KAO WAO NEWS No. 61

 

An electronic newsletter for social justice and freedom in Burma

January 23 – February 8, 2004

 

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READER’S FRONT

BURMESE ARMY PERPETUATES RAPE

57TH MON NATIONAL DAY WORLDWIDE

HR GROUP BLAMES ARMY OFFENSIVE

FARMERS FED UP WITH JUNTA

THIRD ETHNIC NATIONALITY SEMINAR HELD

THE MILITARY’S ‘ROADMAP’ AS A CATALYST

ON DIVIDE AND RULE POLICY: BY BASAW KHIN

A NONVIOLENT YOKE

JUNTA SACKS CABINET MINISTER

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READERS' FRONT

 

Dear Readers,

We invite comments and suggestions on improvements to Kao-Wao newsletter. With your help, we hope that Kao-Wao News will continue to grow to serve better the needs of those seeking social justice in Burma. And we hope that it will become an important forum for discussion and debate and help readers to keep abreast of issues and news. Above all, we hope the newsletter will be used as a vehicle for those who want to share their views and experiences.  We reserve the right to edit and reject articles without prior notification. You can use a pseudonym but we encourage you to include your full name and address.

 

Regards,

Editor

kaowao@hotmail.com, kaowao@shaw.ca

www.kaowao.org

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Dear editor,

Regarding your article "Army opens fire on Karen New Year Festival" (Kao Wao No. 59), 40, 000 people at a KNU sponsored event sounds unlikely - even though there was supposed to be an informal ceasefire in place.  Was it 4,000 perhaps?

 

Thanks,

Duncan McArthur

Burmese Border Consortium

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Warm greetings from the Philippines!

Congratulations to your sustained transmission of news and comments from and about Burma.  I must admit my appreciation of your info service is overwhelmed by your compilation.

A question: in your assessment of the year 2003, has human rights in Burma been in stalemate or further marginalized or pushed to the brink? Do you have a year-ender summary and assessment?  Would be glad to have it if available.

Max (The Philippines)

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On "Junta's Divide and Rule Policy" by Kambawza Win

Dear Editor,

Regarding feedback on Dr. Kanbawza Win’s opinions, I forward to his analysis on the situation in Burma and on world affairs. How anyone could perceive his opinions and words as fighting against or hampering the democracy movement is beyond me, rather their narrow mindedness demonstrates exactly what he has been saying all along—that the movement has floundered, freedom of expression is not a concept they are wholly familiar with, yet.

Ms. Indiana Jones (Seoul, South Korea)

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Rape used as weapon of war

 

BURMESE ARMY PERPETUATES RAPE

(By Kao Wao: February 5, 2004)

 

The Burmese Army continues to torment women and use rape as a weapon of war during its offensive against the Mon guerrillas in southern Mon state.

 

According to a local source, Mi Choma (age 19) was raped by Battalion No (28) while in military custody at a detention center near her own village at Southern Ye Township this month.

 

“The soldiers arrested Choma and her parents.  On the final day of their ten-day detention, they separated her from them (parents) and she was raped”, said the uncle of the victim.

 

Choma, the daughter of Nai Kmao Done and Mi Pu, was later moved from her native Mi Tawhlar village to a safe place to avoid the military offensive while her parents stayed on at the village.  Her uncle Nai Halaer said she was so ashamed to face the other villagers after being raped by the soldiers.

 

Independent Mon News Agency reported that another girl Mi Aye (20 years old) from Kaw Hlaing village was also arrested by the BA IB 586 and raped by the army. 

 

Mi Aye and her father Nai Win were accused of having contact with the Mon guerrilla group and were taken away to stay with the troops of Captain Hla Khaing during the military operation in their area.  They were arrested for two months and forced to stay at the base where the BA gang raped the Mon girl.

 

Mi San Myint, a married woman from Krane Kanya village, said that she was raped twice while in the military base outside of her village.  She added that women from six villages in the area were hand picked because of their beauty and forced to participate at a model show at the main military base where some were later raped. If they survive the ordeal they are waved on to go about their daily business as if nothing happened.

 

According to villagers who fled to the Halockhanee refugee camp, women from villages in the offensive areas who are sexually abused and raped find it difficult to name those who assault them. Rape brings shame to the family and the women are frightened and reluctant to tell what happened to them.

