The Mon Forum
News, Personal Accounts, Reports & Analysis of the Human Rights Situation in Mon Territory and Other Mon Areas of the Southern Part of Burma

Issue No.6/2003,  
June 30, 2003

Publication of the Human Rights Foundation of Monland



(1) High education tax during the school opening days,

(2) Forcible guarding of gas-pipeline between Thanbyuzayat and Ye Towns,

Special Report:

Forced labour in Southern Burma (Myanmar)


SPDC’s Political Oppression and Plan to Grip in Power


Deadlock to Political Dialogue in Burma


High education tax during the school opening days

June 1, 2003, Mon State

Similarly to many other State basic education schools, all schools in Mon State reopened and students and the parents come to school to register for the new enrollment.

The school opening day late and the teachers also took more money from them than the previous years, said by student parents.

“Fees for school enrollment, text books, and fees for sport are not so much. Only over 1000 Kyat. But the fees for the school repairs and new school buildings are too expensive. They ask from 7000 to 20000 Kyat. They collected more money for new students, said by the parents from Moulmein.

When asks an unidentified teachers that why they took more fees from the parents, she said that:

“We did not receive enough budget from the government for school repairs and new building, and therefore we ask more from the parents. We, teachers, asked government supports, but it was too little. So that we have to ask money from parents. As the building materials have been expensive, therefore, we collect more money from parents”, explained by a teacher.

Besides the school fees, the parents also have to pay the fees for computer system at schools in both urban and rural areas. The farmers are also forced to pay for this cost.

Besides the school fees, the parents have to spend a lot of expenses in putting their children in private tuition arranged by school teachers to pass the final exam. One student have to spend about 100, 000 Kyat for tuition fee for all subjects. If he/she needs special tuition teacher, he/she has to pay 10000 Kyat per month for one subject only.

Due to expensive school fees, many children left from schools even the young schooling age. Some students engage in works for income and some also moved to Mon National School, where they don’t have to pay.

Forcible guarding of gas-pipeline between Thanbyuzayat and Ye Towns

June 7, 2003 Mon State

Because of the often explosion of Kanbauk-Myaingkalay gas pipeline and demolition attack by the rebel army, the local SPDC Township authorities ordered the village civilians between Thanbyuzayat and Ye Towns, in the southern part of Mon State, to guard the pipeline without fail.

This gas pipeline passes through Ye Township, Thanbyuzayat Township, Mudon Township and Moulmein Township in Mon State and then enters into Pa-an Township of Karen State to provide energy for a cement factory.

The order instructed to the villagers in these two Townships to send 5 villagers from each village to perform the duty of guarding the pipeline for 24 hours and then to use all villagers on the rotation basis. If one villager failed to perform the duty, that family must be not allowed to stay in the village, said the authorities.

The adults and children including women have to perform their duties, and if they failed they have to pay fine, said by the local villagers.

“The household which could not go and guard (the pipeline), it needs to hire a substitute to perform the duty. If you could not find the substitute, you have to pay 2000 Kyat fine. If you could not pay fine and failed to perform the duties, the village headmen ordered you must leave the village immediately”, said by the villagers.

“We are in difficult situation even for day to day seeking money and food (for families) even when there is no instruction for guarding to the pipeline. We, the poor families, faced the difficult situation, if we go and guard (the pipeline) we could face food-shortage problem. We could not pay them fine, 2000 Kyat per day because we could earn only 1000 Kyat per day. We also concern to send women and children and we don’t know how to manage”, explained by the villagers for their difficulties.

In late February, when a Mon woman, Miss Ma Po News from Page 2

(17 years old), was performing the duty, she was raped by a commander from Burmese Army. She substituted for her husband in duty as he was away for fishing.

When the SPDC constructed the pipeline last over 2 years ago, the authorities and army confiscated villagers’ agriculture lands along the pipeline route. The villagers who lost their lands received only a little amount of compensation from the authorities.

The villagers have been constantly forced to guard the pipeline as a rebel army has operated the activities in the area and if the pipeline is attacked near their farms, the farmers could be punished. Additionally, the villagers also need to rebuild the embankment along the route, if it is destroyed by flood.

Special Report


JUNE 2003

Forced Labour in Southern Burma (Myanmar)


The SPDC used thousands of civilians in the construction of 16-miles long road between Kawbein and Kyonedoe villages in Kawkareik Township, Karen State, Southern Burma.


