VL.png The World-Wide Web Virtual Library
[WWW VL database || WWW VL search]
donations.gif asia-wwwvl.gif

Online Burma/Myanmar Library

Full-Text Search | Database Search | What's New | Alphabetical List of Subjects | Main Library | Reading Room | Burma Press Summary

Home > Main Library > Internal armed conflict > Internal armed conflict in Burma > Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)

Order links by: Reverse Date Title

Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies)
OBL does not document all details of the ceasefires and peace negotiations as these are covered by several of the websites/multiple documents below.

Websites/Multiple Documents

Title: "Kachinland News"
Description/subject: News, Opinion/Analysis, Interview, Photo, Video
Language: English, Kachin
Source/publisher: Kachinland News
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 26 July 2015


Title: Ceasefires in Myanmar
Description/subject: "Ceasefires in Burma have been heavily utilised by the Burmese government as a policy to contain ethnic rebel groups and create tentative truces. The first ceasefire was arranged by the State Law and Order Restoration Council in 1989, specifically spearheaded by Khin Nyunt, then the chief of Military Intelligence, with the Kokang-led National Democratic Alliance Army, which had recently split from the Communist Party of Burma due to internal conflicts..."...Since 1989, the Burmese government has signed the following ceasefire agreements...":
Language: English
Source/publisher: Wikipedia
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 01 June 2015


Title: Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
Description/subject: Studies and other documents on Burma/Myanmar as well as on peace and conflict in other countries in SE Asia
Language: English
Source/publisher: Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 22 October 2012


Title: Crisis Group Myanmar database
Description/subject: Chronologies of conflict, ceasefire and political issues
Language: English
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (Crisiswatch No. 143)
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 03 August 2015


Title: DVB Category: Peace Process
Description/subject: Articles on the peace process from late 2013
Language: English
Source/publisher: Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB)
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 12 August 2015


Title: EBO Myanmar
Description/subject: EBO's vision for the future of the Union of Myanmar: The “Pyidaungsu” (Union of Myanmar) is established as a federal democratic country after a well-negotiated and sustainable peace process. Just and fair negotiations have ended the 65-year old civil war and there is peaceful co-existence, where multi-ethnic communities thrive and participate actively in the political arena. The National Dialogue during the peace process has led to good governance and the establishment of a developed and prosperous nation. The international community supports the transition process and assists in the country’s development. Human rights are widely understood, fulfilled, promoted and respected. mission statement In support of the vision, EBO will: Encourage and strengthen the capacity of decision makers (the executive, army, parliament, civil service & political parties) to seek a more inclusive and democratic solution to peace through engagement processes with other stakeholders to develop policies and strengthen democratic practices. Facilitate ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) to consult amongst themselves; provide information, training and resources to develop policies and strategies for negotiations; and to implement their agreement with the government. The program will also build the capacity of EAOs to interact with the general public and political parties to strengthen collaboration and cooperation in support of a position to negotiate with the government. Strengthen the capacity of civil society organizations and (especially ethnic) media by facilitating access to information, training and funding to enable them, especially women and youth, to participate in the peace process and have a more active role in social and political processes. Provide the international community, foreign governments and INGOs with information on developments within Myanmar to help develop their policies to support democratization and to help coordinate their response and involvement in the peace process..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Euro-Burma Office (EBO)
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 25 April 2015


Title: Ethnic Peace Resources Project (EPRP) (English, Burmese/ ျမန္မာဘာသာ)
Description/subject: "The Ethnic Peace Resources Project (EPRP) provides information and training to support ethnic communities in Myanmar working on the peace process. This website provides resources and training materials and is one part of the Ethnic Peace Resources Project. A website User Guide is provided to help you."
Language: English, Burmese/ ျမန္မာဘာသာ
Source/publisher: Ethnic Peace Resources Project (EPRP) Ethnic peace resources project
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: http://eprpinformation.org/my/
Date of entry/update: 19 September 2013


Title: Legal Pluralism
Description/subject: Legal pluralism covers situations where more than one legal culture is present. In Burma/Myanmar, for instance, there is the Anglo-Burmese statutory law, Burmese and non-Burmese customary law, legal codes drafted by various non-state actors as well as the gradual entry of international human rights standards...In our view, legal pluralism has an important place in the peace process. [This is a link to the Legal Pluralism sub-section in Law and Constitution]
Language: English
Source/publisher: Online Burma/Myanmar Library
Format/size: html, pdf
Date of entry/update: 30 July 2015


Title: Myanmar Peace Monitor
Description/subject: "Myanmar Peace Monitor is a project run by the Burma News International that works to support communication and understanding in the current efforts for peace and reconciliation in Myanmar. It aims to centralize information, track and make sense of the many events and stakeholders involved in the complex and multifaceted peace process..." ​
Language: English
Source/publisher: Burma News International
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 15 May 2013


