions along the Thai-Burma border. Villages were burnt to the ground and newly harvested paddy crops were torched in the 2nd and 6th Brigade regions.


The SPDC troops, posed as army deserters, came and attacked the KNU 7th Brigade which was responsible for security during the Karen New Year Day ceremony in which KNU leader Gen Saw Bo Mya himself attended.  Two SPDC soldiers were killed.


A KNU Commander Major Nerdah Mya said that the Karen fighters were put off by the unprovoked attacks but said his men were ‘staying cool’.

 

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The so-called cease-fire process has nothing

 

NEGOTIATING CEASE-FIRE: THE ART OF DISILLUSION IN MON STATE

(By C Guinard; Burma Issues Newsletter: December 2003)


Despite numerous cease-fire agreements reached since 1994 between the Rangoon government and some ethnic rebel groups, peace still appears far away in Burma. Resentment is widespread that underlying issues have not been addressed and there is yet to be meaningful negotiations toward eventual peace accords, with attendant disarmament, development and political empowerment. After more than ten years of cease-fire talks, a lack of trust in this process is growing day by day because of an obvious unbalanced and distrustful environment. Most of the ethnic groups which had agreed to a cease-fire are today weakened both politically and militarily. They lost territory and strength. Human rights violations are still perpetrated by the Burmese Army and despite Rangoon’s promise, not a single development project has been implemented in ethnic areas. In many cases, fighting continues, leading to further loss of life and a deteriorating social environment. If cease-fires are not respected, how will it be possible to build new trust and start true negotiations to reach a balanced and genuine peace process in the future? Why has such a stalemate occurred in Burma? What are the underlying causes of such cease-fire failure?


If we want to address these issues, a deeper analysis of one cease-fire agreement negotiated by the ruling military government State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) is needed. The worst disillusionment from a cease-fire agreement may have resulted from the one negotiated by the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and the Burma government in June 1995. Today, the eight-year-old cease-fire in Mon State is still holding but barely.


Nai Shwe Kyin formed the NMSP and its armed wing, the Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA) in July 1958. Operating in southern Mon State, northern Tenasserim Division and the southernmost tip of Karen State, the NMSP has fought Burma’s army for more than forty years. In 1989, following the collapse of the Communist Party of Burma and cease-fire negotiations with around fifteen other rebel groups, the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) was able to launch full-scale military offensives against the different armies which were active members of the National Democratic Front (NDF) such as the MNLA and the Karen National Union. Thus, the NMSP lost control of its headquarters located near Three Pagoda’s Pass in February 1990. This region represented their main source of income. At least, 30,000 people fled from the area at this time.

 

Weakened, the NMSP also faced growing political pressure from Thai officials willing to invest in Mon State. Foreign oil companies had also proposed a natural gas pipeline through contested areas of Mon State. This caused the Rangoon regime and Thai government to exert even greater pressure on the NMSP to negotiate a cease-fire. The Yadana gas pipeline started to be built in 1991. Surveying for the pipeline route caused an immediate result of forcibly relocating the local population to villages with military outposts. At that time, military authorities also forced more than 20,000 Mon people to work as slave labourers on a new rail line connecting the southern cities of Tavoy and Ye. The railway was built to allow supplies to be delivered to the Yadana gas field. Increasing its pressure, Thailand decided in 1994 to forcibly relocate Mon refugee camps back inside NMSP controlled territories in Burma. Shortly after the repatriation, Burmese troops torched some of these camps.


After several inconclusive rounds of talks, the NMSP finally agreed to a cease-fire in 1995, admitting that the organisation was no longer able to guarantee the safety of its own people. Forced labour had dramatically increased in the area and Mon IDPs living in the relocated camps were harassed daily. At that time, the NMSP and Mon people thought that the cease-fire could open a way for a forthcoming political settlement that recognised the rights of Mon people and encouraged development programs. The cease-fire agreement was only made orally and nothing was signed between the parties. The NMSP was allowed to keep its arms and some territory. But, the group had to cede large tracts of land as part of the agreement where the MNLA was located before. Only 20 permanent Mon areas were delimitated. Within one year, the NMSP gradually handed over eight of them, including two strategic outposts in Tavoy district, where the Yadana pipeline was planned to cross to Thailand. After the cease-fire was reached, MNLA soldiers required travel-passes to go through SPDC controlled areas. The same condition was imposed on SPDC troops to go into Mon areas but this was never respected. The NMSP was also granted seventeen business concessions in 1997. However, the regime cancelled the majority of the contracts by 1998. Finally, some development programs in Mon territory that were also promised by Rangoon were never implemented. These failed promises cultivated a growing distrust among the Mon population of the actual benefits of the cease-fire agreement. The NMSP also became increasingly weaker and life conditions deteriorated in Mon State. The SPDC has always refused to negotiate a political agreement. The result of the cease-fire on NMSP and Mon people was devastating in terms of territory, strength and life conditions.