 

The BA has launched a major offensive against the Hongsawatoi Restoration Party, the Mon guerrilla group that operates in the area.  The BA adds rape to its arsenal of weapons in its war against civilians during its military operations to wipe out Mon guerrillas in southern Ye, Mon State.

 

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57th MON NATIONAL DAY WORLDWIDE

(Kao Wao: February 7, 2004)

The 57th anniversary of Mon National Day celebration was celebrated in many locales around the world in family homes and at various venues.

Burma;

Mon National Day celebrations were held at several places in Mon State and in Mon communities in Karen State, Rangoon, Pegu and Tenessarim Divisions. 

The Moulmein based Mon National Day Central Committee produced "Mon Cultural Heritage" CDs to distribute it in Monland and exile communities.  According to Nai Pan Aung, an organizer of the MND in Moulmein, the new cultural CD series was co-sponsored by the MND Committees, New Mon State Party and various cultural organizations with total investment of 5 million Kyats (Burmese currency).

The New Mon State Party organized main national celebration at 3 locations: Palaing Japan, near the 3 Pagodas Pass Thai Burma border town, Day TaMot Brat near Ye city and Hlar Dakot, the Moulmein District Administration area.

Several placards and boards of two Mon brothers, Tahputa and Bumleca were displayed on the main roads, in towns and villages in Mon State and southern Burma as a symbol of this year’s national day.  According to the Mon history, the two brothers met Lord Buddha and received his hair during their trade to India over 2,500 years ago.

 

Australia;

 

The celebration was held on January 31, 2004 in Canberra with solidarity speeches and cultural performances.

 

Nai Kwae Mon, the event organizer and leader of the Australia Mon Association reported, the MND ceremony was opened by Australian and Mon National Anthems, followed by speeches and messages from community leaders Nai Than Tin, Nai Shwe Lwin, Senator Hon. Gary Humpries, Professor Desmond Balls, Australian Capital Territory Chief Minister and Ms. Vicky Dunne, a Member for Legislative Assembly.

 

The USA;

 

The 57th anniversary of MND was held at Fort Wayne, Indiana, on February 7, from 5 p.m to midnight where about 500 guests were crowded in the hall to enjoy the traditional food, speeches and cultural performances.

 

Statements were read, messages from various community leaders and speeches from Keneth A. Rogers, Associate Dean and Director of International Service of Bloomington University, Tommy Shupe, a Representative of Congressman Mark Souder were delivered at the event.

 

Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore;

 

The majority of the Mon migrant communities took a day off and celebrated the event near their work sites and temples. 

 

Thai Mon Community cheerfully celebrated the auspicious event on February 1 at Wat Thongbor, Ayudhaya province where over a hundred households of Thai Mon people live and who still preserve the Mon culture and identity near the old capital of Thailand, Ayudhaya.  Chairman of the Mon Unity League and other Mon communities in central Thailand attended the event.  The Mon Youth Community organized the event; it will rotate to another province next year.

In Mahachai, several migrant workers enjoyed listening to an outdoor music band with many partaking in the traditional Mon cultural performance attended by the MND celebration. Organizer Nai Phong distributed about 500 copies of the MND’s joint statement about the Mon history and future.

In Bangkok, the Overseas Mon National Students Organization (OMNSO) held a modest gathering at a Buddhist temple on February 6 amid the Thai’s tough security on the migrant community, in which a large percentage of are Mon.

According to MUL General Secretary, “The celebrations are always a happy affair with no trouble whatsoever and which are well organized and well attended; they start around 6:30 in the morning and goes on into the evening.  Several hundred young Mons attended the ceremony with most of them arriving at the temple (Wat) just before the sunrise”. 

Senior monks dressed in their saffron robes attended and chanted Buddhist verse at the celebration, Mon historical and cultural information in the form of CDs were distributed.  There was also classical entertainment of the Mon traditional dance given by beautifully and modestly dressed Mons in the evening.

“Many celebrations were held at various places, in Thailand, Malaysia, Japan and Europe) but it is difficult to get information since we can’t easily communicate with these various Mon communities,” an organizer of the MND said.

In Chiang Mai, reported by Nai Yeup, the MND celebration was organized by young Mon students and about 60 ethnic nationalities including Burmese attended the event where the MND presented their joint statement with messages from the NCGUB and MUL to the audience.

