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BurmaNet News November 13, 1996

"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" 

The BurmaNet News: November 12, 1996
Issue #568


November 12, 1996

The Malaysian government lost its calculated bet to ban a meeting on East
Timor. By appearing to sanction mob action against the thugs who attacked
the seminar, Malaysia risk even more. In the public's mind, it may be linked
with the oppressive Burmese regime, where an ugly mob also attacked
democracy advocates.


The leaders of two countries made bad decisions last weekend. They stood by
while thugs attacked peaceful political opponents. Then they blamed the
victims of the attacks. For Burma, it was the sort of decision one has come
to expect of the regime. For Malaysia, it was a shocking decision. Because
of the similarity of the attacks and because of the timing, the two cases
may become linked in the public's mind.

In Burma, a mob attacked the caravan of democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Armed with sticks and other weapons, they smashed windscreens and windows,
and battered the vehicles. For a moment, there was real fear the thugs would
do worse, and directly assault the people in the cars. As police and
soldiers stood by nonchalantly, a security man in one of the cars jumped out
and showed his gun. Only then did the thugs pull back. There were a couple
of minor injures caused by the shattering glass.

In Malaysia, a mob broke into a Kuala Lumpur hotel where political activists
were discussing East Timor. They broke down doors and walls, storming the
meeting room. The hooligans did not attack anyone directly, but merely
intimidated them. They screamed and shouted and generally showed their
uncivilized upbringing, but stopped before directly hurting anyone.

After a long interval, police arrived - and arrested the activists at the
meeting. Their crime apparently was holding a peaceful meeting at a private
hotel. The government had banned the East Timor meeting on the grounds that
Indonesians might take some offence.

Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad said the meeting's organizers were to blame
for being attacked, Assaulted and intimidated. He refused to condemn either
the roughnecks who arranged the mob or the hooligans who joined it. This is
the most troubling part of the invasion of the meeting, because it was led
by members of the youth wings of Premier Mahathir's own United Malay
National Organisation - in other words, tomorrow's leaders of Malaysia.

Malaysia has the right to ban meetings of course. National security may be
difficult to define exactly, but all governments are obliged to protect it.
All nations also have the right to screen foreigners and to deport those
acting outside the national interest. There should be no complaints on
either of these two matters.

But Malaysia, unlike Burma, is a nation of laws. It had both the means and
manpower to deal with the East Timor meeting under those laws. It could have
asked the hotel to cancel it. Police could have been called to deal with the
matter. There still would have been criticism, but a firm government backed
by an established rule of law which is clear and fair need not fear this.

Unfortunately, Malaysia has brought unneeded and perhaps even mean-spirited
attention to itself by the attack on the meeting. This is unfortunate.
Malaysia's government is far more sophisticated, diverse and astute than of
Burma. Kuala Lumpur's failure to better balance the two extreme options -
allowing the East Timor meeting or banning it - is difficult to understand.

The worst case has been realized. The intimidation of the thugs who break up
the meeting has received worldwide and front-page attention. The ruling UMNO
and the men groomed for future leadership of Malaysia are directly
implicated in the violence. And the prime minister is reported as generally
approving of mob actions against those who displease him. This is a heavy
price for Malaysia to pay. 

(Asimilar article was published - TIMES OF INDIA: BURMA AND MALAYSIA


November 12, 1996 (abridged)
Rangoon, AFP

Burma faced a new round of international condemnation and warnings of
possible US sanctions yesterday following weekend attacks on the motorcade
of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

US senator John McCain, arriving in Phnom Penh from Rangoon, said attacks in
which Mrs Suu Kyi's motorcade was pelted with rocks on Saturday by a mob she
accused of being made up of government agents was " unacceptable." 

The senator also said he would consider backing sanctions pending the
results  of a Burmese government investigation into the attacks.

Mr McCain's comments followed meetings in Rangoon with Mrs Suu Kyi, Foreign
Minister Ohn Gyaw and Burma's powerful intelligence chief, Khin Nyunt, who
told the US senator that the disturbances would be investigated.

Introducing sanctions "depends on the results of their investigation and
what they try to do to prevent things like this from happening again", the
senator said in Phnom Penh.

"My impression is that (Mrs Suu Kyi) was obviously not receiving the
security she needed," he said, adding that the attacks "were unacceptable
and obviously the circumstances surrounding them are inappropriate."

