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The BurmaNet News: June 7, 1999
- Subject: The BurmaNet News: June 7, 1999
- From: strider@xxxxxxxxxxx
- Date: Mon, 07 Jun 1999 06:51:00
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"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
The BurmaNet News: June 7, 1999
Noted in Passing: "Haven't there been regimes just as bad, just as obdurate,
and actually far more efficient, but in the end they had to agree to change.
And this is what surprises me when people say: how can you expect change?
the world has not been changing and is not changing all the time. ...and
keep on being surprised because we expect change." -Aung San Suu Kyi (see
ASIAWEEK: WE HAVE COMPROMISED)
ASIAWEEK: WE HAVE COMPROMISED
WORKING PAPER ON AID TO BURMA: FOREWORD BY ASSK
SHAN: BORDER TOWN DECLARED UNDER CURFEW
THE NATION: GUSMAO VOWS TO SUPPORT SUU KYI PARTY
THE NATION: BURMESE TRADE FAIR ANGERS ACTIVISTS
BKK POST: NO REPRIEVE LIKELY FOR FOREIGN WORKERS
BKK POST: THAI FIRMS GET EXTENSION OF CONTRACT
REUTERS: MYANMAR OFFICIAL TO VISIT CHINA
ASIAWEEK: 'WE HAVE COMPROMISED'
11 June, 1999 by Roger Mitton
[BurmaNet Editor's note: The following is only a selection from the article
Have Compromised.' You can find the article in full at Asiaweek's website:
PEOPLE HAVE BEEN WAITING years for Myanmar's junta to open substantive
negotiations with the opposition National League for Democracy. The generals
promised they would talk with anybody in the NLD, except the party's leader,
Aung San Suu Kyi. The party insisted on her presence. Negotiations never
Now, though, for the first time Suu Kyi seems willing to let other NLD
officials start a dialogue with the generals. She recently discussed her
future, and that of her party, with Asiaweek Senior Correspondent Roger Mitton
The ASEAN policy of constructive engagement is one which you feel is not
"It hasn't succeeded. What has it done? When ASEAN was considering Burma as a
permanent member a couple of years ago, we made two points. One was that
admitting Burma as a member would make the regime more repressive, because
would think that their policies have been endorsed. They would see it as a
of approval. Or, at least, if it was not a seal of approval it was a sign that
the ASEAN countries didn't mind about the human rights record of the military
regime. And the second thing we said was that Burma under this military regime
was not going to be an asset to the organization. And I think we can claim
both these views have been vindicated."
They are more repressive since joining ASEAN?
"Oh, they have got much much more repressive since they became a full
ASEAN. And I don't think that really Burma is much of a credit to ASEAN these
days. It's not exactly a shining example for them."
The US espouses constructive engagement on China but not on Myanmar. This
inconsistency puzzles many people, even Western diplomats. How do you explain
"I think the situation in China is different. And surprising as it may
some people, we think that Chinese dissidents have a much better deal than we
have. In China, even when I was under house arrest, I would listen to the
and I would be surprised by the fact that families of dissidents could talk to
foreign correspondents and express their concern about their husbands and
fathers and they would not be arrested. They would have these interviews quite
freely. And I think the Chinese are quite sensible about give and take as
regards dissidents. And with give and take with the Western democracies. The
military regime here is far more intransigent and that's why I think one can
say that constructive engagement with China bears more results than
constructive engagement with Burma. I don't see any sort of give and take with
regards to human rights taking place here - either between Burma and the
Western democracies, or between Burma and the ASEAN countries."
Has there been any give on the other side?
"Yes. But no give on the side of the regime. This is what we say ad nauseum as
well, that the regime does not want give and take, but they take all and we
give all. But that's not what you mean by give and take. It's meant to be a
of both on both sides."
Talking about how they treat you, Dr Mathahir once said it's not as if you are
being strung up.
"Well, that's right. Again that's his personal opinion. And it's not one with
which we agree."
If you came to power you would not feel uncomfortable with such ASEAN leaders?
"No, you don't. Politics is not like that."
You feel the US is giving you adequate support?
"Yes, I think they support us very very staunchly. And so do other
particularly the Scandinavian countries. And the EU."
The regime worries that if you come to power you might seek retribution of
"We have always said that we are not interested in vengeance. That's our
Your principle goal is the welfare of the people, not yourself or your party?