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Human Rights

HR GROUP BLAME MILITARY OFFENSIVE

(Kao Wao: January 30, 2004)

 

Human Rights Foundation of Monland issued a report on January 15, 2004 stating that the Burmese Army based in southern Ye, Mon State continues with its human rights atrocities of raping local women, beating and abusing Buddhist monks, performing extra judicial killings of villagers, restricting the movement of local farmers and selecting them as porters for the front-line, and collecting money from poor villagers for military expenses and personal income throughout late 2003 and early 2004.

 

According to the statement, the civilians in the area have faced various hardships for survival, population displacement, and food-shortage. Over 100 families have fled to border areas and other jungle locations for safety.

 

The BA’s Light Infantry Division No. 22 and Light Infantry Battalion No. 299, LIB 282, Infantry Battalion No. 61, and No. 343 have committed serious human rights violations against Mon civilians in villages situated in the southern part of Ye Township during an intensified military offensive against a Mon rebel group in late December 2003 and earlier January 2004.  

 

LID No. 22 troops are led by Col. Nyi Nyi Swe; the other battalions are under the direct control of South East Military Command based in Moulmein, the capital of Mon State.

 

Both married and unmarried women from 9 Mon villages near the patrolled areas of LIB No. 299 in southern Ye Township have been forced by commanders to cook during the day and to sleep with them at night according to local sources.  The troops take 3 women per day to stay at their bases around the clock. 

 

The Mon villagers are often accused as rebel-supporters, because an active Mon armed group patrols in the region. However, there is no hard evidence that they are guilty of the accusations.

 

The Thai-Burma border based Human Rights group urged the Burma regime and its army to cease all types of human rights violations against the innocent civilians, women, children, and religious leaders.  It also calls upon the international entities to pressure the military regime to comply with international human rights law. 

 

Mon villages in Southern Ye Township, Win-kyan village with approximately 70 households; Win-pop with approximately 80 households; Day Boung Village with approximately 150 households, were ordered to relocate immediately in the first week of January, 2004.  About 30 households in the outskirts of Mi-htaw-hlar-gyi village were ordered into the middle part of the village in late December to prevent the sheltering of rebels.  

 

3 Mon Buddhists monks from Khaw-zar, Mi-htaw-hla-kalay and Kyone-kanya, were arrested and accused of supporting rebels and were seriously tortured in late December 2003.   According to witnesses, the monks’ hands were tied and the soldiers beat them cruelly all over the body, burnt them, and then put them under the hot sun for several hours.  

 

From mid-December until mid January, the troops of LIB No. 22 killed 6 men after accusing them as rebels because they were not holding the proper documents outside their villages.  The BA has launched several military operations in an area with over 20 Mon villages with a population of about 30,000 people.  

 

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Life in Mon State

FARMERS FED UP WITH JUNTA

(Kao Wao: January 27, 2004)

Farmers in Mon State sent a letter to Burma’s military junta, State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) on January 25 urging immediate action on the plummeting rice prices according to a local source.

The letter included 6 demands including the freedom to cultivate any crop, freedom to mill and sell the produce, the cessation of forced rice purchases at the lowest price by the junta, the cancellation of export tax on rice and the possession of farmlands by farmers.

Copies of the letter were sent to SPDC Prime Minister General Khin Nyunt and the chairman of
Mon State Peace and Development Council.

Recently, farmers from Rangoon Division also sent letters to SPDC’s Secretary-1 Lieutenant-General Soe Win. In an effort to prevent an uprising by disgruntled farmers, the general announced last year that the control of rice quota system has been lifted and that rice could now be freely exported.

Nevertheless, the junta later told farmers to sell their produce to selected rice traders but traders were afraid to do this transaction because they foresaw that the junta might later force them to sell the milled paddy rice at a lower price.

The junta later suspended rice exports for six months from early January without warning. The regime is afraid that the shortage of rice might trigger political upheavals in the country.

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THIRD ETHNIC NATIONALITY SEMINAR HELD

(Kao Wao: February 6, 2004)

 

The Third Ethnic Nationality Seminar, organized by the Ethnic Nationalities Solidarity and Cooperation Committee was held from January 28 to February 2, 2004 in a liberated area in Karen State.

 

Sixty-one delegates from 25 ethnic nationality groups, including two groups that have entered into cease-fire agreements with the Burmese military regime, attended the six-day seminar reported from the Thai-Burma border.  The delegates from various groups participated in free and frank discussions at Law-hkee-la Camp in Kawthoolei.