Title: Myanmar Peace Support Initiative (MPSI)
Description/subject: The Myanmar Peace Support Initiative (MPSI) was formed in March 2012 at the request of the Government of Myanmar for international support to the peace process... MPSI works with and engages the Government, the Myanmar Army, non-state armed and political groups, civil society actors and communities, as well as international partners to provide concrete support to the ceasefire process and emerging peace process. From the outset, the intention has been for the MPSI to provide temporary support to the emergence and consolidation of peace in the absence of appropriate longer-term structures and while more sustainable traditional international responses are mobilised. Over the last year, the Government has formed the Myanmar Peace Centre (MPC), and donors have agreed to establish a secretariat to support the workings of the Peace Donor Support Group (PDSG). Efforts are being made to build the capacity of ethnic actors through the establishment of ethnic support structures. In line with its stated purpose of being a temporary structure, MPSI aspires to hand over many of its responsibilities and initiatives to permanent structures."....On 16 December, 2014, OBL noticed that one of the URLs was not working (temporary?). We have placed this link as an Alternate URL.
Language: English
Source/publisher: Myanmar Peace Support Initiative (MPSI)
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: http://www.peacedonorsupportgroup.com/myanmar-peace-support-initiative.html
Date of entry/update: 19 September 2013


Title: Panglong Peace Conference
Description/subject: Link to a dedicated section on the Panglong Conference
Language: English
Source/publisher: Online Burma/Myanmar Library
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 31 August 2016


Title: Peace Donor Support Group
Description/subject: "The Peace Donor Support Group (PDSG) was first convened in June 2012 by the Government of Norway at the request of President U Thein Sein in order to provide a common platform for dialogue between the donor community and the Government of Myanmar, and to better coordinate the international community’s support to peace in general and the provision of aid in conflict-affected areas. The Government of Myanmar asked that the Group be initially composed of Norway, Australia, the United Kingdom, the European Union, the United Nations, and the World Bank. The US, Japan and Switzerland were invited to join the PDSG in May 2013. The efforts of the PDSG are premised on the belief that the current context represents an unprecedented opportunity to resolve ethnic conflicts, and that the international community can support the momentum for peace and help to build confidence in the peace-making process among key stake-holders. The engagement is also premised on the need for broad consultations with affected communities and civil society, and the acknowledgement of the importance of a political peace process. In addition to meeting the Union Government and NSAGs, the PDSG members also plan to continue to meet with civil society groups, and the wider donor community. These meetings provide an opportunity for the PDSG to demonstrate political support for the peace-making process, to get a better understanding of the needs and views of different stakeholders, enhance the co-ordination and coherence of peacebuilding support from donor partners, and for drawing on lessons from other, relevant international experiences. Some members of the Peace Donor Support Group, and other international donors, are also currently providing funding and technical support to Myanmar Peace Support Initiative."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Peace Donor Support Group
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 19 September 2013


Title: Pyidaungsu Institute
Description/subject: "Founding: The Institute was founded in August 2013 in accordance with the resolution of representatives of ethnic organisations and civil society organizations (CSOs) in December 2012 in Chiangmai... Vision: A just, equitable, democratic and pluralistic Pyidaungsu... Mission: To provide impartial and independent spaces for building common understanding, resources and assistance to communities in building the Pyidaungsu... Values: 1) Grounded in relevant and factual information; 2) Directed and managed by participants in building the Pyidaungsu; 3) Focused to support needs identified by the participants..."
Language: English, Burmese (ျမန္မာဘာသာ)
Source/publisher: Pyidaungsu Institute
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 12 September 2016


Individual Documents

Title: Myanmar: The Dilemma of Ceasefires but No Peace
Date of publication: 19 October 2016
Description/subject: "...Myanmar’s future could still be bright. But as military offensives continue, it is vital to recognise that the recourse to armed tactics is not just a Kachin issue but a national issue as well. If there is a reversion to military rule, it might not make much difference for the Kachins who have been living under this reality for many decades, but it must give real cause for concern to everyone who supports democracy. Political solutions will never be achieved on the battlefield. Under such a scenario, there will be no winners but just losers. Military-first tactics will never end, and the present political landscape will not mark a step in transition towards peace and democratic change. Rather, the country will remain enmeshed in the unending cycles of conflict, ceasefires and broken promises that underpin state failure and national under-achievement. The task of finding peaceful solutions thus falls to us all: political parties, ethnic armed organisations, community and civil society groups, media, faith-based groups, individual activists for peace, and coalitions of interest groups. It is time to say that “enough is enough” to military offensives. At a time of critical national change, the attitude of waiting until armed conflict is over to settle things will not work. Popular momentum is building. What is now needed is to forge a national movement in the same way as the “Save the Irrawaddy” campaign that halted the construction of the Myitsone Dam under the Thein Sein government. People of all ethnic, political, religious and geographical backgrounds need to come together in one voice to stop the war before it is too late...."
Author/creator: Lahpai Seng Raw
Language: English
Source/publisher: Transnational Institute (TNI)
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 20 October 2016


