KAO WAO NEWS No. 66

 

An electronic newsletter for social justice and freedom in Burma

April 10- 28, 2004

 

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READERS’ FRONT

MILITARY BANS MON NATIONAL SCHOOL IN YE

NATIONAL CONVENTION: A JUNTA PLAYING GAME

WOMEN CALL FOR DIALOGUE BEFORE NATIONAL CONVENTION

ANNUAL SUMMER LITERACY CLASS HELD

MATERNAL AND CHILD WELFARE ORDERED TO FORM

ASIAN HIGHWAY WOULD LINK BURMA

DISCUSSION ON SANCTIONS MISS THE MARK

GENERAL BO MYA’S PEACE MISSION TO RANGOON

MON SONGKRAN IN NORTH AMERICA

 

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READERS' FRONT

 

Dear Readers,

We invite comments and suggestions on improvements to Kao-Wao newsletter. With your help, we hope that Kao-Wao News will continue to grow to serve better the needs of those seeking social justice in Burma. And we hope that it will become an important forum for discussion and debate and help readers to keep abreast of issues and news. Above all, we hope the newsletter will be used as a vehicle for those who want to share their views and experiences.  We reserve the right to edit and reject articles without prior notification. You can use a pseudonym but we encourage you to include your full name and address.

 

Regards,

Editor

kaowao@hotmail.com, kaowao@shaw.ca

www.kaowao.org

 

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On Myint Shwe’s “Sanctions Miss the Mark”

 

Yes.  This is true.  The sanctions hurt the people most and not the generals. A big reason is that they are not multi-lateral and include all nations.  If it were, it could shut the junta down.  Daw Suu Kyi realizes this too.  Also when good companies are kicked out or quit Burma, other companies replace them that have less pay and poorer working conditions.

 

Philip - Washington, D.C.

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Dear KaoWao News,

 

Thank you very much for the marvelous website created by your talented Webmaster.  I am inspired by the best quality of journalism you have put in your work as the editor of Kao Wao Newsgroup.

 

Henry Soe-Win

D4B.

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Dear Kao Wao,

 

Wishing you happiness and I hope the Mon nationals will gain their rights in the New Year. Want to see independence for a Yamanya state in a federated union for future.

 

Yours,

Mahabee

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Thanks for the best quality of newspaper journalism you have put in your work and the excellent website created by your very artistic Webmaster Aierott.


Sincerely,

Rotmon H

Toronto, Canada

 

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Assimilation Policy

 

MILITARY BANS MON NATIONAL SCHOOL IN YE

(By Kao Wao: April 27, 2004)

 

SPDC local commander ordered Mon National Schools to stop teaching the Mon language so that schools can be maintained under strict government control in southern Ye, Mon State.

 

The Burma Army commander Colonel Myo Winn warned Mon teachers at Kao Jaer village that they must immediately change the curriculum and stop teaching Mon otherwise the schools will be shut down.

 

“The Mon National schools must be under government control.  You must teach the Burmese language and hoist the Burmese national flag; if not, following this instruction, the schools will be closed down,” Colonel Myo Winn who led the military offensive against Mon armed forces in southern Ye township, Mon State said during a forced meeting held last month on March 19, 2004.

 

According to the source from the New Mon State Party, the commander also gave similar threats to the Mon teachers in Kwan TaMoi TaoTak village, on January 29, 2004 at the forced meeting.

 

During the offensive to wipe out the Mon armed group, Hongsarwatoi Restoration Party which started in December 2003, the Burma Army has also launched a new war on education and culture, said Nai Chan Mon, a teacher from Ye.

 

An officer from the Mon National Education Office said that education officials were warned on March 8, 2004 not to travel to the area without permission from the SPDC army commander.

 

“We must talk about this issue seriously in our next Central Committee meeting in early May,” said NMSP’s Secretary General Nai Hongsar in an interview with Kao Wao Newsgroup.

 

The Mon national schools in this area were administered by the NMSP for several years.  The Mon education system was well established and about 1,000 teachers were operating from Elementary to High Schools in the rural areas.

 

In the past, the military junta normally threatens teachers whenever they want to give pressure to the Mon national movement.  Many teachers have been arrested, tortured, forced to resign, and physically or sexually harassed by the authorities, accused of being involved in politics or supporting the anti-government groups.