 

In a statement, seminar participants said, "The seminar observed that the regime's 7-stage 'road map' and the attempt to reconvene its national convention, temporarily suspended in 1996, would not lead to democratization and establishment of a federal union but only sustain a military dictatorship in the country."

 

The Seminar agreed to firmly uphold the agreement reached at the First Ethnic Nationality Seminar at “Mae-the-raw-ta” in 1997, being the resolution of political problems of the Union of Burma through tripartite dialogue and the establishment of a true Federal Union.

 

The ENSCC submitted its report covering two years of activities and the various organizations submitted papers expressing views on the Tripartite Dialogue and the Solidarity among the ethnic nationalities.

 

The existence of the ENSCC was supported and the “Ethnic Nationalities Council,” was formed during the meeting.  The Seminar called upon the SPDC to cease all military offensives against the ethnic nationalities, declare a nationwide cease-fire, release all political prisoners, and hold tripartite dialogue at the earliest date. 

 

The gathering also decided to launch for a forming of the interim government comprising of representatives from the SPDC, the NLD and other ethnic nationalities; various commissions with approval of the National Convention; and to draft constitutions of the Federal Union and the constituent States.

 

The source said that the seminar supported efforts by the Thai government for national reconciliation in Burma.

 

A United States-based activist group, the US Campaign for Burma, supported the public rejection by ethnic seminar of a deeply flawed "roadmap" to democracy promised by the military regime.

 

"The message from the seminar should be a wake-up call for the international community and the United Nations, especially UN special envoy Razali Ismail," says Aung Din, policy director of US Campaign for Burma and a former political prisoner.

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THE MILITARY’S ‘ROADMAP’ AS A CATALYST

(NewsDesk: February 7, 2004)

Help comes from unexpected quarters. As the Burmese saying goes, "A yay jee yin thway see", unity comes in time of need.

The State Peace and Development Council announced a "seven-point future policy program" or a seven-phase roadmap on 30 June. It came at a time when the international community was strongly condemning the military for the brutal crackdown and massacre of members of the National League for Democracy near Tabayin on 30 May. Nevertheless, the knee-jerk reaction paid off and pressure eased on the generals who promised to the world, particularly neighboring and regional countries, that they were bringing democracy to Burma.

The generals previously had also tried to impose military domination over Burma's political future with its version of "disciplined democracy" through constitutional principles drafted by a National Convention attended by delegates of its own picking but the process was suspended in 1996 when the NLD demanded that the National Convention be more democratic and representative and decided to stay away from it unless its demands were met. That convention which dismissed the NLD had already prescribed what is known as the "104 principles" which were to be used in drafting a constitution that would legitimize military rule in Burma.

The generals' pledge once again to steer Burma to "disciplined democracy" under the same "104 principles" naturally became a cause for concern to all legal political parties, and ethnic nationality and democratic forces. Even the ceasefire groups, which, under intense pressure from the generals, have pledged support for the National Convention, are saying they want to see reforms in the process.

All political parties, organizations, and politicians that have legal standing inside Burma as well as others beyond the reach of the military and in exile are openly voicing their opposition to the roadmap. And that voice of opposition has become a unifying and rallying cry for all dissident forces.

Unifying the Visions

The Third Ethnic Nationalities Seminar, which was held recently (from 28 January to 2 February) at the Burma border and attended by 61 delegates and observers from the ethnic nationality alliances, parties, and organizations, agreed that the resolution of political problems in Burma must be through a "tripartite dialogue" and the establishment of a true Federal Union. The participants said the "road map" and "the attempt to reconvene its National Convention would not lead to democratization and establishment of a federal union but only sustain a military dictatorship in the country."

They said, "tripartite dialogue, as called for by the UN resolutions annually since 1994", must be held "at the earliest date" to form "an interim government" comprising of representatives, proportionally, of the SPDC, the NLD and other political parties victorious in the 1990 elections, and the ethnic nationalities, based on the agreement arrived at the tripartite dialogue." They believe that that interim government should convene a legitimate National Convention.

The Seminar also called upon the junta "to unconditionally cease all military offensives against the ethnic nationalities, declare a nationwide cease-fire, release all political prisoners, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi."