"Well, the welfare of the people, yes. I mean, what I need for my own welfare
I'd be better off not doing politics. If I were just concerned for my own
If your principle interest is the people of your country, why don't you step
aside and let someone else deal with representatives of the government in a
dialogue - given that the regime says it will talk to anyone in your party but
"But that's just an excuse. They have made a lot of misleading statements
dialogue. And they have shown a lack of sincerity with regard to dialogue."
You feel that even if you agreed to this they would not engage in substantive
"No, no. They are not engaging in dialogue because they don't want to, because
they don't want to give up power. It's not because there's any real reason for
not engaging in dialogue."
Why not give it another try and say you will send someone else?
"We have said that we would agree to lower level negotiations which would not
"Yes. Actually, we agreed to that in 1997 when it was put to us through a
party. And when we agreed, they didn't come back on it, so we knew that they
were not sincere. It's just an excuse. They are always coming up with new
But your party has put out statements saying that the regime should not demand
that you not be present, that they choose their representatives to dialogue
you choose yours.
"Right, that's true. Of course, we've always said that what we want is genuine
political dialogue not a dictated set showpiece."
But your choice is that you should represent your party?
"We have not said who we are going to choose. But we said we'll choose our own
representatives. They can't dictate to us. Then will they let us dictate to
them whom they choose as their representatives? How would you call it genuine
political dialogue if each side does not have the right to determine its own
representatives. If one side is going to dictate terms under which the other
side participates in the negotiations that's not really negotiations at all."
What is wrong with taking that step?
"What step? That we allow them to decide on the representatives from our side?
Yes, if it's for the good of the people, if it might resolve the impasse.
"Well, how would you call this in terms of equality?
It's not equal, but does it matter if it gets the process moving?
"But then that's not genuine political dialogue. And would you not say that
what we need is genuine political dialogue?"
Of course, but they may be genuine - it's just that they don't like dealing
"Well, if they didn't like dealing with me, why didn't they have a dialogue
with our party chairman U Aung Shwe when I was under house arrest for six
and he asked for it so many times over and over again. It was after I was
released from house arrest they brought out this excuse that they didn't want
to talk to me, that's why they were not having negotiations. But when I was
under house arrest, U Aung Shwe actually asked to talk to them and at one
he was not even asking them for broad political negotiations, he was simply
asking to discuss with them the working procedures of the National
because it was so undemocratic. And they refused to talk to him. So if what
they wanted was dialogue without me, they had six years in which to do it."
Okay but that's the past, now you say you would be agreeable to a dialogue
process starting that did not include you but rather other members of your
"They didn't talk about dialogue without me at all then, it was only after I
was released that they said that the reason why they couldn't have dialogue
with the NLD was because they didn't want to talk to me. So it's an obvious
But whatever happened in the past, let me get it right: you are agreeable to
lower level talks that do not include you?
"We have said we were agreeable. We have said that in 1997. And then they
pretended that they had heard nothing about it."
That means their only other objection to talks is this committee that you set
up representing parliament. They want you to rescind this parliamentary
"We are not going to rescind it, because that's blackmail. They've taken our
people into detention, and then they say that if you dissolve this committee
then we'll release them. That's blackmail. And we are not going to fall for
And if you read our paper you will know exactly why we don't believe that they
will really move towards dialogue simply because we give into some of their
demands. They are always coming up with some new excuse or the other."
So you are not agreeable to rescinding the parliamentary committee?
"No. Not until parliament has been convened. We said that if you want to
rescind the committee, it's very easy: convene parliament. Because we have
it quite clear that this committee stays only until parliament is convened."
Politics is the art of the possible. You seem to be holding out for the
"Why? What are we holding out for that is impossible?
Parliament for a start. They are not going to give it to you.
"Well, that's what they say. In how many countries have military regimes
absolutely insisted that they were not going to give in and they had to
anyway. So what's so impossible about asking for change?"
In practical terms there are very few people who feel that you are going to
You know them yourself, you know they are not going to do this.
"Well, haven't there been regimes just as bad, just as obdurate, and actually
far more efficient, but in the end they had to agree to change. And this is
what surprises me when people say: how can you expect change? As if the world
has not been changing and is not changing all the time. It is all the time and
people keep on being surprised because we expect change.