 

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National Convention or an ace in the hole for the SPDC

 

NATIONAL CONVENTION: A JUNTA PLAYING GAME

(By Taramon/ Sangkhlaburi)

 

“I thought I was being arrested when they took me to the Southeast Military Command at the end of March but they told me that I should be a Mon delegate and attend the National convention”, said Nai Saik Hloin.

 

The Mon community leader in Moulmein, the capital of Mon State, was taken to the Southeast Command to meet with General Thura Myint Aung. He thought he was being charged with something by the military but instead was being asked to attend the government sponsored National Convention.

 

According to a close friend of Nai Saik, the commander said he could win against the Mon National Democratic Front, which won five seats in the last 1990 election or could win over the cease-fired New Mon State party. 

 

The source from Moulmein said that the SPDC is not confident with its own National Unity Party, which won only ten seats in the 1990 election, thus the SPDC wants to form a new party replacing the NUP.

 

“The SPDC wants to form a new party with the Mon nationalities in Mon State”, said a Mon political activist who spoke under condition of anonymity.

 

The source said six men were separately taken to the military command for interviews even though all of them have no political background.

 

Six Mon delegates are Nai Saik, Nai Kying Pe (former Mon State Administrator), Nai Lun Ngwe (former Manager of Salt Enterprise of Mon State), Nai Sein Than (former manager of Mon State Information and Public Relation who works for Rehmonya Bulletin monthly newspaper) and two other USDA members.

 

Nai Saik was a former assistant manager of the Mon State Agriculture Department.  He lived at the house of Mon national leader Nai Ong Tun while attending university.

 

The source said Nai Saik has already received an invitation letter this month and decided to attend the convention but may walk out if there is no freedom of expression. Even though the single man holds a government position, he is well respected by the Mon community, especially students, for his honesty and hard work on Mon culture and literature activities.

 

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WOMEN CALL FOR DIALOGUE BEFORE NATIONAL CONVENTION

(Kao Wao: April 12, 2004)

 

Ongoing state violence against women renders SPDC National Convention meaningless.

 

The Women’s League of Burma called the junta to implement a nationwide ceasefire, release political prisoners and begin a tripartite dialogue towards national reconciliation.

 

According to a statement issued from the Thai Burma border, the WLB stated that the SPDC army has been using sexual violence and other forms of violence as a weapon of war against ethnic women.

 

The WLB, an umbrella organization of women groups from Burma, claimed that even during the cease-fire talks between the Karen National Union and the SPDC, women in Karen State were targeted systematically and raped by the SPDC soldiers.  Instead of taking serious measures to put a stop to the violence and the raping of ethnic women, the military junta has continued to insist to the international community that the rape reports are "false" and proudly extols that all women in Burma are among the most respected in the world, most important of all, are equal to the status of Burmese men.

 

A new report titled, "Women's Political Prisoners in Burma", jointly produced by the Burmese Women's Union and the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), exposes how women involved in the human rights and democracy movement have been unjustly imprisoned and tortured by the SPDC authorities for their political beliefs. According to the report, out of the 1,500 political prisoners, over one hundred including Aung San Suu Kyi are women.

 

“Without releasing all political prisoners, and without taking serious measures to eliminate violence against women, the announcement made by the regime to reconvene the National Convention on May 17, 2004, the first step of its "roadmap," is absolutely meaningless”, said the statement.

 

"Women's Political Prisoners in Burma" can be viewed at:  (www.aappb.net) and

"Shattering Silences" at: (www.womenofburma.org)

 

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ANNUAL SUMMER LITERACY CLASS HELD

(IMNA: April 13, 2004)

 

Mon community celebrated the closing ceremony of Summer Mon literacy school organized by Rev. Parlita in Kamawet, Mudon on April 9, 2004.

 

Community leaders, Buddhist monks, schoolteachers and students from different areas attended the celebration to congratulate more than 10,000 students from 11 circles in Mudon Township that finished summer classes this year.

 

The celebration started at about 7:30 p.m and the Abbot Parlita presented prizes to the students.  Speeches were delivered to the audience, and like most celebrations, the Mon traditional dancers performed before the audience, followed by drama consisting of songs and music.

 

“All Mon politicians, soldiers, religious leaders and teachers must work for their people if they want to be genuine leaders.  Literature is a signification of the nation and if you are not working to promote it, are you leader,” said the well respected Abbot on the stage in front of the huge gathering.