Title: Myanmar’s Peace Process: Getting to a Political Dialogue
Date of publication: 19 October 2016
Description/subject: "The current government term may be the best chance for a negotiated political settlement to almost 70 years of armed conflict that has devastated the lives of minority communities and held back Myanmar as a whole. Aung San Suu Kyi and her administration have made the peace process a top priority. While the previous government did the same, she has a number of advantages, such as her domestic political stature, huge election mandate and strong international backing, including qualified support on the issue from China. These contributed to participation by nearly all armed groups – something the former government had been unable to achieve – in the Panglong- 21 peace conference that commenced on 31 August. But if real progress is to be made, both the government and armed groups need to adjust their approach so they can start a substantive political dialogue as soon as possible..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (ICG)
Format/size: pdf (399K)
Date of entry/update: 02 November 2016


Title: Burma’s Misguided Peace Process Needs a Fresh Start
Date of publication: 11 October 2016
Description/subject: "The Burmese government’s peace parley, dubbed “the 21st Century Panglong”, in Naypyidaw at the end of August was hardly over before the Tatmadaw went on the offensive again. Fierce fighting has been reported from Kachin State and northern Shan State. In Karen State, clashes have erupted between different local armed groups and in eastern Shan State, the powerful United Wa State Army (UWSA) has moved against what was considered a close ally, the National Democratic Alliance Army (Eastern Shan State) (NDAA[ESS]), also known as the “Mongla Group,” and took over several of its positions. “It is not a peace process,” one observer said. “It’s a conflict process”. The ultimate irony is that Burma has seen its heaviest fighting in decades, since the Thein Sein government came to power in March 2011 and launched its so-called “peace process.” Most of the fighting has occurred in Kachin and northern Shan states, with sporadic clashes in Arakan and Karen states. Burma’s civil war has not been this intense since the Tatmadaw launched offensives against ethnic Karen and communist forces in the late 1980s. The conflict never seems to end despite, or perhaps because of, the activities of foreign “peacemakers.” A popular practice has been to invite representatives of the Tatmadaw and of ethnic armed groups on study tours to other conflict areas across the world, including Northern Ireland, Colombia and South Africa. The main player behind those trips is a UK-based outfit called Intermediate, founded and led by Jonathan Powell, who served as then Prime Minister Tony Blair’s chief of staff from 1997-2007..."
Author/creator: Bertil Lintner
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 12 October 2016


Title: KNU and NMSP clash after 27 years of ceasefire
Date of publication: 12 September 2016
Description/subject: "Gunfire erupted on Thursday, 8 September, in the vicinity of Tae Chaung Village, Yebyu Township, Tenasserism Division, between Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) and Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA) after more than 27 years of ceasefire. The last clash between the KNLA of Karen National Union (KNU) and MNLA of New Mon State Party (NMSP) was back in 1988 fuelled by a land dispute over the Three Pagodas Pass area, on the Thai-Burma border. KNLA and MNLA spokespersons stated that their troops didn’t start firing at the opposing unit first and that no one in their unit was wounded. “Because they passed over the territory, we sent a moderator but could not negotiate. So, both sides started firing at each other from far away. However, it was not on purpose,” said Padoh Win Khine, who is in-charge of Tavoy District’s KNU Liaison office..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Burma News International (BNI)
Format/size: http://www.mizzima.com/news-domestic/knu-and-nmsp-clash-after-27-years-ceasefire
Date of entry/update: 12 September 2016


Title: KNU and NMSP Reach Agreement
Date of publication: 12 September 2016
Description/subject: " Karen National Union (KNU) and the New Mon State Party (NMSP) officials reached an agreement that should prevent any further fighting between them at a meeting on 11 September. The meeting was held at Yar Phoo Village in the Yar Phoo Village Group of Yebyu Township, Tanintharyi Region following a skirmish between the KNU and the NMSP near Thè Chaung Phyar Village of Kalain Aung sub-township in Yebyu Township on 8 September. The KNU delegation to the meeting was led by the KNU Central Committee member Pado Mann Nyein Maung and the Myeik-Dawei District KNU chairman Pado Saw Sar Pi Tu. The Dawei District NMSP chairman, Nai A Ka, led the NMSP delegation. Pado Saw Sar Pi Tu said to KIC News: “During the meeting we reached an agreement to prevent such kinds of skirmishes from happening again between the two sides. We are currently stopping the issues from escalating..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: KIC (Karen Information Committee) via BNI
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 14 September 2016