If we want to address the root causes of this failed settlement, several factors must be analysed.


Firstly, a valid cease-fire is an agreement that organises cessation of any kind of military activities at a precise time in a given place. It is an initial confidence-building measure agreed on between the parties. It needs to be agreed on under the monitoring of a neutral mediator and written down and signed by both parties. This never happened during the Mon negotiation. Disarmament is also a fundamental step that must be followed. The SPDC offered the NMSP to “Exchange Arms for Peace” without ever asking for those arms to be given back. How can peace be guaranteed when soldiers retain their weapons and uniforms? How can fighting not resume in such a “militarised” state? Disappointed by the result of the Mon cease-fire, many former NMSP soldiers broke away and formed splinter groups such as the Monland Restoration Army. It was a fragile and fake peace.

Secondly, besides
Rangoon’s total unwillingness to negotiate a sustainable cease-fire, the NMSP cease-fire process was also undermined by the critical influence and pressure of Thailand, foreign companies, and business interests. In 1993, NMSP representatives declared that Thai authorities had offered to mediate peace with Rangoon and clear the way for a gas pipeline. The Thai National Security Council has always rejected reports alleging such pressure. But later in 1994, Thailand which usually held a liberal policy of accepting Burmese refugees began to send Mon people back to camps inside Burma. Thailand’s policy reversal was based on its desire to pursue commercial ties with Burma, including the major natural gas agreement which was signed later in 1995. By forcing repatriation of more than 10,000 Mon refugees inside Burma, Thai authorities also “offered” free labour to the Rangoon government for the construction of both projects: the Ye-Tavoy railway and the Yadana pipeline. Both governments benefited from this repatriation and use of forced labour. Today the railway and the Yadana pipeline are built and both Burma and Thailand are enjoying huge financial profit.


The environment surrounding the Mon cease-fire agreement was totally biased, unbalanced and violent. The NMSP and Mon people faced growing pressure from both Burma’s army and Thailand. It was a non-voluntary agreement of a ‘take it or leave it’ offer. A legal cease-fire is supposed to stop the armed conflict in order to bring a start of confidence building between parties for real peace talks. A cease-fire agreement is one of several confidence-building measures, which are supposed to be followed by a long process of peace negotiations. It is just a first step towards peace. It is not possible to make such progress when one party faced great pressure from the other, when those at the table were already on unequal footing. Confidence cannot emerge from such circumstances. The Mon cease-fire process was only another way to control people within the actual constructs of the cease-fire itself. In the end, the Burmese troops were deployed to gain further territory and the Rangoon Government gained more power over ethnic areas.


In Burma, the so-called cease-fire process has nothing in common with a legal cease-fire. In the Burmese context, a cease-fire is understood and managed as a final measure in itself which must establish lasting peace. Burma’s government never really intended to implement a valid peace process: from the strict beginning of the pre-negotiation phase where a cease-fire agreement must be reached, to the substantial negotiation of the peace agreement, and finally the crucial implementation phase. Without an alternative to war or militarisation Burma will be condemned to endless rounds of armed conflict.

 

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Entertainment

 

SALWEEN RIVER MUSIC BAND IN THE USA

(Kao Wao, January 1, 2004)

 

Those who have access to internet can easily enjoy music from Salween River band founded by well-known musicians, dissident students, and ethnic youths who temporarily resettle in the United States.

 

The Band was first founded by two musician brothers, Moe Nyunt and Thiri Nyunt in the summer of 1998 and later on expanded with other ethnic friends Paul Lahpai (Kachin), Soe Moe Oo (Karen) and Ko Maung Win.

 

The source said the "Salween River" was chosen to dedicate thousands of unknown youths who lost their lives along the war torn river.  Salween River” symbolizes one of the two longest rivers in Burma which flows through Shan, Karen, Karenni (Kayah) and Mon States and also demarcates some Thai Burma borderline. 

 

The founders Moe and Thiri have over twenty years of experience as professional musicians and played for “The Dynamites Band” in Burma performing various live concerts, background music for movies, albums, TV series and many other events.