According to the Forced Labour Convention of 1930 (No. 29), Burma’s (Myanmar) government has obligation to eliminate all forms or practices of forced labour in Burma. Despite the uses of forced labour in Burma have been reported by various human rights groups in the region, the present Burmese military regime, known as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), has been denying the use of forced for many years. However, due to recent pressure from the International Labour Organization (ILO), the regime confessed that forced labour has been existed in Burma and promised to eliminate it by coordinating with the ILO’s Liaison Officer in Rangoon.

However, Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM), a local ethnic Mon human rights group that has been monitoring human rights situation in southern Burma, found that the Myanmar military government has continued using forced labour in the Mon and Karen ethnic areas. Evidences showed that the SPDC does not take seriously to end the use of forced labor in Burma although it officially banned the practices more than two years ago.

In March and April 2003, the local authorities of Kawkareik Township, Karen State, under the instruction of the Southeast Command’s Commander, Maj. Gen. Thura Myint Aung, had forced hundreds of local Mon and Karen ethnic civilians to construct a 16- mile long road, which connects Kawbein and Kyonedoe villages. A detailed description of this specific case is as the following:

Who was responsible?

U Ko Ko Gyi, (a retired Colonel or Brigadier), the Chairman of the Kawkareik District Peace and Development Council ordered the headmen of the Kawbein, Kaw-pauk Min-ywa, Kharit, and Kaw-go Village Tract Peace and Development Councils to start building the road on March 10, 2003. The construction was stopped for a short break in the mid April, during the water festival, which celebrates the Burmese New Year. After that, on April 22, 2003, the authorities again forced people from another three village tracts, Kaw-lyan, Kanni, and Thayet-taw, to work in the road construction together with those from five village tracts previously mentioned.

Measure of the construction

The distance between Kawbein and Kyonedoe village is approximately 16 miles. Both villages are located on the bank of Gyaing River (see the map). The authorities instructed all the headmen of the village tracts, which located between the two villages, to take responsibility for building a 16 miles long embankment, with a 15 feet in width and 3 feet in height, to be used as a road connected the two villages. Building a three-feet height embankment is a common practice for road constructions in the area. Thus, the villagers had to build the embankment higher than three feet in the places where the road passed through valleys, to have the embankment leveled all the way through.

The nature of works

The authorities defined the route and the space for the embankment. The villagers dug soil pits along both sides of the route to obtain soil for building the embankment. After digging soil pits, the villagers had to carry the soil with their hand-made baskets and filled on the defined space of embankment. The villagers have to provide their own tools to dig and carry the soil. After filling the soil in place, they have to press and pound it to get a strong and fixed embankment.

The villagers had to bring their own food and had to work a whole day, from dawn to dusk without any wages. They were forced to work in the construction every day until their assignments were completed.

Instruction for construction

Before the water festival or Burmese New Year (from April 13 to April 17, 2003), the authorities instructed the following five village tracts to complete 4 miles of the road. Each village was assigned to work the following distance.

Kaw-bein village tract - 1 mile long

Kaw-pauk village tract - 0.5 mile long

Min-ywa village tract - 0.5 mile long

Kharit village tract - 1.4 mile (or 7400 feet) long

Kaw-go village tract - 0.6 mile long

During the Burmese New Year, the construction was stopped and started again after the New Year. Three out of those five villages (please give the name of these three villages) were continuously conscripted to construct the remaining part of the road, i.e., villagers from those 3 village tracts had to construct additional 4 miles.

After the authorities assigned works to village headmen for their villages, the headmen assigned the work to all households in their villages. The village headmen assigned the villagers into small groups and arranged them to work in the construction site in shifts.

According to a villager from Kaw-bein village, a group of villagers from the village were ordered to work in the construction for 3 days per shift. In three working days, each household was ordered to complete 3 feet of (with 15 feet in width and 3 feet in height) embankment.

In the mid-May, because of the heavy rain, the authorities had to cease the construction. Villagers, who were forced to construct the road without any helps of machinery, could not complete the road at the time. Only about 30% of the road was completed.