 

Ajarr Parlita encouraged the Mon community to foster respect and education of Mon culture to the younger generation and to join in the Mon literature schools where they can read and write Mon literature.

 

He was jailed by the military government for publishing Mon magazines but continues to working at promoting and preserving Mon Literature and Culture in Mudon Township community, the biggest literature movement in Mon State.

 

According to a community leader, the number of students has increased this year and 330 teachers were volunteering in several classes.

 

In Mudon, the Mon literature summary school started after the examination of the government school and thousands of children from the government school joined in the classes.

 

“We prefer our children to learn from both schools (Mon and Burmese),” said Nai Chan Done, a student’s father from Mudon.

 

The course was only for one month and it finished on time before the New Year (water festival).  Thanpyuzayart and Kyaikmayaw Township will also open similar Mon literacy summer schools after the traditional New Year.

 

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MATERNAL AND CHILD WELFARE ORDERED TO FORM IN VILLAGES

(IMNA: April 11, 2004)

 

Authorities forced the establishment of the Myanmar Maternal and Child Welfare Association yesterday at a village headmen’s meeting.

 

The military authorities organized a workshop held over a two-day period in Mudon, 18 miles from Mawlamyine, and rounded up the village headmen to form the Myanmar Maternal and Child Welfare Association in every village.

 

According to a headman who attended the workshop, the authorities forced them to get 100 villagers to join the Myanmar Maternal and Child Welfare Association. If the village is big, it must have more than 100 members, but the local women are reluctant to join in.

 

During the meeting, the authorities also trained the village headmen basic military, firearm procedures and management.

 

Thanpyuzayart and other townships are also ordered by the government to form Myanmar Maternal and Child Welfare Association.  The military government has already formed Myanmar National Women Affairs Committee and has set aside placements for its members for business ventures.

 

A villager in Tavoy Township said the Maternal and Child Welfare Association members can easily travel about, while others are stopped and examined by the checkpoints whenever they travel to other places.

 

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ASIAN HIGHWAY WOULD LINK BURMA

 

By Elaine Kurtenbach, A P: April, 27, 2004

Milwaukee Journal Sentinel


Shanghai, China--Forty-five years after it was proposed, a modern version of the ancient Silk Road  that once linked Asia with Europe is nearing completion -- an 87,500 mile web of high ways and ferry routes connecting  32 Asian countries.


On Monday evening, 23 Asian nations signed a treaty on the road system.  China's official Xinhua News Agency reported. China, Japan and South Korea were among those endorsing the agreement .Others are expected to commit later.

 

The Asian Highway Agreement is intended to ensure construction of a road system, modeled on the route that traders once traveled by camel train, to provide access for many landlocked Asian nations.

 

First proposed in 1959 but delayed by decades of Cold war distrust, the project has been endorsed in principle by all 32 affected countries.


Even as telecommunications links draw the world ever closer, the realities of geography --enormous deserts rugged mountain ranges and impassable jungle --mean that many people in Asia still live in relative isolation.


The Asian Highway would be not one road but an entire system of routes that, by land and by sea, would link Tokyo to Turkey, Bhutan to Bulgaria.

 

A U.N map of the highways as planned roughly resembles a spider web strung from Finland and St. Petersburg to Khabarovsk and Tokyo. Spurs extend through Turkey as it meshes across Central Asia, cross India and loops through Southeast Asia down to the Indonesia island of Bali--by ferry.


Funding for most of the preliminary work has come from Japan.  More money is expected to come from bigger nations participating, the world bank and the Asian Development Bank.

 

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DISCUSSION ON MYINT SHWE’S SANCTIONS MISS THE MARK

 

We might miss a major part of the economic policy and political instability?


I respect different views from different people, but allow me to express mine. There could be a few people who oppose the sanctions that might hurt the citizens of Burma. The roots of the sanctions can be seen since 1988, after the brutal killing of unarmed civilians and students who express their desire during the popular democracy uprising. Most of the sanctions are reactions from the international community, not from certain political group or leaders. I am not surprised that few people who have a different view and felt that an alternative voice could argue the whole movement and international community. While violations of political freedom, fundamental rights, and basic human rights including the systematic rape of women and the oppression of children, and maintaining a grip on power, the regime continues to lie and denies all reports.