 

In the USA, the two brothers played with Burmese celebrities Sai Htee Saeng, Than Naing (Playboy), Lashio Thein Aung, Soe Paing, Kai Zar, Academy Soe Thu, Lwin Moe, Ye Aung, Mar Mar Aye, Nwe Yin Win, May Sweet and Aye Chan May.

 

Thiri said that Salween River should be a symbol of national unification and internal peace in Burma. The members of this band have rights to play individually with any other music lovers or other professional musicians. “Most musicians like freedom, they hate restriction”, he added.

 

Visit http://www.salweenriverband.com  for more information

 

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Drugs

 

HUMAN RIGHTS ALARM OVER BLOODY DRUGS CRACKDOWN

(By Amy Kazmin / Financial Times: December 27, 2003)


Thailand's mountainous Chiang Rai province lies in the heart of the Golden Triangle, a traditional opium production centre.


Although much of Thai poppy cultivation was wiped out decades ago, Chiang Rai remains an important hub for the narcotics trade - a key trafficking route for drugs from neighbouring Burma.

 

For Thaksin Shinawatra, Thailand's prime minister, an aggressive campaign to combat an epidemic of methamphetamine use in Thailand has been a priority.

 

But the violence of the anti-drugs crusade and the government's apparent encouragement of the killings have raised alarm about human rights and the rule of law in this young, still fragile democracy.

 

More than 2,600 people were killed in three months across Thailand. The authorities have made little effort to apprehend or punish those responsible, which human rights activists say has set a precedent with disturbing political implications.

 

"The war on drugs is a Pandora's box," said Sunai Pasuk, of the Bangkok-based civil liberties group Forum Asia. "What has been unleashed by the administration is the culture of impunity and the culture of fear. It has seriously restricted the ability of civil society to disagree with government policy."

 

When Mr Thaksin announced a three-month drive to wipe out the narcotics trade in February, he was armed with a blacklist of 66,000 people accused by police, local officials, village headmen and neighbours of peddling or using drugs - though the allegations had not been proven in court.

 

The premier said drug dealers belonged either in jail or at "the temple" - where Thais take the dead for Buddhist ceremonies before cremation. Provincial governors were ordered to get 75 per cent of dealers off the streets, or risk losing their jobs. Effigies of drug dealers were cursed and burned in public ceremonies, as police used "an iron fist" against suspected traffickers.

 

In the ensuing bloodbath suspects were often shot by motorcycle-riding gunmen. "The justice system was destroyed," said Senator Tuenjai Deetes, who represents Chiang Rai. "Justice means you have a process to see whether someone has acted against the law or not. Here, the government official or police judged immediately, 'you are doing drugs, you must be killed'."

 

As the death toll mounted, Mr Thaksin blamed the carnage on drug dealers killing each other, or "bandits killing bandits". But local human rights activists and Amnesty International said that inflammatory public declarations from top leaders had incited violence and created a permissive environment for unfettered killings by police and others.

 

The US, which has supported Thai counter-narcotics efforts for decades, also protested at the wave of "unexplained killings".

 

A Thai Senate committee found "the government used rhetoric and ceremony to make people hate each other, to destroy the human dignity of suspected drug dealers, and incite people to handle the drug problem with violence and without mercy". Yet, as thousands of drug suspects were hauled off to jail or rehabilitation, opinion polls showed strong public support for the crackdown.

 

Mr Thaksin shrugged off the criticism and declared on May 1 that "90 per cent of the drug trade had been eliminated", although "mopping-up operations", including fresh killings, have continued.

 

For Thailand's downtrodden ethnic minority "hill tribe" members, the drug suppression campaign has had a chilling effect. Hill tribe members had previously been lobbying to improve their rights and status in Thai society. But after the carnage in their communities, most are now terrified.

 

Twice vehicles carrying groups of minority people have been ambushed and all those inside slaughtered. Many others fled their homes, while a prominent female hill tribe activist, who had organised a large minority rights demonstration, was seized, interrogated about alleged drug trafficking links and later went into exile.

 

For all the concern about the violence, the supply of narcotics in Thailand has been significantly reduced. But many suspect in time the trade will be restored.

 

Mr Thaksin recently warned neighbouring countries - most methamphetamines sold in Thailand are from Burma - that they would be "regarded as an enemy of Thailand" if they allowed drugs to cross the border.