Mr McCain played a role in recent negotiations which led to amendments
softening tough economic sanctions against Burma by the US Congress.

The weekend attacks came amid growing international pressure over recent
crackdown on the opposition by the military, which seized power in 1988.

A strongly worded statement from the US embassy here called on the Burmese
authorities to "punish those responsible for this attack [and] to take every
possible means to ensure the safety of Aung San Suu Kyi."

Fueling the growing international storm, Mrs. Suu Kyi has also issued  a
videotaped appeal to the European Union calling for economic sanctions
against Burma. The tape is to be screened yesterday before the European


November 12, 1996
By Rajan Moses
RANGOON, Nov 12 (Reuter) - France's Total SA intends to remain in Burma and
complete its $1 billion gas pipeline project despite pressure from Western
powers and rights groups not to invest in the country, company officials
said on Tuesday.
Several major European and U.S. corporations, reacting to the pressure, have
dropped plans to invest in or withdrawn from Burma, where the military
government has refused to allow democracy and is battling opposition leader
Aung San Suu Kyi.
'Ours is a long-term project and our flexibility is not as great as it is
for those making tee-shirts or beer,' Total's public affairs vice-president
Joseph Daniel told reporters.
'We will respect international law. Of course if a United Nations or
European Union decision was made (on not dealing with Burma) then we would
respect it,' he said.
Some of the larger multi-national companies that have pulled out of Burma
following pressure by human rights groups include brewers Heineken NV and
Carlsberg, soft drink giant PepsiCo Inc and apparel firms Oshkosh B'gosh,
Liz Clairborne and Eddie Boauer.
The European Union last month slapped restrictions on official contacts with
Burma over what the 15-nation bloc see as Rangoon's failure to respect human
rights. Existing restrictions include an arms embargo and suspension of aid.
The EU has not ruled out economic sanctions but some members have been
reluctant to take stringent steps without similar steps from Washington and
the United Nations. Washington recently barred entry visas to government
Daniel and the head of Total Myanmar Exploration and Production, Herve
Madeo, also denied the firm was using forced labor in its controversial
project to pump gas overland to Thailand from the giant Yadana field from
Total's project in Burma has been dogged by controversy ever since it was
signed with the national oil company Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE)
in 1992.
Human rights groups have accused Total of collaborating with the ruling
State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) to suppress freedom in
Burma. They say it is using forced labour recruited by the military in the
southern Tenasserim project area and damaging the environment in forests there.
Suu Kyi has also labeled Total as a strong supporter of the SLORC which has
denied her the right to hold public gatherings and detained and later
released hundreds of her supporters.
Total officials, denying accusations that forced labor recruited by Burmese
troops was used in the Yadana project in the Andaman Sea, said the military
was around the area as any national army in any country would patrol its
remote areas.
'We have received 1,864 voluntary applications from people in the area
waiting to work for us on the project. The applications were made inside the
base camp in Kanbauk where the military has no control,' Madeo said.
He also said Total had not allowed the military to use its facilities or
helicopters in the area to take action against rebel groups as charged by
some rights groups.
Daniel said: 'We are considered as a political actor but we are not. After
decades of isolation, we are trying to give this country development. We
don't imagine how sanctions will help.'
He also noted that Total had in the past worked in some countries where
power shifted from regime to regime and the company was still able to work
with any new government.
Total holds a 31.24 percent share in the project to produce gas for a total
of 30 years and pipe it through a 409 km (250 mile) offshore and onshore
pipeline to contracted buyer Thailand.
Other partners in the project are UNOCAL Corp. with 28.26 percent, the
Petroleum Authority of Thailand's PTTEP with 25.5 percent and MOGE with 15
Revenue from the project from  mid-1998 would amount to about $400 million
annually of which 50 percent would go to the Burmese government, Total
officials said.


November 12, 1996

IT is ironic that a country which has the greatest potential to become a
wealthy nation should be reduced to a state where the populace has to brave
a life of destitution in comparison to their neighboring nations. This is a
fact of life today in Myanmar. A once wealthy and developed nation when
known as Burma and compared to poorer neighbors, it is now classified as a
poor and under-developed country by any criterion. It will be remembered
that Burma was ruled as an Indian province of British India. It was a nation
which was known for its canning industry, knowledge of forestry and other
industries which helped furnish the then modern bureaucracy.