Before we focus on sanctions, why not review the whole economy of Burma; the problems mounting in terms of the regime mismanagement and lack of good governance, corruption are everywhere. The regime's economic policies are counter productive and centralization contributed to deteriorating economy. Every sector has limited freedom of growth, top down control on all commodities, local control of productions, all of which have failed to meet the basic needs in the development sectors.


Burma's regime has free labor by all means. In July 1996 the market value of forced labor employed by the junta on public works projects was Kt 17.5bn in 1994/95, equivalent to 3.7% of GDP. Since then, the junta has increasingly used the armed forces to build infrastructure projects, although forced labor remains a common practice in some parts of the country, especially in the border areas. The International Labor Organization has sharply criticized Burma for the use of "widespread and systematic" forced labor.


S
ingle income is no better. The minimum monthly salary in the public sector has been about Kt 1,000 since 1994, equivalent to US$ 1.25 at current parallel exchange rate. In April 2000, the public sector minimum salary has been increased to Kt 5,000 (US$ 6.25—equals 0.21 cent/day) though many resort to corruption to survive, but the military personnel's minimum salary was increased to Kt 10,000 (US$ 12.5—equals 0.42 cent/day) and the maximum wage was raised to Kt 15,000/month (US$ 18.75—0.63 cent/day).


The regime refuses to invest and persuade other investors in the country to compete. Burma remains a predominantly agricultural economy. Agriculture (including forestry and fishing) accounted for 43.1% of current-price GDP in 1999/00 and employed 65.95% of the workforce in 1997/98. By contrast the industrial sector (including manufacturing, energy, mining and construction) remain undeveloped. Industrial output is hampered by inadequate power supply and the lack of proper infrastructure, and limited investment. Food processing and garment manufacturing dominate the small manufacturing sector. The energy and mining sector is growing in importance with the start of gas exports from the massive Yadana and Yetagon fields and as a number of mining projects come on line.


According to official data, GDP growth rate was quite impressive but lacks positive economic fundamentals. This result reflects the distortions in the foreign exchange market, the continuing high level of inflation, and the low levels of revenue and public expenditure. Burma's low rate of economic growth has not performed adequately to fulfill the basic need of the people. Burma remains largely agrarian, with agriculture accounting for 34.3% of GDP and 62.75% of the employment in 1999/00. The economic growth slowdown can be attributed to the adverse impact of unfavorable weather conditions on agriculture production, the shortage of agriculture inputs such as fertilizer and pesticides caused by foreign exchange constraints, the financial crisis in the region following the devaluation of the Thai bath in July 1997, and mis-management and highly centralized decision making.


The regime failed to grant the investors rights and provide a lack of opportunity to the people, but created uncertain political instability.  The collapse in foreign investment has further reduced the resources available for investment. The state sector's share of GDP has remained steady at around one-fifth of constant price GDP in recent years. However, the state dominates some sectors including mining and power, and has an important role in transport, domestic trade and manufacturing. The state also controls the exports of many key commodities, and as a result, account for 28% of exports in 1999/00. In 1999 private investors in land reclamation projects were granted permission to export up to half of their crops. The military and the Union Solidarity Development Association (USDA) are also involved in businesses including gems and logging.


Another economic setback is that the regime fails to control inflation and it likely will remain high for three reasons: a tenfold increase in electricity prices effective March 1999, an increase in transportation costs because of higher taxes, and a decline in commodity production. The main source of inflation is budgetary deficits and other contributory factors to the inflationary process, over-bidding of agricultural products of export, over-building of certain infrastructure facilities, and depreciation of the Kyat in the parallel market for foreign exchange, which increases the prices of imported goods used as inputs in the production process.


When I met Dr Kyaw Yin Hlaing at the Heonrich Boell Foundation's for a two-day conference in Chiang Mai, Thailand last winter 2003, he stressed "the SPDC lacks funding in the education sector so the SPDC is unable to provide equality of education for ethnic children." I respect his research work but he failed to convince us that the regime’s budget focus, in particular he missed the government expenditure, the regime spends only 6.98% on education so he missed a large area, the rural and ethnic regions, while 49.93 % goes toward defense spending. The per capita defense expenditures of Burma are higher than those of Vietnam and Thailand (Thailand spends 8.45% and Vietnam has 11.61% source: Military expenditure in ASIAN countries - 2000). Burmese law requires children to attend school through the fourth grade, between the age of 12 and 15. According to the UNICEF report 38% of the children aged 5 to 9 have never enrolled in school. Of those, less than 30% complete the forth grades. Two thirds of primary school children, primarily in rural areas, leave school for economic reasons. The international investors are aware that the regime’s economic policy is not suitable for their interests.