The ethnic nationality leaders expressed their conviction that constitutions of the Federal Union and the constituent States must be drafted by commissions formed "with the approval of the National Convention" and these constitutions must be adopted through "national referenda" held in various constituent States before elections can be held to form Federal and state parliaments which then would elect Federal and state governments.

A major accomplishment of the Third Ethnic Nationalities Seminar is that all the organizations were able to agree on a single plan involving different phases in particular order that Burma needs to go through to achieve democracy and long-lasting peace.

Another important achievement is the decision to form an "Ethnic Nationalities Council" which will no doubt contribute greatly in helping resolve the nagging question of who will represent the ethnic nationalities in the "Tripartite Dialogue" given the diverse cultural and socioeconomic backgrounds and political leanings of different ethnic nationality forces.

The results of the Third Ethnic Nationalities Seminar also put to rest all speculations that ethnic and democratic forces are at odds over the military's roadmap. Like all struggles, anomalies are bound to emerge from time to time, but the main goal remains as clear as ever for the democratic and ethnic forces.

Bringing Ethnic Rights to the Fore

In fact, the concept of "tripartite dialogue" first appeared in the United Nations resolution on Burma in 1994 when it was proposed by the NCGUB delegation at the United Nations in recognition of the importance of ethnic nationalities having an equal voice in the decision-making process of the country.

The ultimate objective of all political organizations in the ethnic and democracy movements, including the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma, has always been the establishment of a democratic federal union that would guarantee democratic and equal rights to all nationalities in Burma.

Hence, the clarion call made by the Third Ethnic Nationalities Seminar on the democratic and ethnic forces, at home and abroad, to unanimously support and make concerted efforts to realize the aspirations of the people of the Union of Burma is bound to be answered with a resounding yes.

The united front of the ethnic and democratic movements of Burma will also expect world nations, particularly neighboring and regional countries, the United Nations, and the international community to respond favorably to this call and help bring democracy to Burma.

(NewsDesk is published by the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma and the National Council of the Union of Burma)

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Discussion on Kanbawza Win’s Junta’s Divide and Rule Policy

ON DIVIDE AND RULE POLICY

(By BaSaw Khin)

Occasionally, those frequenting the Internet would be treated to the opinion and writing of some highfalutin types which may leave them wondering whether these reasonably good correspondents do this for amusement or mere entertainment, or really think that by doing so they are contributing to a good cause.  In this case, the cause comprises part of the various efforts to restore Burma to her proper global stature from its current humiliation of being one of the few least developed countries.  Falling into the category is Kanbawza Win's latest "Junta's Divide and Rule Policy".

Apparently, the same self-styled pundit penned an article early this month (1-11-04), entitled "Burma Thugs Have Become A Little Educated", which was dismissed by a prominent dissident colleague as Kambawza Win's diatribe.  It may be best not to rise to the occasion (or rather sink into this quagmire) by responding.  However, at pain of being accused of suffering from the same disease, which is oral diarrhea, and for the sake of refutation and clarification, and perhaps a trifle of enlightenment, the following might be said.  First of all, "Divide and Rule" is not a policy; it is merely a modus operandi (operandus, if you wish).  The British raj have used it in almost every aspect throughout their mid-1900 to mid-2000 Pax Britannica, but were very mindful not to declare it as a policy.  Of course the SPDC uses the same technique while harping on the sins of the British having applied the method in the course of its governance with the resultant chaos and turmoil among the ethnic peoples of Burma.  Curiously, while the British may have thoroughly exploited the ethnic diversities in India, doubtlessly calling upon this unwritten process, there still is a functioning democracy in India, which, in fact, is the largest democracy in the world.

So what is the point of mentioning this banal term which, in effect, has been employed since time immemorial by rulers of all sorts, if only to perpetuate themselves.  And when the SPDC generals happen to adjust their focus of governing the country that at this point may be loosely interpreted as applying this divide and rule procedure, it may sound condescending to say that the "Burma Thugs Have Become A Little Educated."  Granted, perhaps not all the junta generals and their second echelon officers have formal college degrees.  This does not mean that they do not have some innate intelligence, without which all of them would be out of power by now.  To wit, all indications are that the dictatorship in Burma is not just a one-man affair.  It is a consortium of generals, and these powerful men in uniform indubitably have enough hardware and manpower to the country other than military might alone.