Burma, or Myanmar today, is still a country rich in mineral resources,
marine products and forests which produce good timber, most especially teak.
Of more importance still were the number of educated Burmese who benefited
from the British educational legacy. Indeed, many of this group of educated
Burmese found their way into international organizations, the most noted
example being the late Secretary General of the UN, U Thant. Today, a few
Burmese nationals still work in  international organization. Some of these
educated Myanmarians have taken up teaching in such places as Assumption
University or Assumption Commercial College in Bangkok.

Endowed with rich natural and human resources, Myanmar should be able to
move forward and catch up with other nations in ASEAN. But, unfortunately
political factors play a decisive role here. Admittedly, Slorc has wrought
havoc for the economy and served to obstruct democratic development. This
sad state of affairs has worked to retard the process of development in the
area. Today, whether one likes to admit it or not, the once wealthy and
developed Myanmar lags behind it neighbors in economic, social and
infrastructure development and most notably in its democratic development
which will have far-reaching implications for the nation in the long run.

The question is why on earth the military has kept such as iron grip on the
country despite the fact that this is against world trends? The answer
probably boils down to the old Chinese metaphor about riding a tiger. The
one on the beast's back simply cannot get off for fear of being eaten and
hence has to continue riding the tiger and wait for the unforeseen future.
Meanwhile, there is a great deal of wishful thinking and self-condition. To
be sure, one cannot deny the fact that the preservation of self-interest is
also a key factor. The military wants to cling tightly to power because that
is the source of their wealthy, status and power. It is self-interest which
traps them in their present situation.

On the other side of the coin, given the poor political infrastructure
characterized by the absence of political institutions which could serve to
render support for democratic development, it is doubtful that even if the
military let go of control, the nation would spring to life with a
functioning democracy. The realistic approach would be a step by step
process which would cater to the demands of all the parties concerned, the
military included. This is most crucial if the transferring of power is to
proceed peacefully.

But no has come up with a suggestion which will allow for a prudent course
of political change. The pressure exerted on Slorc thus tends to produce a
negative impact rather than a positive one. What is needed in not just good
intentions but also a sound and sane  plan for the resolution of the present
impasse. Most important of all, amidst international political pressure and
economic sanctions, Slorc has to be given an alternative other than being
forced to row against the tide by default of a realistic and compromising
choice. International pressure not well thought out has unwittingly become
instrumental in aggravating the situation. 


November 10, 1996
Dipankar Banerjee

Strategic considerations dictate relations amongst the three countries

Reproduced from TRENDS: A monthly publication of the Institute of Southeast
Asian Studies (Iseas) in Singapore

Land border of 1,643 km along the low Patkai hills separate India and Burma.
many of the original settlers of India's northeast came from areas across
these ranges at various times in history.

A land route from China through northern Burma formed the famous southern
Silk Route as early as the pre-Christian era.

Today, ethnically similar peoples straddle the drive and provide India a
strong cultural bond with Burma and Southeast Asia. India's ties with Burma
in the modern period lay in the common British rule since the mid-19th
century. Burma became a separate dominion only in 1937.

Another common condition has linked the countries since independence, that
is through the indigenous insurgency movements. All guerrilla groups in
northeast India have used Burma at various times and for a number of reasons
such as a sources of weapons, training as a sanctuary, for obtaining
ideological guidance and material support.

Delhi was the first to accord diplomatic recognition to Burma on its
independence. A loan owned by  the later was waived. A shipment of tanks,
artillery and mortars from India helped the government forces save Rangoon
from the rebels who had reached its doors.

Goodwill and cooperation dominated the period until General Ne Win's return
to power for the second time in 1962. His Burmese Road to Socialism" and
deliberate isolation from the world utterly impoverished the country and
estranged it from India.

After the students movement in September 1988, a new period began with the
coming to power of another set of generals under the State Law and Order
Restoration Council (Slorc).

Burma has an even ;longer and more porous border of 2,171 km with China.
Mutual relations in the early years were hampered by the  presence of the
KMT forces in northern Burma after the Second World War. However, a border a
agreement was signed on January 28, 1960.

But support for the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) remained central to
China's policy in the 1960s and 1970s. Beijing appreciated it as an area
from where it could influence a wider region.