According to the official data, the defense expenditure exceeds far greater than agriculture, public social and other sectors' expenditures. In 1999/00, out of the country’s population of 49.13 million, the defenseman power strength was about 470,667 (0.96% of total population) only. Hence, it is evident that the junta ignores the economic, social and infrastructure development for the country’s majority. In other words, the cost of achieving internal security and peace is a drain on hard earned public funds and manpower, which could have been directed to nation building, development activities or improving institutional and social capital.


In order to recover the budget deficit, the junta-increased taxes and collected money and free labor from the people for the nation's developmental projects such as the construction of roads, dams, bridges and so on just for show. The junta continues to heavily control command and centralize Burma’s economy.


International investment may help open societies and bring democratic change in some countries. In Burma, however, foreign investment helps perpetuate the rule of a repressive, unelected junta. Full foreign ownership of companies operating in Burma is forbidden and almost all-large investment in Burma is carried out through joint ventures with the military regime. Much is directed through companies owned and operated by Burma's Ministry of Defense, notably the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings (UMEH) and its branch, Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC). While very few Burmese benefits from foreign investment, the ruling military junta has imported over US$ 2 billion in weapons since 1989.


Sanctions bring blows to the foreign companies who entered into joint ventures directly with the military regime, businessmen close to the junta and the drug lords who collaborate with the generals. It is earnestly requested here that individual governments, employers and worker organizations of ILO member states adopt severe economic sanctions against the illegitimate junta as this is the only way to stop the flow of income to the military machinery and will enhance dialogue between the stakeholders and on the urgent need to combat poverty and respect trade union rights.

 

Again, Dr Kyaw failed to prove these young unfortunate women are in this institution in terms of sanctions in Washington DC few weeks ago. Dr Kyaw has never been to the border area and never has researched our country women who have no opportunity inside Burma, yet, millions of Burmese country men and women have been dangerously searching for a job to support their loved ones back home before sanctions in 2003.


Indeed sanctions alone could not bring down the suppressive regime from power, but these actions from the international community are the regime’s fault, which consentingly misses political reconciliation with legitimacy. But what are the alternatives to convince the regime that it is not suited to run the country on its own?


Nyo Ohn Myint

Former NLD youth

 

(Quote: FTUB's Economic Report 2003)

 

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GENERAL SAW BO MYA’S PEACE MISSION TO RANGOON

(By Mahn Kyaw Swe)

 

“We need to build a true national unity with honour.  If there was a national unity in Burma, the country would develop in every sector and would gain dignity among the international community.”

 

General Saw Bo Mya, vice president of Karen National Union, delivered a speech on his 77th birthday peace mission to Rangoon in January 2004.

 

The vice president of KNU celebrated his 77th birthday on January 20, 2004 in Rangoon as an honor guest of SPDC.  Many people celebrate their birthday in many ways.  Some celebrate their birthday with a big crowd and some like a small social gathering with close friends. But Gen Bo Mya’s birthday celebration was an extraordinary one, particularly in political and geographical terms.

 

Gen Bo Mya was born in Htee Moo Khi village, Papon, in 1926.  The local villagers respect him as a descendant of Saw Koo, the last independent Karen Sawke in the Salween region.  The 77-year-old British army veteran started as a career soldier during WWII by joining the Force 136 unit, which parachuted into Papon from India.  After the KNU rebellion broke out, he joined one of the hill tribe battalions as a KNU company commander in the mid 1950s.  He became a commander of 7th brigade of KNU eastern division in 1960s and was one of the most successful area commanders of his generation.  His name was always in the Rangoon media describing him as a fearful Karen military commander.  When KNU leadership split between Mahn Ba Zan and Saw Hantatha Mwe, he sided with Mahn Ba Zan because he trusted him as a leader who would never surrender to the Burmese government in spite of KNUP’s pro-communist ideology.  Mahn Ba Zan was committed to the KNU until he died. 