 

Looking beyond the drugs war, with elections coming next year, activists fear the "drug dealer" label may be used to taint, or eliminate, government opponents or critics at the grassroots level. "The government has used the war on drugs to test the level of public approval and tolerance for all these controversial tactics," said Forum Asia's Mr Sunai.

 

"It turned out very well in their eyes. From now on, if you are a troublemaker and you disagree with the government, you can easily find your name on a blacklist."

 

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Essay of the Year

 

DEMOCRACY OR FEDERALISM IN BURMA

(By Banya Hongsar)

 

December 1, 2003; BangkokBurma, a country of over 50 million with diverse ethnic nationalities, languages, cultures, and histories, has been under military rule for over four decades.  Both the Burman and non-Burman people are united when the ruling authority denies the will of the people.  The ruling authority rejected the popular vote in 1990, then jailed several politicians including democratic leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the Noble Peace Prize winner.  Hundred of thousands fled to border areas and into exile but the campaign is still moving ahead with a common goal to bring Burma under a democratic rule.

 

The ruling military regimes consistently accuse the non-Burman ethnic leaders as attempting “cession” or “State Plot” to the government for years. The Union of Burma (Myanmar) is a unitary state whereas Rangoon totally controls state power. The conflict between Burman and non-Burman nationalities has continued on into the new century but it is still unsolved politically. It is time to review the position of the Rangoon generals as well as non-Burman leaders to find alternative ways to change Burma in the new millennium.

 

Democracy and federalism in the context of the social and political environments are both debated over and over by Burmese experts for whom the pen is mightier than the sword publishing valuable documents for further study seeking justice, equality, and fairness at home. 

 

There is no doubt that the Burmese people want “democracy”; but “federalism” is questioned by some. When it comes to the rights for ethnic non-Burman people (including native people), the ruling military elite always refuse to bring the matter to the bargaining table.

 

Since the 1990s Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, a charisma leader with the full support of the Burmese population, told the general public that they have the duty to participate in the struggle but little action has taken place. Her countless speeches and various messages clearly mention that Burma be ruled by a civilian government and not by the military.  Consequently, she and her colleagues were detained, oppressed or sometimes killed by the authority.  The world community stands by but no stronger action has yet taken place.

 

There are many who serve the ruling military and fear losing their jobs and extra benefits if they boycott military interests.  Organizations formed by military leaders including the Union Solidarity and Development Association scurry for the interests of the ruling elite at all costs. The general public is made powerless and live in fear being banned to organize action to promote civil society and political rights.

 

The rural community has no access to information while the urban community is banned to publish independent news and promote a free media. The National League for Democracy has challenged the military rules through non-violent means but the ruling junta acts with violence.  The 30th May Depeyin massacre is the best example for an approval.

 

Federalism is the core agenda for non-Burman ethnic nationalities while they all sought that “democracy” and “federalism” is a one coin that cannot separate into two pieces. The ruling Rangoon Generals control the non-Burman Seven States based under the “Union Constitution” written in 1947, but no single state obtains “Executive Power” by stakeholders from the leaders of non-Burman ethnic nationalities.

 

When the ruling junta claims only the “Armed Forces” can serve the best interests of the nation, leaders of non-Burman reject such a position proposing to form instead a Federal nation, which was drawn up in the 1950s. The outcome, (51) democratic leaders, including the Burman were either killed, detained, exiled, and forced to flee their country in fear of persecution. The country fell into civil war: thousands were killed, millions displaced and detained in countless numbers by the military rulers. Currently, there are over twenty non-Burman ethnic political organizations both home and in the liberated areas whose leaders adhere to the origin principle put forth in the “Panglong Accord” in 1947. However, senior leaders of State Peace and Development Council refuse to discuss any agenda that contains “Federalism” or “Self-autonomy” or “Self-determination” for the Seven States. Armed organizations are urged to totally surrender to the military government then live under “legal fold”.

 

“Based on Panglong, would be that federation in Burma is about the union of territories, not of ethnic societies or segments.   Furthermore, a federation or federalism is a system of sharing power and dividing jurisdiction between and among territorial components making up the union or federation”, asserted by Dr. Chao Tzang Yawnghwe, a well-known Burmese scholar on his recent paper; “Burma: State Constitutions and The Challenges Facing the Ethnic Nationalities”.

 

Regarding power sharing to non-Burman nationalities, it becomes an obstacle among ruling Burman leaders.  Former governments between 1950-1960 under the civilian government led by U Nu failed to accommodate the on going political crisis within Burman who stands on Left and Right Wings factions but against each other. During General Ne Win’s rule (1962-1988), he again adopted zero tolerance policy towards non-Burman nationalities.