Number of households that were forced to work

The headmen took responsibility to assign works to households in their respective villages. After the village headman assigned works to the household, the household could decide who in their family had to work in the road construction to complete their work assignments. Some households whose men were available, men were sent to work in the construction. But, men were not available or busy with other family businesses in some households. In those cases, women and children were sent to work in the construction. The following shows villages in each village tract, estimated number of households in each village, and the ethnic nationalities who had been forced to work in the road construction.

These over 7,800 households were conscripted to work in the road construction. It is obvious that men, women, and children were forced to work as labourers.

Torture by the authorities

On April 22, 2003, the chairman of Kawkareik District Peace and Development Council, U Ko Ko Gyi, called a meeting with village headmen from various village tracts and instructed them to complete the road as quickly as possible. He wanted to complete the construction before the beginning of the rainy season.

During the meeting, the chairman of Kharit village, Nai Ba Zan, reported to U Ko Ko Gyi that work assignment to his village tract was overload, so that the villagers would not be able to complete the construction on time. The authorities ordered Kha-rit village tract, which has about 870 households, to construct about 1.4 mile (7400 feet). The workload ratio was much higher than that of other villages. Therefore, he complained to the authorities for an unfair work assignment and mismanagement of the authorities. U Ko Ko Gyi was angry at him and slapped him at his face four times in front of other village headmen and told him to continue the construction with respect to the order.

Conclusions and Recommendations

1. Although the SPDC issued Order No. 1/99 and its supplementary for elimination of forced labour in villages, village tracts and Townships, the authorities and army themselves have violated the order in various parts of rural areas of Burma. There are also many other cases of the conscription of forced labour such as construction of roads, working in army’s farms, and constructing army and police bases in Mon State and Karen State.

2. In fact, although the SPDC has agreed to the ILO to issue an order that cease the use of forced labour, the SPDC has never enforced it. Its local armies and authorities have still committed human rights violations in ethnic areas.

3. Therefore, ILO Liaison Officer in Burma or ILO Headquarters in Geneva should investigate the case and take immediate action against those who are responsible for the use of forced labor in Burma. The ILO needs to ensure all local civilians, who reported to ILO Liaison Officers are not abused by the authorities or the army. Furthermore, the ILO should take serious measure to prevent further uses of forced labour in Burma.


SPDC’s Political Oppression and Plan to Grip in Power

May 30 “Black Friday” Massacre and Political Deadlock

It has been more clearer that the regime in Burma, State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) has no political will for democracy transformation in the country after their crackdown and killing many NLD members in Sagaing Division, which is currently known as May 30 “Depayin Incident” or “Black Friday”.

For a long period, the SPDC and the military commanders just made a ‘pretending’ of political talks (not really negotiation or political settlement) with main opposition party, National League for Democracy (NLD), especially with its charismatic leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Normally, the talks always happened after the intensive international pressure to the regime.

The regime also claimed that it has its own way of ‘democratization’ to guarantee the Burmese Army’s top commanders to be in the future government cabinet without competing in the general elections. This SPDC’s idea to maintain in the future political power is directly contradicting the democratic process. The regime had held the sham ‘’National Convention’ for several years since 1992 and tried to have input for the leading role of military leaders in Burma’s politics in the future. It is unacceptable for the pro-democracy political parties and NLD withdrew its participation from the Convention.

In 1998, after the NLD and ethnic political parties called to ‘convene’ the people parliament with their mandate of 1990 general elections. This was against the regime’s sham National Convention and therefore, hundreds of political leaders and their supporters were arrested and put in notorious jails in various parts of Burma. Currently there are over 1300 ‘political prisoners’ in various parts of Burma.

Because of the consistent pressure from the international community, the regime had to release the political prisoners to ease tensions with many democratic countries around the world. In every release, only the small number of the political prisoners are released but many key leaders are still remaining in the prisons. Some died in jails and many of them suffered from serious diseases because of insufficient health care by the prison authorities.

Recently, the SPDC does not recognize the prisoners who were arrested as political reasons as political prisoners, and treatments to them was not so different from many criminals. In many cases, the political prisoners are cruelly and inhumanely treated by the intelligent officers during their investigation these political prisoners.

The inadequate food, medicines and other assistance are offered in these prisons and the dirty surrounding and environment also make the prisoners in their health to be in worst situation even some of them are in young age.