 

Gen Bo Mya converted to Christianity when he married a Karen woman of Seventh Day Adventist and became a well-known Christian leader among the KNU.  He became president of KNU in 1976 replacing Mahn Ba Zan.  Gen Bo Mya maintained the post of president until the last 2000 KNU election.  Saw Ba Thin Sein, a well-educated former KNUP official, became the President of KNU.  However, Gen Bo Mya himself is still in charge as the chief of KNLA, the military wing of KNU and was elected as vice president. 

 

When Karen unity seminar took place in 1999, Gen Saw Bo Mya recalled the worst time he ever faced a crisis during his leadership as a president of KNU.  When Manalplaw fell, some Karen Christians leaders both civilian and military officers abandoned their organization due to extreme depression and stress.  The morale of the soldiers was low due to knowing to infighting against family and friends.  Some KNLA officers turned to alcoholism and suffered permanent depression.  Criticism mounted extremely high from both inside and outside the organization especially from the younger generation.  Regardless of confusion, the KNU has survived for over 50 years as a tough organization under his strong leadership and military experience. SPDC wrongly thought it would be the end of KNU when the DKBA surfaced. Today, KNU faces a new type of warfare by SPDC regime, which uses religion, social networks, economics, and diplomacy as weapons. 

 

Gen Bo Mya was in hospital when Col San Pwint, the intelligent officer of SPDC, came to see him in November 2004, a relationship based on over 5 decades of military fighting.  He did not hesitate to go to Rangoon regardless of his poor health or his strong support with other democratic opposition groups and alliances.  He was quite eager to talk about peace.  In spite of his age and physical problems in using a metal cane to walk, he appeared very confident in working out political and social problems.  He made a brilliant speech on his 77th birthday, a celebration provided by the brass of the military SPDC generals. 

 

Only true peace and national unity would guarantee national reconciliation and improve the lives of many in the country, he confirmed.   He kept the focus on peace by reminding Gen Khin Nyunt of the SPDC’s meaningful talk of true peace.  The power of his speech echoed with his belief in God, honesty, justice, and righteousness.  Over 50 years of military and political experience prepared him to meet face to face with his enemies who talk to him like the black sheep of the family.  “If leaders would fulfill their promises, the country would be prosperous and would develop”, he stated. 

 

The Rev. Saw Mar Gay Gyi’s prayer followed his speech with a hymn number 28, ‘He leadeth Me’ was sung by the attendants in both the Burmese and Karen languages.  The room echoed with the song, “he lead-eth me! O bless-ed thought! O words with heav'n-ly”.  Amid criticism of the young, educated Karen new generation, but Gen Saw Bo Mya demonstrated that he is still in charge of the KNU leadership regardless of his poor educational background and his current position as vice president.  He is still winning a political warfare using a religion he trusts, believing his success depended on his strong beliefs, proving his diplomatic ability, mental fitness and courage during his meeting with SPDC generals.

 

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MON SONGKRAN IN NORTH AMERICA

(Kao-Wao: April 17, 2004)

 

The Mon communities in North America joyfully celebrated traditional Songkran New Year in their new homes in Canada and the USA.

 

In the USA, the New Year was celebrated at the Mon Buddhist Temple in Fort Wayne on Saturday April 10 with several visitors and the Mon community from Akron, Cleveland, Indianapolis and Fort Wayne.

 

According to Ven. Dhamma Dinna, the abbot of Mon Buddhist Temple, the celebration was joined by Mon, American, Burman, Karen, Lao, Thai, Vietnamese and Srilankan communities from 10.30 am to 6.30 pm.  Among them were Burma’s famous singer Mar Mar Aye and politician Daw San San, General Secretary of Member of Parliament Union (MPU).

 

In Canada, the Mon community also celebrated the New Year on April 17 in Calgary. Children and adults gathered on Saturday to donate food to the Buddhist monk and pray for the coming New Year.

 

Back home; Mon people annually celebrate New Year Festival for three days in Monland. During this period, the older people stay in the Buddhist temples. Monks also preach sermons of the Buddha to lay devotees and guide them in the practice of interior meditation for three days intensively.

 

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KAO WAO NEWS GROUP

 

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ABOUT US

Kao-Woo Newsgroup is committed to social justice, peace, and democracy in Burma. We hope to be able to provide more of an in-depth analysis that will help to promote lasting peace and change within Burma. Editors, reporters, writers, and overseas volunteers are dedicated members of the Mon activist community based in Thailand.  Our motto is working together for lasting peace and change.