 

Current Senior General Than Shwe, Chairman of SPDC, shows no interest to resolve the crisis rather politically oppresses his political opponents with any costs. The state owned media and state propaganda team scares the general public as “federalism” is an evil and it is unacceptable proposal to keep territorial integrity.  In deed, the ruling General never learns how to live peacefully among people in the country including Burman to Burman.  The General sticks on “Power come from the gun” theory adopted by former Military Bosses.

 

To be put a blunt tone, the ruling General has very narrow sights in politics and social society function because they themselves lockout on the darkness for over forty years.  Hence, Burma became a failed state, listed as a Leased Developed Country by the United Nations.  Consequently, millions of citizens fled to border areas, neighboring countries for employment and security reasons while many of them live with frustration but few lucky men and women have resettled to a third countries so called “save haven” for Burmese refugees and displaced persons.

 

To stick in mind, Burmese community is valued itself as a Buddhist dominated society for over two thousands years whose proud themselves as “civilized nation” but those who claim to be Buddhist failed to preserve “Five Principles” [not to kill, lie, rape, steal and intoxication]. It is to be clarified whether the ruling Generals and its followers are genuinely Buddhist fellowmen because they have mistreated Buddhist monks. Their members of USDA robed yellow clothes as bogus monks then attacked civilian led by democratic community. Moreover, the worse case is two nuns who protest against the mismanagement of the government were jailed in Rangoon this year.

 

Over the year, hundreds of thousands human rights violation stories including rape, forced labor, land confiscation and illegal tax collection have recorded by both national and international organizations but the ruling Generals refused to admit for any acts of violation by government troops.  Currently, there are over 1,300 political prisoners including women and young students where they are denied to freely spoke to national and internal human rights defenders.  The Rangoon ruling generals adopted its own way to restore democracy, modern nation, peace and unity within its own political agenda but it excluded popular leaders of NLD and urban based non-Burman leaders.

 

The ruling military leaders made local people to live in fear; poor condition then forced them to find employment in government service for survival. They at least find a good opportunity to be armed private personal in the military.  Pro-regime received more advantages than pro-democratic force.  There is interested intensive package for new soldiers and other military institutions for new generations. Senior military officials live at a first class on social status while civilian intellectuals are paid no respect by the State.  The Rangoon ruling Generals called to conduct a new “National Convention” to many political organizations especially to cease-fire groups.  There is no public statement whether the National League for Democracy is invited to the assembly.  However, there is no genuinely agenda to bring on the table for further debate on “Democracy and Federalism” in the assembly. 

 

In deed, Burma needs not only democracy and federalism but also a spirit of Buddhism to bring peace, stability and unity in the region.

 

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Overseas Mon

 

MRC HOLDS 10TH CONFERENCE

(Kao Wao: January 3, 2004)

 

Fortwayne, IN -- The 10th annual conference of Monland Restoration Council (MRC) was successfully held in Fort Wayne, Indiana.

 

According to the MRC source, activities and financial reports of year 2003 were evaluated and new leaders were elected by secret votes.  The conference reelected Pon Nya Mon as Chairman and Rev. Dhamma Deanna as Patron member.  Ong Htow Mon was elected as Secretary General while Kun Yekhha and Nai Thet Lwin were selected to lead Information Committee and Literature and Culture Committee.

 

The MRC has become the biggest Mon community in the overseas and built a Buddhist temple in Indiana after many refugees migrated to the USA from the safe camp in Thailand

 

The Mon Women Organization of USA was recently formed at the Mon Buddhist temple last month.  Over 200 Mons are now residing in Fort Wayne and more than 80 have settled in other states in the USA.

 

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MON CANADIAN PREPARE FOR BUDDHSIT TEMPLE

(MCS, Calgary: January 3, 2003)

 

Mon Buddhist Temple Calgary held a "New Year’s Opening Meeing" on January 01, 2004 in Calgary, Canada.


The religious meeting was opened by worshiping to Lord Buddha and welcoming messages leaders of MBTC.

 

Reports of fiscal year 2003 and future plans were discussed; the group has collected over 5,000 Canadian $ from members and fund raising event.

 

A founding member of the Mon Community of Canada Nai Einda Monnya who traveled from Vancouver also delivered a message and Ms. Onngalee who recently visited India and Sri Lanka as pilgrimages shared her experience about the trip.  Members were motivated to speed up the work plans of building the temple in the near future.