The regime is not going to give in on this and you won't rescind the
Everybody is in an entrenched position: you, the regime and Western
governments. Nobody is willing to move out of their positions. And the ones
lose out and suffer are the people of Myanmar.
"Now that's not fair. You've just said to me: would we agree to lower level
dialogue? And I said: yes, we agree to that. So that shows that we were not
entrenched. But they were entrenched. I mean, there have been other cases like
that when we have said, yes, we are prepared to be flexible. And they have not
been prepared to be flexible. So you cannot say that we have been in an
That is the feeling though, that you are all entrenched.
"It may be a feeling, but that is because people have not studied the
Some even start to think that you are all content with the status quo, the
"No, nobody is happy with the status quo. If people were happy with the status
quo they would not try to change it. It's because we are not happy with the
status quo that we are trying to change it."
There is certainly a degree of cynicism building up, that nothing is moving.
"Well, I don't know where that cynicism is building up. But it's certainly not
It is just very sad for an outsider coming in, asking the same questions,
getting the same answers from all sides.
"Yes, for a journalist it's boring, the same answers. It's not a new story.
it doesn't mean that because you get the same answers, that that's the end of
the world. In some countries I think you get the same answers for decades."
In an interview early last year you were reported as saying: The NLD is
prepared to consider all options including power sharing with the ruling
"I think they misquoted me. We just said that we didn't rule out anything. We
are prepared to discuss anything on the negotiation table."
So you don't rule out power sharing?
"No. We say we don't rule out anything before negotiations. After all, that's
what negotiations are for. To find out what one can accept."
You are regarded as inflexible by the regime, and increasingly by people
Myanmar. Even NLD-friendly diplomats feel you have been too inflexible.
"Inflexible in what way?"
Not willing to compromise and be more conciliatory.
"Well, we have compromised. Now we can keep coming back to this business of
dialogue. We have compromised a great deal, and suggested all the different
ways in which we could start dialogues so that they don't need to lose face
they can just start it going. But they wouldn't accept any of these
Obviously you feel that this is an unfair characterisation.
"I don't think of it as fair or unfair. I think it is inevitable in such
situations. Because if you stand up to a military regime and stick to our
you are accused of being inflexible. You have to try to make a distinction
between standing up for certain basic principles, and between
you are to be considered flexible only if you give up all the basic democratic
principles which we are fighting for, then why would we be doing with this
movement at all?"
The military regime is implacably opposed to having you as the leader of the
"It's not their business. It's really not their business. I mean, neither the
NLD nor I have ever said that our aim is to make me the leader of this
And in any case, that is a question for the people of Burma to decide, not for
I think most people assume that if the NLD takes over, you would be the
and to be fair I think this is the assumption of most of the world.
"Well, they can make their own assumptions. They are free to do so. We believe
in the freedom of belief and thought."
You are saying that if an NLD government comes about you will not necessarily
be its leader?
"No, not necessarily. I mean, where is there a rule of law that I must become
the leader of this country when the NLD comes to power? I mean, there isn't
To be realistic you are equated with the party, you are the figurehead of the
party. This is reality.
"Yes. This is reality. But that doesn't mean that just because I am equated
with the party I will necessarily become the leader of Burma when the NLD
to power. I may or I may not. There are many imponderables in politics."
THE HUMANITARIAN CRISIS, AID AND GOVERNANCE IN BURMA: FOREWORD BY AUNG SAN SUU
24 May, 1999
This small, closed-door, workshop was held in Washington on May 24, 1999 at
Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) in
Washington. The workshop brought together practitioners, donors, experts and
policy makers to examine issues involved in delivering humanitarian aid inside
Burma and along the borders. The workshop was sponsored by SAIS, The Open
Society Institute's Burma Project and The Burma Fund.
[BurmaNet Editor's Note: "The Humanitarian Crisis, Aid and Governance in
Burma", a working paper for the Workshop on Humanitarian Aid to Burma, can be
found at the Burma Fund website:
d.org/Research_Library/Humanitarian Aid to Burma.htm Also available are other
selected documents from the conference.]