The marginalization of Daw ASSK is not a recent happening, nor is it going to be the perceived result of the current round of KNU-SPDC peace negotiation.  She, along with a host of the NLD leading members, has been detained from the very beginning, even before the 1990 general election.  And as far as diminishing her influence is concerned, it is quite logical to assume that had they really wanted to do so, the generals could have easily annihilated her at the Depayin ambush/ massacre.  Let us be generous and peg this one on a modicum of compassion plus a smidgen of sophistication on the part of the junta.  It would also seem possible, tenuous though that may be, that the generals could recognize the power of nonviolence resistance, while, at the same time, taking heed of global opinion. 

As for the KNU General Bo Mya, it is true that he is getting old, now a mid-septuagenarian, has never had much formal education, somewhat enervated by poor health, and may even come close to being a "warlord" as Kambawza W. alluded (as are most of the SPDC regional commanders of general ranking), but senile? not hardly (to quote the late actor John Wayne) - not in the foreseeable future anyway. Bo Mya has recently written an autobiography, the English translation of which leaves a bit to be desired, and while not quite an outstanding literary piece, one can yet see in it a simple but honest and relatively intelligent person, not to mention his physical prowess. This may be a hill Karen leader who never deigned to learn the English language, and, for the moment, may have returned from the Khin Nyunt meeting seemingly empty handed, which does not mean that they would not strive further for a formal cease-fire agreement, as a first step.

At this point, it would be presumptuous to dismiss this martial personage as a washed-up nonentity.  Comparing Bo Mya to the Biblical Moses, who never resisted the Pharaoh, but actually fled from him, does take some imagination, if not a ridiculous correlation.  One thing that can be said about this KNU VP and KNLA C-in-C is that, having led this armed resistance for over 50 years with no end in sight, if he deems it appropriate to communicate with a much stronger adversary, if only to bring about a breathing spell for his people, he does have the prerogative to do so.  And at the same time, he certainly will attempt to pave the way to a more normal condition for the entire country, and it has to be to his credit that he is able to change and adjust to what he may happen to consider a propitious time.

After all being over 65 is not necessarily on the wrong side.  Winston Churchill was well over that age when he led Britain to victory in WW II.  Donald Rumsfeld, the current U.S. Secretary of Defense is already over 70!  We really do not and cannot know how this current KNU-SPDC initial détente will pan out.  The results could go both ways.  But there appears to be every indication that Bo Mya will not act recklessly and ignore other opposition groups, including the NLD and Daw ASSK.

As a final note, more of a triviality, in the second paragraph of Kanbawza Win's Jan 24 missive, it is a little bewildering that the junta "still continues to embark upon its scotch earth policy ---." Discounting the word scotch, which means a different thing altogether, the Scotch or Scottish blokes seemed never to have an 'earth policy'. Of course, there is the scorched-earth policy, a military policy of devastating all --- so as to leave nothing salvageable to the enemy.  Also, the usage for Kleptocrats elsewhere in the same article may have stretched or misrepresented the actual meaning of this recently concocted word. 

Well, to each his own, as the saying goes.  Meanwhile, we definitely do not have any ill regard to Mr. K. Win who, with his palpable erudition, may obviously believe that his contributions are constructive to the endeavors of many, who sincerely wish for an end to the myriad problems that beset that beautiful land of pagodas.

BaSaw Khin

Tucson, Arizona

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Opinion

A NON-VIOLENT YOKE

(By Lawi Weng

"Science of war leads one to dictatorship pure and simple. Science of non-violence can alone lead one to pure democracy.” said Mahatma Gandhi. Gandhi fought the British government with non-violence, which means "Civil Disobedience." He decided to disobey the Salt Laws, which forbade Indians from making their own salt. He initiated a nation-wide campaign of non-cooperation with the British government, which for the native peasant population meant non payment of taxes and not buying liquor which the government gained revenue from. India gained independence from Britain in 1947, a year earlier than Burma. Gandhi was against war and violence as a means of protest. He believed non-violence could solve problems peacefully around the world.

Today it seems that using a pacifist approach is too soft a tool to fight and remove existing regimes.  Yet, there are still two people in Asia who believe in the non-violent method as much as Gandhi did.

The first person is the Dalai Lama who has struggled for independence for Tibet from under the control of the Chinese regime. The Chinese communist leader Mao Zedong invaded Tibet in 1951. The Dalai Lama fled to the Indian border in order to escape Mao's oppression. He stayed in India to fight for the freedom of his country.