When the SPDC released the prisoners and meeting with NLD leaders, they had one aim whether to ease the international pressure or to get the international assistance. Therefore, many talks between SPDC and NLD leaders did not really move to the political transition or democratization in Burma. During 2000 and 2001, SPDC also restricted the movement of ‘Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’ and NLD members. He was also put in house arrest for over one year.

After her release in May 2002, NLD have more activities to re-open their offices in various townships, to re-operate their political works. However, the SPDC authorities did not like the political activities of NLD much. NLD still did not have freedom for their all activities, but they have to ask permission from the government authorities to set the party signboard, to re-open the offices and all travels.

When the activities of the NLD have gradually grown and getting momentum and get more supports from the civilians in various parts of Burma, especially in the middle part of Burma, SPDC has great concern. Their concern is there is more support to NLD by the people, there will be earlier that they may have to abandon their political power. By the way, the SPDC leaders have to stop the activities of NLD and therefore, May 30 ‘Black Friday’ killing and crackdown against NLD members was designated by SPDC.

This was one clear evidence that how the SPDC real will to grip in power as long as possible. There are various types of political oppression and cruel treatments against the political in southern part of Burma. In conducting the political oppression against the civilians the SPDC mainly used its military intelligence, administrative officers, members of Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA). USDA is hand-picked organization of SPDC and it has been enlarged with new members. SPDC always gives special favour and opportunity to this group.

The situation of Moulmein prison in Mon State

In the western of part of Mon State’s capital, Moulmein, the SPDC has a notorious and large prison which detained nearly 1000 prisoners in there with various crimes. As the number of the prisoners is also large, the prison keeps ‘crowd’ of the prisoners in there. Among roughly estimated 1000 prisoners, nearly 100 prisoners are the political prisoners from various backgrounds.

Many other of them from the opposition armed groups such as All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF); Karen National Union (KNU) and People Patriotic Party (PPP); and on-ground political parties such as from Mon National Democratic Front (MNDF); National League for Democracy (NLD). Many other political prisoners are not from the background of political parties, but they are activists for democracy in Burma. Most of them are High School and University students.

The native places of the political prisoners are also varied. They are from various townships of Mon State; some are from Karen State; and many of them are from Rangoon Division while a few number of them from Mandalay Division. Most of them are imprisoned with allegation of ‘threat to National Security’, which means those activists and politicians against the regime.

In Burma, whenever someone has activity against the government or is talking about the democratic change, it means he/she is threatening National Security and therefore he must be put on trail with charge of 1950 Emergency Provision Act’s Article 5 (J), which is also known as 5 (J) Act in Burma. The imprisonment term would be at least 7 years. Besides this law, the regime also has many other oppressive laws such as 1962 Printer and Publisher Registration Act, and Unlawful Association Act.

The politicians and the democratic activists are detained at least by one of the Act. Depending on the case the imprisonment time also varied. For the 1950 Emergency Provision Act, someone could be imprisoned from 5-7 years, while the SPDC can imprison someone at least 3 years with Printer and Publisher Registration Act. With ‘Unlawful Association Act’, someone could be imprisoned from 5 to 10 years imprisonment. Some politicians and activists are imprisoned with the combined Acts. They were detained about 20 years imprisonment term.

Among about 91 political prisoners in Moulmein prison, the minimum term of imprisonment is about 3 years and the maximum term of the imprisonment is about 31 years. A few of them are imprisoned life sentence. One political prisoner is waiting for death sentence. There are only 4 political prisoners have 3 years short imprisonment term, while many of them have 7 years and over long imprisonment term.

Most the political prisoners were arrested by the Military Intelligence Battalion No. 5 bases in every Township of Mon State and Karen State. For those the members of parliament (MPs) and other aged leaders, although they did not face torture and other cruel mistreatment, but many students and other unknown were also tortured by military intelligence officers before they were brought to the court. Types of tortures in the cells of the MI during their interrogation are varied. The MI officers normally tortured them to get until they lose their tolerance and tell them about their underground networks and details of their activities. After the MI officers get enough information, then they brought those activists and their controlled courts and judges decided for how many years imprisonment terms to them.

Accordingly to the rules set by Moulmein prison, the family members have opportunity the prisoners in every two weeks but they have pay an expensive bribe to the prison authorities and prisoner helper. The prisoner helpers are the persons who wish to get jobs in the compound of the prison to make money from the prisoners.