The issue of humanitarian aid for a country where an authoritarian government
has a stranglehold on every aspect of the lives of its citizens has to be
handled with the greatest care. Without a correct understanding of conditions
within the country, there is the danger that humanitarian aid from United
Nations agencies and programmes and international NGOs might be provided in a
way that exacerbates the very causes for the need for humanitarian aid. In
Burma, the underlying cause of the social, political and economic crises which
have created untold hardships for the people is the lack of good governance.
There cannot be good governance without responsibility, accountability and
transparency. The provision of humanitarian aid should be made in such a way
as to promote these qualities. If the provision of aid simply enables an
authoritarian government to assume less responsibility for the welfare of the
people, or to strengthen its despotic grip, or to increase the opacity of its
administration, it will do irreparably more harm than good.
The following paper reflects the views of the National League for Democracy
with regard to the present humanitarian crisis in Burma. We have always
requested that UN agencies and international NGOs should consult with the
NLD and that their work in Burma should be closely monitored to ensure that
humanitarian aid provides help to the right people in the right way. By
helping the right people in the right way, we mean that the provision of aid
should not be restricted to those who have been "approved" by the authorities
and that it is made in a way consonant with the aim to build strong democratic
institutions in Burma.
We place emphasis on the need for UN agencies and international NGOs to
maintain close contacts with the NLD not only because it is the party that
represents the people, but because it is in a position to provide information
relevant to the successful implementation of aid programmes. The failure to
acquire such information could well have unfortunate results. I would like to
give as an example the recent agreement between the ICRC and the military
authorities to allow the ICRC to inspect two prisons in Burma. We have no
reason whatsoever to doubt the good intentions of the ICRC but because of this
agreement, hundreds of political prisoners were removed from Insein Jail and
dispersed in prisons throughout Burma before the inspection was made.
still awaits the results of the ICRC inspection, the immediate effect has been
the greatly increased hardship of political prisoners and their families. If
the ICRC had consulted us before the prison inspections took place, we could
have informed them of the prison transfers and asked them to take necessary
action to prevent their agreement with the military authorities from
the sufferings of political prisoners.
I would like to express my appreciation to those who prepared the attached
paper. I hope that it will serve to make UN agencies and programmes, donor
countries and international NGOs to be fully aware of all the issues involved
in providing aid to Burma and help them to come to decisions that will give
Burma the aid that it most needs, that which will enable us to establish good
governance in the country.
SHAN HERALD AGENCY FOR NEWS: BORDER TOWN DECLARED UNDER CURFEW
6 June, 1999
A border town in Thailand was declared under curfew by the Thai authorities
after relations with Burma worsened, reported a S.H.A.N source from the
Curfew was imposed in the town of Piangluang, Wianghaeng District, Chiangmai
Province, which lies next ot Mongton Township, Monghsat District in Burma's
Shan State in mid-May, according to the source. The time for people to stay
indoors was initially from 10:00 pm to 5:00 am, but towards the end of the
month, it was increased to 7:00 pm - 5 am.
The authorities stated increasing cross border attacks believed to be waged by
"and/or" encouraged by the State Peace and Development Council as reasons for
tightening up their security measures. There had been increasing troop
movements and patrols which included a number of tanks and armored vehicles
since, said the source.
They were also warned to be prepared for evacuation from their homes on short
Altogether, nine persons who spoke neither Thai nor Shan had recently been
arrested after seeing them prowling during curfew hours, reported the source.
The New Strength Magazine, a publication by FIG, a Karenni group, reported in
its May issue of a speech given by Maj. Gen Maung Bo, Commander of the Eastern
Command in Taunggyi on 7 February which is celebrated annually as the Shan
State Day. He told his audience that Burma "might someday have to wage a war
against its neighboring country, Thailand, and so all young people in town are
obliged to join the army while other civilians must help support it". FIG also
reported that under his order, "all civil servants including school teachers
have to take turns participating in the basic military training at the parade
ground of the Eastern Command headquarters in Taunggyi since March".
THE NATION: GUSMAO VOWS TO SUPPORT SUU KYI PARTY
4 June, 1999 by Yindee Lertcharoenchok
JAKARTA- East Timor's jailed resistance leader Xanana Gusmao has expressed his
strong sympathy and support for Burma's opposition movement, pledging a "moral
obligation" to assist the Burmese people once his East Timorese homeland is
free from Indonesian military occupation.