 

On December 25, the Mon Cultural Society (MCS) also held its AGM in Calgary.

 

Past activities and finance reported.  Three panels on women affairs, MCS constitution, solidarity and networking were divided into 3 different groups and actively discussed for the future tasks.  The meeting also unanimously agreed to change its name from Mon Cultural Society to Mon Canadian Society.

 

The Mon Community in Canada was first founded in 1995 by a group of Mon who gathered in Toronto during Christmas holiday season.  The aims of the MCS are to promote and preserve Mon culture, literature, and social life and to assist the Mons in the homeland and in exile.

 

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KAREN NEW YEAR IN VANCOUVER

(Kao Wao: January 6, 2004)

 

The Karen New Year 2743 was joyfully celebrated in Vancouver, Canada on January 3, 2004.

 

According to the source from the Canadian Karen Community more than 300 people attended the event held in Surrey.

 

“Not only people from Burma but also local Canadians joined to celebrate with us. Some Karen even traveled from Edmonton, Victoria, Seattle, Thunder Bay and from the US, Portland and Minnesota to celebrate the Karen New year with us.  We hope all the Karen around the world will stand united as only one spirit.” said an organizer of Karen New Year celebration.

 

The programs included singing the Karen National Anthem, reading message from the Karen National Union (KNU), speeches by leaders and a raffle draw.  The Karen traditional Don Dance, Bamboo Dance and Harvesting Dance were entertained to the audience and varieties of Karen, Shan and Mon songs were performed.

 

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FROM THE FIRST TO SECOND INDEPENDENCE

(By Kanbawza Win in Vancouver:  January 5, 2004)

           

Burma, which gained independence from Britain on the 4th Jan.1948, is still struggling to get rid of herself free from the shackles of the military clutches led by a tyrannical Junta. The people of Burma who had managed to seek asylum in Vancouver, B C, and Canada have taken the initiative to commemorate this occasion in order to remind them as well as to highlight their cause to the world. In Vancouver there are two categories of Burmese. The ones who came here for greener Pasteur, are working hands in glove with the multilateral corporations doing business with the Junta and the other usually composed of grass root level people belong to the pro democracy groups and ethnic nationalities. The former wants to maintain a status quo while the latter is very much segmented.

 

Hence, the grass root level activist in co-operation with the Canadian friends initiated this humble ceremony. The theme of “From the first to second independence” which is the words of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was chosen not only to highlight our cause but also to honour her, who is still under house arrest up to this day.

 

A simple Buddhist Memorial Service ceremony to give merit and recollect those compatriots who had made a supreme sacrifice for autonomy, democracy and the prevalence of human rights in Burma. They especially remember the latest episode of Depayin, where the military instigated thugs attempted to murder the only Burmese Nobel laureate and pro democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The Buddhist ceremony was followed by a short candle light service (Christian ceremony) led by Assistant Pastor Soe Kyaw Thu.

 

A keynote speech was given by Dr Chao Tzang Yaunghwe, (Eugene Thaike) the de facto leader of the Burmese Diaspora. It was his father Sao Shwe Thaike, the first President of modern Burma that lowered the Union Jack and raised the flag of the Union of Burma way back in 1948 and ironically after half a century, his son was still leading the people of Burma in the struggle for second independence from the yoke of military rule. He emphasized of how the brave Burmese army was waging war not against the armed resistance groups but to the women and children with their scotch earth policy of four cuts.

 

Messages from Amnesty International, Canada Asia Pacific Resource Network, Vancouver Burma Round Table Conferences were read as it is the first time Burmese Independent Day ceremony ever held in Vancouver. The ceremony was organised by the grass root level people like Kyaw Thi Ha and Soe U.  Many Canadian friends showed their solidarity by braving the -- 7 degree temperature and turning up at the ceremony where a potluck lunch was provided.

 

Obviously the other group, which favours the status quo for their ulterior motive would either stay away from this occasion or try their level best to disrupt this inspirational, happy and joyous occasion. Vancouver seems to be replica of Burma where the Junta, with the encouragement of multilateral cooperation successfully to lure the weak heart members of the pro democracy movement into their fold. Many of the 8888 generations have fallen into this trap and have unwittingly become the stooges of the military Junta.

 

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KAO WAO NEWS GROUP

Email: kaowao@hotmail.com, kaowao@shaw.ca

http://www.kaowao.org

Phone + 66 -1 561- 0860, + 1- 403 - 248 2027

On line archive at

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