Without bribes (money or foods or other household used materials), the members of family members are not allowed to meet with their fathers, brothers, sisters. However they could not get much time for the meeting, only about 15 minutes to half an hour. For many families of those political prisoners, they are already poor because mostly the main person in their families are in prison and normally the family businesses are collapsed. Or, the MI Unit concerned also restricted their family businesses in many ways.

Many prisoners, including some political prisoners, are forced to work in the constructions and other works for the government departments. The authorities set the labour camps in various parts of Burma and forced the prisoners to do works without payment. This conscription of labour is also related to the bribes. If some prisoners can pay some bribes, they could be free from the conscription or their pieces of works would be less if compared with other prisoners.

Recently, the Rangoon based International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), the international organization that has monitored the prisons in various parts of Burma said, the prison conditions have improved. Because of ICRC regular visit, the prison authorities have to keep the prisons cleaned and provided some foods. However, ICRC personnel could not make any visit to labour camps and the places where the prisoners are used as forced labour.

The situation of Mon political prisoners

In Moulmein prison, three Mon leaders from Mon National Democratic Front (MNDF) have been imprisoned since 1998 with the 1950’s Emergency Provision Act Section 5 (J) for 7 years imprisonment terms. They are:

(1) Nai Ngwe Thein, is Vice-Chairman of Mon National Democratic Front (MNDF) and Advisor to Committee for Representing the People Parliament (CRPP). He is also close to NLD leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. He is also a veteran revolutionary during 1948-1958 in Mon People Front (MPF). He is now about 80 years old.

(2) Dr. Min Soe Lin, elected MP from Ye Township Constituency (Northern) in 1990 elections; and the General Secretary of Mon National Democratic Front (MNDF); and he is about 40 years old. His main occupation was medical doctor and operated a community clinic in Moulmein.

(3) Dr. Min Kyi Win, elected MP from Mudon Township Constituency (Southern) in 1990 elections; and Joint-Secretary of Mon National Democratic Front (MNDF); and he is about 45 years. His main occupation was medical doctor and operated a community clinic in his native village, Nyaung-gone in Mudon Township in Mon State.

All three of them are arrested in August 1998 with accusation that they were interfering in stable situation of ceasefire between the New Mon State Party and the regime and supporting the CRPP plan to convene the People’s Parliament.

In 1998, there has been a political tension between CRPP and the regime. CRPP is normally against the regime’s sham National Convention and planned to convent the people’s parliament. The democratic force rejected the role of Burmese Army in the future politics and so that many hundreds of politicians and activists were arrested at that time.

MNDF were just writing to NMSP leaders and analyzed the political situation and ceasefire deal with the regime and advice to anticipate in creating the better life of the Mon people. However, to imprison those MNDF leaders with 1950’s Emergency Provision Act Section 5 (J), the MI found the letter to NMSP and put on trial with accusation they were trying to break the ceasefire. Although NMSP leaders appealed to the regime that MNDF was not trying to break ceasefire, but they did not listen to NMSP leaders. Then, they just imprisoned three leaders with 7 years imprisonment term with hard labour for each.

Although two young Mon political prisoners, Dr. Min Soe Lin and Min Kyi Win, do not have much difficulties in detention, but for an old leader Nai Ngwe Thein, he has suffered from sickness and other diseases. In the unhealthy sorrounding and insufficient foods in the prison cells, almost of the prisoners suffer from at lease one type of disease or sickness.

Among three Mon political prisoners, Nai Ngwe Thein, because of his old age, his health situation has been gradually worst. However, he was not allowed for the better treatment. If the regime has the humanitarian consideration, he should be released him. In early April, Nai Ngwe Thein seriously suffered from stroke and after shortly treatment in the hospital, they have put into prison again.

The incident was:

On April 5, 2003, an 80 years old Nai Ngwe Thein suffered a severe stroke during his fourth year of sever year imprisonment. Then the officers from the SPDC’s Military Intelligence from Battalion No. 5 brought him to the Moulmein public hospital in the capital of Mon State. He suffered from serious stroke, it affected the whole part his right side body. He right hands and right legs could not move.