He said Burmese pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who remained partly
under house arrest in Rangoon despite her release by the military junta in
1995, has been a strong inspiration for him and the whole Timorese resistance
Because they have lived under repression by the Indonesian occupation, the
Timorese people could feel and share the suffering of the Burmese people, said
Gusmao, who was transferred from Cipinangjail in Jakarta where he initially
faced life imprisonment to house arrest three months ago.
Indonesia invaded the former Portuguese enclave in 1975 and annexed it in
Human rights activists estimate that about 200,000 Timorese were killed during
the occupation by Indonesia, whose sovereignty over the island has never been
recognised by the United Nations.
"We know that nobody can feel happy if other brothers are still under
repression. It will be our responsibility, our moral obligation - not an
gratitude - that we wish to play a role as important and as big as this small
island can be," the 53-year old political prisoner told The Nation in an
interview on Wednesday.
"When we are free from the Indonesian military dictatorship, we promise we
pay all attention to helping the Burmese people. That is a moral obligation
a solidarity with the Burmese people.
We will try to help Aung San Suu Kyi, whom we admire and who has inspired us,"
he said with tears welling in his eyes as he emotionally and slowly described
how the Timorese could feel the Burmese people's suffering.
Gusmao said once the struggle for East Timor's independence was achieved, its
people will form "a committee of solidarity" with the Burmese to assist
their struggle for democracy and human rights. Comparing the presence of
international observers at the Indonesian general elections on Monday and the
United Nations sanctioned referendum on the future of EastTimor in August,
Gusmao said he would one day become an international observer in Burma.
The jailed Timorese leader had written twice to the Burmese Nobel Peace Prize
winner, the first in 1993 while both were still under solitary confinement.
Gusmao recently sent his personal condolences to the Burmese democratic leader
on the death of her husband Dr Michael Aris in March.
The Burmese military government had refused to grant Aris' dying wish to meet
his wife in Rangoon.
Asked why he was so sympathetic to the Burmese cause, Gusmao said: "It is a
question of feeling the same suffering as the Burmese people.
"Because we, the East Timorese, suffer very much, we can understand this
suffering of other people. As part of Asean and Asia, we are very grateful for
the solidarity of the brother peoples of Asia," he added.
Gusmao was captured in the Timorese capital of Dili in November 1992 and
sentenced to life imprisonment in April 1993. Former president Suharto, who
ordered the invasion of East Timor, reduced his jail term to 20 years in
the same year.
Apart from Gusmao, other East Timorese resistance leadersincluding the 1997
Nobel Peace Prize laureate Ramos Horta have been in touch with the Burmese and
ethnic opposition movements.
Ramos made a secret visit to Manerplaw on the Thai-Burmese border which was
then the headquarters of the Karen guerrilla group and other exiled Burmese
THE NATION: BURMESE TRADE FAIR ANGERS ACTIVISTS
5 June, 1999
RANGOON - Thailand will host a Burmese trade fair for the first time, news
reports said on Thursday.
But the move has come under immediate fire from a regional human rights group.
The Myanmar Trade Fair '99 will be held at the Queen Sirikit National
Convention Centre in Bangkok from Aug 12 to 15, the New Light of Myanmar
The annual trade fair, co-sponsored by the Burma Cooperation Department and
Thai Trade Fair (Yangon) Company, is usually held in Rangoon.
Foreign Ministry spokesman Don Pramudwinai said the upcoming event should go
smoothly and would help to promote trade between Asean members and foreign
The planned event, however, was strongly criticised by a representative of
Southeast Asian human rights organisation Altsean-Burma..
Debbie Stothard accused the military regime of turning a blind eye to human
rights and human resource development, pointing to Burma's universities which
have been shut down since December 1996 as-part of the government's
curb the pro-democracy movement.
"This has affected human resource development," Stothard stated.
She said Burma needed genuine political and economic reform, otherwise the
country will continue to be at the bottom of foreign investors' lists.
"Unless there is genuine reform, no matter how many trade fairs the regime
holds, it will be a losing proposition," she added.
Bangkok is believed to have the world's largest population of overseas Burmese
dissidents, who are always quick to stage protests outside the Burmese Embassy
against the junta that has ruled since 1988.
BANGKOK POST: NO REPRIEVE LIKELY FOR FOREIGN WORKERS
5 June, 1999 by Penchan Charoensuthipan
The labour Ministry is firm on its decision not to renew the work permits of
about 90,000 foreigners which expire on Aug 4.