Throughout this period, the CPB received more support than any other
insurgent group in Southeast Asia. After Deng Xiaoping's visit to Rangoon in
January 1978, a major shift took place in mutual relations. Support for the
CPB ended. But it took another decade and the Tiananmen incident of June
1989 to bring the two countries closer to each other.

A US$1.4 billion arms deal was soon signed. It enabled the Tatmadaw (the
Burma military) to increase its strength by 50,000  to around  320,000
soldiers today. Major equipment supplied by China included:
- Up to three squadrons of F-7 fighter aircraft;
- 24xA-5M ground attack fighters;
- Transport aircraft and helicopters;
- 145x Type 69 Mk II main battle tanks;
- 05 Type 63 light amphibious tanks;
- 250 Type 85 armoured personnel carriers;
- 100x 122 mm howitzers;
- 30 multiple rocket launchers;
- 24 Type 74 37 mm twin-barreled towed anti-aircraft guns; and
- Ten Hainan-class fast attack patrol boats.

The military-to-military relationship is substantial and deeply entrenched,
but it should also be seen in perspective. The arms sales were more an
instrument of influence to develop dependency than of significance as a
military threat to neighbors. It led to a much-needed replenishment of the
Tatmadaw. In turn it allowed the latter to deal with numerous insurgencies
that prevailed in the country.

Today, Burma has stable internal environment with all insurgencies having
been contained, if not solved. At the same time, the Tatmadaw is
disillusioned with both the vintage as well as the quality of Chinese
equipment. They are also getting increasingly uneasy of their dependency on

The Burmese are a proud people who are loath to accept any form of foreign
domination or interference. Further, major arms deals are probably unlikely
in the future: an important reason would be Burma's desire for an early
entry into ASEAN. No country there would appreciate a continuation of this
relationship with China.

Of more concern are the persistent reports of a Chinese naval presence in
the Bay of Bengal. Additional ports are under development at Hanggyi, Sittwe
and Mergui islands. Whether it is for civil use or for coastal protection or
for the navy, is not clear.

Burma has consistently denied providing base facilities and maintains that
no foreign troops will ever be based on its soil. While it may not be
appropriate to "cry wolf" too often, the possibilities of a Chinese presence
even in the long term cannot be viewed with equanimity.

This provides a backdrop to India's own strategic relations with Burma. New
Delhi's backing of Aung San Suu Kyi and the democracy movement froze its
relations with Slorc. The latter accused India of harboring pro-democracy
forces and supporting the Kachin, Karen and Chin insurgent groups.

India too, considered that various Naga rebel organizations were now being
provided assistance, training and safe passage. Burma established a new
North West Regional Command at Sagaing Division opposite India's Nagaland.

Troops released from insurgency in northern Burma were sent there. Current
reports suggest that up to 32 infantry battalions may be deployed opposite's
visit to Rangoon in March 1993 succeeded in normalising relations considerably.

Former Army Chief General Joshi visited in May 1994. Discussions were held
to coordinate activities against insurgent groups along the border. Burmese
leaders appeared to share the Indian vision of transforming the region into
a zone of friendship, tranquillity and cooperation.

Agreement was reached to allow Indian construction of roads from the west to
the central sector. Border meetings have been intensified. Lower level
meetings take place monthly and a large biannual conference takes place at
sector commanders' level. Some coordination is also effected in military
operations along the border.

A small but significant number of Burmese military personnel are provided
training at Indian institutions.

There is some talk of reopening the Silk Route. A few strategic issues will
have to be addressed before that. There is the whole question of India -
China relations. If it improves substantially and the border is stabilized,
it throws open many possibilities for fruitful cooperation.

First, this would need substantial trilateral, confidence-building measures
including Burma. Second, the ethnic insurgencies will need to be eliminated
or contained even more than what they are at present.

Third, better border management has to be effected by all states to prevent
the entry of undesirable elements and the transit of  drugs. Last, but not
least, is developing the necessary infrastructure through international funding.

Burma is opening up to Asia and perhaps the world. Slorc provides a stable,
if not a democratic, regime to the country and will be there for some time
to come. There are enormous possibilities in this environment. India stands
ready to engage Burma in a positive and cooperative way to strengthen mutual
resilience and regional stability.

Major-General Dipankar Banerjee (Retd) is the deputy director of the
Institute for  Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi. 