His tactic to oppose the Chinese military is based on non- violence and compassion. He was awarded the Nobel Prize for Peace in 1989. He has been opposing China's rule over Tibet for 45 years, without much outward success. He has travelled the world giving speeches about Tibet and about the struggle for independence using compassion and non violent protest. He approached the EU and other countries such as the U.S to put more pressure on the Chinese regime to have a dialogue between Tibet and China.

His trips have made more people aware of the situation of the Tibetan people who are having their human rights abused while living under the oppressive control of China. But many people are still skeptical of his method and wonder whether it will be successful or not because China has a very powerful military. Also, many other countries are interested in China economically and tend to overlook their human rights violations because of this. For instance, the U.S has a good economic relationship with China. No one will dare to pressure China to have dialogues with the Dalai Lama for fear of losing their economic relationship. Thus, his struggle has not been taken up by other world powers and instead it has been undermined.

Another pro-democracy leader who believes in non violent opposition is Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's and her struggle against the Burmese junta. When she was released from detention, it seemed that her strength could blow the regime out of power. She believes non-violence can rid Burma of the military dictatorship that now controls it. The people of Burma trust her; she is the only one who can walk the last mile to democracy in Burma. She also received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1990 because of her non-violent struggle for democracy and human rights in Burma.

Her struggle depends on the Burmese regime. When the regime initially released her from house arrest, she seemed to have more strength to resist them. But when the regime realized her strength could be used to intimidate them, they sent her to detention again. She has been put under house arrest many times. She was released again in May 2002 and she had the chance to travel outside Rangoon. But her trip was blocked by the regime during the May 30 ambush on her and her party. Some of her members were killed and she was almost assassinated. The plot wasn't successful and she was survived the clash. The regime detained her in "protective custody" and she hasn't been released until today.

In an effort to free her, the international community including the U.S and the EU, has put more pressure on Burma's dictators. They have used economic sanctions and banned visa extensions for the regime. In order to get out from the economic crisis and to divert the international community's attention, the regime initiated a road map which had a seven point plan for democracy in Burma in August of last year. In an effort to appease the international community, Burma's junta has said they will release a 7 point road map to introduce democracy to Burma. The regime also announced it is going to restart the national convention, which was stopped in 1995.

The regime has invited all the ethnic cease-fire groups to attend the national convention. They are going to play a cunning game to grab power from the cease-fire groups. No one knows yet whether the opposition party, Daw Aung Sun Sui Kyi's NLD (National League for Democracy) will be invited or not. It seems that the time is not for the NLD. The regime continues to have a monopoly on power in the country while hiding behind the facade of giving the ceasefire groups power.

In the current political situation in Burma it seems that Aung San Su Kyi's non-violent yoke is going to be broken by the regime. She might not be able to bring democracy and human rights to the people of Burma. The Burmese military's use of the science of war is going to help them to maintain their power as a dictator.

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JUNTA SACKS CABINET MINISTER

(AP: February 5, 2004)

Yangon, Myanmar - A Cabinet minister in Myanmar's military government has been dismissed from his post, state media reported Thursday.

Minister in the Office of the Prime Minister Ko Lay was ``permitted to retire,'' said a brief official announcement by Secretary One of the State Peace and Development Council, Lt. Gen. Soe Win, and read by newscasters.  Ko Lay, a retired army colonel, was said to be close to Gen. Than Shwe, Myanmar's leader.

Soe Win said Ko Lay was ``permitted to retire'', a euphemism often used to describe a dismissal. No explanation for Ko Lay's departure was given.

Myanmar analysts have said several previous political dismissals appear to have been linked to corruption, although this has never been officially acknowledged.

Ko Lay had served as mayor of the capital, Yangon, until last August, when he was appointed to his Cabinet post as part of a major reshuffle.

 

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KAO WAO NEWS GROUP

 

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On line archive at

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Online Burma Library -- http://www.burmalibrary.org

 

ABOUT US

Kao-Woo Newsgroup is committed to social justice, peace, and democracy in Burma. We hope to be able to provide more of an in-depth analysis that will help to promote lasting peace and change within Burma. Editors, reporters, writers, and overseas volunteers are dedicated members of the Mon activist community based in Thailand.  Our motto is working together for lasting peace and change.