Sompong Amornvivat, the minister, said yesterday authorities would help
employers recruit Thais to fill the jobs after the alien workers, most of them
Burmese, were repatriated.
Rubber and sugar cane planting, pig farms, rice mills, fisheries and related
businesses would be allowed to continue employing alien labour.
These businesses could seek to extend work permits for foreign workers before
Aug 4, but only if they could prove that no Thai workers were available.
Approval was not guaranteed.
The Thai Rice Mills Association had sought the extension of work permits.
BANGKOK POST: THAI FIRMS GET EXTENSION OF CONTRACTS
6 June, 1999 by Cheewin Sattha
EKARAT MUKEM, SONGKHLA
RUMOURS OF TIMBER SMUGGLING IN SOUTH
Rangoon authorities 'have extended the contracts of four Thai timber companies
importing logs from Burma, a source said.
The contracts with Myanmar Timber Enterprise expired on March 30 this year and
the firms - Phon Phana, SA Pharmaceutical, B&F Goodrich and Songkhoh Sahai
Rop Kaolee - had applied for extensions. Representatives had met separately
with the Burmese forestry minister in Rangoon.
The source said some contracts were extended for three months and others for
six months, but did not give details.
The companies' representatives would soon return in the company of a Burmese
deputy minister for forestry, who would officially inform Thai authorities of
the extensions, the source said.
Mae Hong Son Governor Samroeng Punyopakorn said he had been informed that only
two companies- Phon Phana and SA Pharmaceutical - had been granted extensions.
Mr Samroeng said he did not believe the importation of Burmese logs this time
would result in Thai logs being felled illegally and falsely documented, as
happened in the Salween forest park previously, if all agencies cooperated to
He rejected news reports that a politician had demanded kickbacks in return
allowing the import of logs.
He had heard claims that a high level forestry official of Mae l long Son had
made demands, but there was no evidence to support the allegation.
Earlier, the Customs Department denied allowing four Thai logging companies
permission to import Burmese timber through a border checkpoint in Mae Hong
which reopened recently.
Critics were concerned that reopening the Mae Sariang checkpoint to permit the
import of 1.2 million cubic metres of Burmese logs by the four firms would
encourage continued illegal logging in the Salween.
Not all logs imported from Burma are believed to be Burmese. Some are
of being felled in Thai reserve forests bordering Burma.
Customs Department chief Somjainuek Engtrakul said the department had never
granted permission to any firm to import logs from Burma. It only had the
authority to acknowledge and process imports.
The Foreign Affairs Ministry had issued an official document allowing the four
companies to import timber under their contracts with Burma, he said.
All log imports required consultation with the Forestry Department in line
the May 14, 1998, resolution of the National Security Council's border
subcommittee, which forbids log imports through conserved forests, national
parks and wildlife sanctuaries, Mr Somjainuek said.
Deputy Finance Minister Pichet Phanvichartkul said the border panel had
the firms to import logs from Burma on condition the timber haulage did not
damage the environment or disturb wildlife in the area.
In Ranong, it was speculated illegal logs might be smuggled from Burma into
southern province as a result of the granting of a concession to a Thai
to build a 183km strategic road in Burma, from Hill 491 near the border to
Kawthaung, or Victoria Point, opposite Ranong.
The company, Andaman Club, had begun construction of the asphalt road in
November last year. The road had been partly completed, mainly between
Kawthaung and Ban Nam Yen.
A source said since Burma had a cash problem it had allowed the Thai
to harvest about 12,000 trees along the route in lieu of payment.
Some of the logs had been smuggled into Thailand to be processed.
This was denied by Uphai Wayuphat, chief of Surat Thani Forestry Zone,
Surat Thani, Chumphon and Ranong. No Burmese logs had been brought into the
area, he said.
No private companies had asked permission to import logs and the government
no policy to import logs from Burma.
REUTERS: MYANMAR OFFICIAL TO VISIT CHINA
4 June, 1999
YANGON, June 4 (Reuters) - The powerful Secretary One of Myanmar's ruling
Peace and Development Council, Khin Nyunt, will visit China next week,
sources said on Friday.
Sources close to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said Khin Nyunt would leave
for China on June 7, accompanied by Foreign Minister Win Aung and other
They gave no other details.