November 14, 1996
from: cfob@xxxxxxx

How Burma's Military Dictatorship Uses Profits From The Garment Industry To
Bankroll Oppression.  72 pages.

Available November 14, 1996 - $12.00.

Canadian shoppers are buying more and more clothes made in Burma. But by
doing so they unwittingly assist that country's brutal military
dictatorship, says a report to be released Nov. 14th by Ottawa-based
Canadian Friends of Burma. "Dirty Clothes-Dirty System", written by
journalist Dave Todd, exposes links between the State Law and Order
Restoration Council's military procurement agency and Burma's flourishing
garment industry. One-sixth of the country's earnings from garment exports
goes directly into weapons purchases by the regime's defence ministry. SLORC
maintains an army of 375,000 used only against the Burmese peoples.

Canadian imports of Burma-made clothing have tripled in recent years, from
$3.3 million in 1993 to an estimated $10 million this year.  Decisions by
well-known companies (such as Eddie Bauer, Levi-Strauss, Liz Claiborne,
London Fog, Oshkosh B'gosh) to stop sourcing in Burma have raised public
awareness. Yet investment in the garment export sector continues to grow,
mainly because workers are paid rock-bottom wages averaging eight cents an
hour for a 60-hour week.

"Dirty Clothes-Dirty System" predicts that without swift action there will
be even sharper growth in the export of Burma-made garments. The World Trade
Organization estimates a 60 per cent increase in the global garment trade in
the next 10 years. Most of these clothes will be made by Asian workers. Only
consumer awareness, strict industry codes of conduct and government action
will improve labor conditions and sever dangerous connections such as the
one between garments and guns that helps keep the SLORC in power.

CFOB says that only the complete withdrawal of foreign companies from Burma
can break the linkage that entangles consumers in SLORC's policies of
violence and oppression.  "Dirty Clothes: Dirty System" names Canadian
importers and major retail chains that carry Burmese-made clothes.  It
concludes with the words of democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi: "If
businessmen do not care that our workers are exposed to exploitation, they
should at least be concerned that a dissatisfied labor force will
eventually mean social unrest and economic instability".

CFOB is a non-profit national NGO working in a non-partisan manner for
peace, human rights and democracy in Burma.  The report was funded by the
Communications, Energy and Paper Workers Union of Canada.  It is being
launched Thursday Nov. 14 at 11am. Site: Steelworkers Hall, 25 Cecil street,

For more information, contact: Christine Harmston, coordinator, Canadian
Friends of Burma., 145 Spruce St., suite 206, Ottawa, ON K1R 6P1 Canada;
(tel) 613-237-8056, (fax) 613-563-0017, email: cfob@xxxxxxx


November 10, 1996

The following books on Burma can be ordered from White Orchid Press
in Bangkok.  You can contact them at:

ORDERS: Fax: (66 2) 930 5646 
        Tel: (66 2) 930 0149
       E-mail: wop@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx

Ordering info is at the end of this message.

Khin Myo Chit
Illustrated by Paw Oo Thet
1983. vii, 126 pp., 48 col. pl., 1 map ISBN 
974-86220-6-1                                $18
This richly illustrated book takes the reader on a journey
through the legendary and famous places of Burma, and relates
the legends associated with each place, legends which are in
the blood and soul of every Burmese - young or old. The author
takes us from Rangoon, Pegu and Prome to Sriksetra and up the
Irrawaddy to Mandalay and Sagaing, a journey accompanied by
the magic watercolours by the late Paw Oo Thet, Burma's best
loved contemporary artist. An indispensable companion and
guide to contemporary Burmese life and thought. 

Ma Thanegi
1995,1996. viii, 108 pp., 101 colour plates, 17 b/w drawings.
ISBN 974-7315-75-9                           hard $29
                                             	     soft $23
In the 18th and 19th centuries, Burmese marionettes enjoyed a
rare and powerful privilege as speakers for both kings and
subjects. Never merely for entertainment, puppetry was a high
art held in much esteem. Marionettes were means of making
people aware of current events; a medium for educating the
masses in literature, history and religion; a display of
lifestyle and customs. These yoke-thei, 'small dolls', enjoyed
greater freedom of speech, dress and movement than live
performers. They therefore played a significant role in the
development of dance and dramatic arts.
The author is a well known Burmese painter, and this lively
book is liberally spiced with information about Burma and
Burmese ways. It contains a systematic presentation of the
Burmese marionette tradition, a tradition in the danger of extinction.