Most well known political prisoners (or dangerous politicians to the regimes) are always put in small cell of the dark room by the prison authorities. This is one type of punishment even during detention. An old aged Nai Tun Thein was also put in the small cell in the dark room. He was allowed only one hour to be outside of his cell. He can take show and walk in the surrounding of the prison, in the afternoon for one hour from 2:00 p.m. to 3:00 p.m., and then he has to return his cell. Normally, the cells are cool, as the prison was make with bricks and no system of warming. He could not move in his small rooms for years, therefore, the old man can suffer stroke easily.

Additionally, he has also suffered from other health problems such as toothaches and urinary problem. Although he suffered from these types of problem, but prison authorities did not provide him with sufficient treatments.

After he was brought to the hospital, he received two weeks treatment and then he was brought back to the prison again. During he was in the hospital, only some members from his party were permitted to visit him briefly. They could not meet him privately but in the presence of prison guards and intelligence officers.

After two weeks treatment in the hospital, he was sent back to his small cell again. Even though he could not move, he was detained in there and the other prisoners need to help him when he move, take shower and eating.

Before Nai Ngwe Thein suffered from stroke, he also had toothaches and urinary tract problems. Although the prison doctor suggested to bring him and treat in the outside hospital, but the suggestion was turned down by the prison authorities.

The health condition of other Mon political prisoners is also not good. In early of this year, the General Secretary of MNDF, Dr. Min Soe Lin, also suffered from tuberculosis and an information came out that he was not provided with sufficient medicines by prison doctor. Although the prison doctor treated him regularly and provided medicines, he felt his health condition was not improve as he is also a medical doctor. He also ordered better medicines from his wife but she could not bring the medicines anytime. Because the prison authorities allowed only twice a month to allow the family members to meet him.

He felt his health condition has been worst and worst since last year and tried to get the medicines. Although he asked permission to have treatment, but he was not permitted. The worst prison condition also made his health condition to be serious. Most prisoners did not receive mosquito nets, good beds and pure water for them.

Another the political prisoner, MNDF MP, Dr. Min Kyi Win has suffered from gastric problems. However, he also could not receive the regular and available foods in the prison. He is also a medical doctor and he also could not get the medicines that he liked.

In 2002, although the regime released about 300 political prisoners from various parts of Burma, but they excluded the Mon political prisoners. In a humanitarian consideration, they should release Nai Ngwe Thein, who is over 80 years old and suffer a serious stroke.

The role of USDA in the oppression

Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) is an organization which is formed and operated under the instruction of the regime, SPDC. SPDC always find the oppositions to against the democratic force in various part of Burma and therefore, they formed this organization.

After the current military regime, SLORC/SPDC, ruled the country, it has formed this organizations as their main supporters. The regime has given great favour to the members of USDA. Thus, more and more opportunists have joined to USDA and the members have increased. Later, the USDA members also forced the young men and women in the villages, towns and cities to join the organization. They also provided training and taught the politics that the Burmese Army must have role in future politics.

As the SPDC has used USDA as their supporters or collaborators to use them as oppositions to against the pro-democratic force and ethnic nationalities’ social organizations. As the SPDC uses the USDA as ‘political tool’, the key members of USDA has to manage public meeting, seminar, training and political campaign that aims for lengthening the political life of Burmese Army. The commanders of the Burmese Army are also the patrons or chairperson of USDA in every Township and therefore, all USDA members are under firm control of SPDC.


Deadlock to Political Dialogue in Burma

After May 30 ‘Depayin Massacre’ that the SPDC designated crackdown to the members of National League for Democracy (NLD), the main opposition in Burma, it clearly showed to the world that the military regime in Burma plans to stay in power as long as possible.

Although the international community has endeavored to have political dialogue for peaceful transitions to Democracy, by creating environment for the political talks between SPDC and NLD leaders, however, at the end, the regime has rejected this development.

On the other hand, we can conclude that the SPDC does not want any political reform and they wish to keep their power as long as possible. After May 30 incident, the SPDC thought there would be demonstration for democracy or for the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Therefore, the SPDC authorities have forced thousands of civilians and government servants to attend basic military training schools from two weeks to one month. Then then the regime formed Anti-strike groups in various towns and villages.

Although the international community has demanded the regime to immediately release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, but SPDC leaders constantly ignore. Her release will not come soon and the SPDC, itself does not promise they would release her.

The people in Burma has expected for the political change and for the smooth political transitions. Under the rule of military dictatorship, the suffering of the people will be protracted.