Ludu U Hla
Translated from Burmese by Sein Tu
Illustrated by U Wa Thone
First English edition 1986, 1997. viii, 144 pp., one col. pl.,
16 b/w drawings. Crown 8vo.
ISBN 974-87368-6-5                 $12 (remainders)  
Imprisoned for political reasons in the 1950's (and later),
Ludu U Hla--perhaps Burma's most prolific modern author and
collector of Burmese folklore and cultural material--penned
these sensitive portraits of his teenage fellows-behind-bars. 
His sympathetic probe of 'criminals' old and new, willing and unwilling, 
uncovers the social pressures and failings that turn the weak, the young 
and unfortunate against society, and harden them in a career of crime. 
This book won a UNESCO prize in 1958.

Portraits of Ordinary People
Mya Than Tint
Translated by Ohnmar Khin and Sein Kyaw Hlaing
Illustrated by U Win Pe
1987-91, First English translation 1996. 284 pp., maps, ill.
ISBN 974-89271-9-9                                $23

Inspired by Chicago journalist Stud Terkel's accounts of hopes
and dreams of ordinary Americans, Rangoon-based writer Mya
Than Tint introduces us to thirty-four of Burma's forty
million 'ordinary people', the a-nya-ta-ra. As he traveled
through Burma on literary lecture tours in the late 1980's, he
encountered porters, sailors, fortune-tellers, waitresses,
artists and petty criminals 'on the road to Mandalay'. This is
Mya Than Tint's first major work to be translated into English.

A Journey from India through Northern Burma to China
Second, updated edition 
Bertil Lintner
Photographs by Hseng Noung Lintner
1990,1996. 390 pp. 39 col.pl., 69 b/w pl., 7 maps. Index. Sm.
Foolscap 4to. [8.5" x 6"]
ISBN 974-89272-6-1                           hard $25
In August 1985, "Mr de Souza from Goa", his considerable body
wrapped in a blanket, his jet black hair flowing gently in the
breeze, and his eyes hidden by huge, dark, stylish sun
glasses, arrived in Nagaland. With his diminutive and highly
pregnant travel companion, he had slipped past various Indian
checkpoints and intelligence setups, and a fantastic journey
into hidden Burma began. 
The book that resulted from this journey has become a classic
on recent Burmese history. Bertil and Hseng Noung Lintner
spent one and a half years travelling through northern and
eastern Burma from 1985 to 1987. Lintner describes with care
and deep insight the struggle by the Kachin and Shan ethnic
groups against Burmese army rule, and records the decline and
fall of the CPB--the Communist Party of Burma. During their
2,275 kilometre trek, at times in great danger, they wrote the
history of a 40-year forgotten war, a history which would
otherwise never have been committed to paper in such rich
detail. Their daughter Hseng Tai was born in Nagaland in India
at the inception of the journey. The 1996 edition is updated,
and contains a wealth of hitherto unpublished photographic
material as well as detailed maps and plans.

The Struggle for Democratic Freedom and Dignity
Alan Clements and Leslie Kean
Foreword by H H the Dalai Lama. Preface by Dr Sein Win. Essay
by Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.
1984, 1985, 112 pp., 111 col.pl., 9 b/w pl., 1 map. 29x25 cm
ISBN 974-89218-8-3                           $22
Thai translation: ISBN 974-7315-80-7 $ 18
(Also published in Burmese, ISBN 974-7315-81-5 $ 18)

A gripping photographic record of Burma and the ruthless crushing of the 
democratic opposition in 1988, and the subsequent struggle for democratic 
freedom and the right to live in peace and dignity. The photographic material 
has been donated by some of the world's leading photographers, and written 
material has been contributed by a number of well known personalities.


F.O. Oertel                                            
1893,1995. 120 pp., 39 rare photographs. Sm. Imperial 8vo.
ISBN 974-89219-6-4                      $20
This almost forgotten report on Burma contains a detailed
survey of historical sites, and includes photographs not
previously reproduced. A rare work not found in most
bibliographies on Burma.

Colesworthy Grant                                 
1853,1995. 112 pp., including numerous pen drawings.
Sm.Imperial 8vo.
ISBN 974-89219-7-2                      $20
The well known Anglo-Indian artist and draftsman Colesworthy
Grant made his first visit to Burma in 1846, and this report
with his pencil drawings has long been completely unavailable.
Less than a decade later, he accompanied the large Phayre
mission to Burma and made numerous illustrations for that
mission's report, but the present work is among the first with
illustrations of Rangoon when it was still a small trading post.

Talboys Wheeler                                             
1871,1995. 120 pp., six colour plates.                         
ISBN 974-89219-9-9                           $14
A little known volume containing an official report on a visit
up the Irrawaddy river to Mandalay and Bhamo a decade before
that last part of Burma was incorporated in the British
empire, and its king exiled to India. Illustrated with
contemporary water-colours not in the original edition.

THE GENTLEMAN IN THE PARLOUR A Record of a Journey from
Rangoon to Haiphong                                    
W. Somerset Maugham                                    
1930,1995. 280 pp.
ISBN 974-89220-0-6                           $16
Among the many memorable books on travels in Burma before the
Second World War, Somerset Maugham's leisurely progress from
London via Colombo, then up the Irrawaddy to Mandalay and
onwards through the then peaceful Shan States to Thailand and
Cambodia ranks among the most enjoyable. He was not only a
sharp-eyed observer of human nature but writes about his
encounters with a good deal of emphatic quite uncommon among
travel writers of the 1920's.

TO 1857                        
Paul Ambrose Bigandet                                         
1887, 1995. vii, 152 pp. Crown 8vo.                            
ISBN 974-89219-1-3                           $15

Vincenzo Sangermano 
1838,1885,1985. vi, 352 pp. Crown 8vo.                         
ISBN 974-89219-2-1                           $20

THE SOUL OF A PEOPLE                              
Harold Fielding Hall                                           
1898-1911, 1995. vi, 320 pp. Crown 8vo.                     
ISBN 974-89219-5-6                           $18

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mail, please give card number expiry date in a separate e-mail
message, never together with card number.

ORDERS: Fax: (66 2) 930 5646 
        Tel: (66 2) 930 0149
       E-mail: wop@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx



BurmaNet regularly receives enquiries on a number of different 
topics related to Burma. If you have questions on any of the 
following subjects, please direct email to the following volunteer 
coordinators, who will either answer your question or try to put you 
in contact with someone who can:

Campus activism: 	zni@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
Boycott campaigns: [Pepsi] ai268@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx     
Buddhism:                    Buddhist Relief Mission:  brelief@xxxxxxx
Chin history/culture:        [volunteer temporarily away]
Fonts:                  		tom@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx
High School Activism: 	[volunteer needed]
History of Burma:            zni@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
International Affairs: 	 Julien Moe: moe@xxxxxxxxxxxxx 
Kachin history/culture:      74750.1267@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx 
Karen history/culture: 	Karen Historical Society: 102113.2571@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx
Mon history/culture:         [volunteer needed]
Naga history/culture: 	Wungram Shishak:  z954001@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
Burma-India border      Aung San Myint: aungsan@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
Pali literature:            	 "Palmleaf":  c/o burmanet@xxxxxxxxxxx
Pipeline Campaign       	freeburma@xxxxxxx
Resettlement info:	refugee_help@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx 
Rohingya culture		volunteer needed
Shan history/culture: 	Sao Hpa Han: burma@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
Shareholder activism:       simon_billenness@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx 
Total - France		Dawn Star: cd@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxx  
Tourism campaigns:      	bagp@xxxxxxxxxx     "Attn. S.Sutcliffe"   
volunteering: 		refugee_help@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx
World Wide Web:              FreeBurma@xxxxxxxxx

Geographical Contacts:
Massachusetts		simon_billenness@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx 

[Feel free to suggest more areas of coverage]



This single page serves only as an easy to remember URL and departure
point to resources promoting the establishment of democracy in Burma.
Please write to FreeBurma@xxxxxxxxx to add a site or for further
information." - Glen, system administrator


to get involved in the Free Burma Coalition, send a message to:

or visit their homepage, accessible through: http:// FreeBurma.org

There is also an e-mail list-server especially for Free Burma activists


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services and the Internet as well as original material are published.   
It is produced with the support of the Burma Information Group 
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Letters to the editor, comments or contributions of articles should be 
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