Title: Myanmar peace discussions need to be more rights-focused and inclusive
Date of publication: 25 August 2016
Description/subject: "Grassroots and civil society organisations need to have a stake in the 21st Century Panglong Conference for the peace process to be a success. On August 31 Myanmar will hold its “21st Century Panglong Conference” - the latest step in the country’s long peace process. It will be a moment imbued with symbolism. General Aung San, Aung San Suu Kyi’s own father led the Bamar delegation at the first Panglong conference held in 1947, which reached a breakthrough agreement with three armed groups and is still etched in the popular memory of the country today. A lot is at stake with this Panglong Conference. As with the peace process generally in Myanmar, this is the opportunity to transform the country, into a state that the people of Myanmar have wanted for several decades. But to do so it must be fully inclusive. Getting all of the ethnic armed organisations to the table is a major challenge in itself. There still remain 3 groups, still in active combat, that were excluded from discussions on the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) and how they will participate in the Panglong Conference is still confusing. There has been much focus on the inclusion of these groups and this is important, especially given human rights violations which are particularly prevalent in areas of continuing conflict. But inclusivity is more than just about political players but is also about all stakeholders. Experiences in other countries have shown time and time again the need for women to play an equal part, for grassroots organisations and civil society to have a strong voice and for information to be freely available for the people to follow developments. These are the ingredients for a sustainable inclusive process which can propel the country forward and into the prosperous future for all..."
Author/creator: Yanghee Lee, Rhiannon Painter
Language: English
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 25 August 2016


Title: UNFC: We Will Join the Union Peace Conference
Date of publication: 25 August 2016
Description/subject: "CHIANG MAI, Thailand — After an emergency meeting in Thailand, the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC)—an ethnic armed alliance—has confirmed that they will attend Burma’s Union Peace Conference, scheduled to commence on Aug. 31. Senior leaders—representing each of the ethnic armed groups that are members of UNFC—attended the meeting, which began on Wednesday and lasted one-and-a-half days. “We will join the 21st Century Panglong [conference]…as it is just the grand opening, and the first session,” said Tun Zaw, a UNFC secretary, referring to the Union Peace Conference by its other commonly used name..."
Author/creator: Nyein Nyein
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 26 August 2016


Title: Militias in Myanmar - 1 ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ား (Burmese (ျမန္မာဘာသာ)
Date of publication: 18 August 2016
Description/subject: စာတမ္း အက်ဥ္းခ်ဳပ္ ဤအစီရင္ခံစာသည္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရွိ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္မ်ား၏ သမိုင္းေနာက္ခံႏွင့္ လက္ရွိပဋိပကၡကို ေျဖရွင္းရာတြင္ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္မ်ားကေပးေသာ စိန္ေခၚမႈ မ်ားကို တင္ျပထားျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္အဖြဲ႔အမ်ားစုသည္ ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္ႏွင့္ မဟာမိတ္ဖြဲ႔ထားၾကသည္။ အျခားျပည္သူ႔စစ္အဖြဲ႔ အနည္းငယ္ကမူ တိုင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကိုင္အုပ္စုမ်ားကို ကူညီေနၾကသည္။ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ား၏ မူရင္းတာဝန္မွာ ၎တို႔၏ ရပ္ရြာလူထု အေပၚ လံုၿခံဳေရးေပးရန္ျဖစ္ၿပီး အခ်ဳိ႕ကမူ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ လက္နက္ကိုင္ပဋိပကၡတြင္ တက္ႂကြစြာပါဝင္လ်က္ရွိသည္။ ၂၀၁၁ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ ဦးေဆာင္ေသာ တစ္စိတ္တစ္ပိုင္း ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္အစိုးရ အာဏာရလာေသာအခါ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းေျခာက္ဆယ္ေက်ာ္ၾကာ လက္နက္ကိုင္ ပဋိပကၡကို ေျဖရွင္းရန္ရည္မွန္းကာ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ကို စတင္ခဲ့သည္။ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္သည္ အေရးပါလွေသာ ပစ္ခတ္ တိုက္ခိုက္မႈ ရပ္စဲျခင္းမ်ား ျဖစ္ေပၚလာေစၿပီး ပိုမိုက်ယ္ျပန္႔ေသာ သက္ဆိုင္သူ အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးပါဝင္ေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးမႈအဆင့္သို႔ မၾကာမီက ေရာက္ရိွလာခဲ့ၿပီျဖစ္သည္။ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားသည္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ လက္ရွိ ပဋိပကၡမ်ားတြင္ အခန္းက႑တစ္ခုမွ ပါဝင္ေနေသာ္လည္း ပဋိပကၡ ကို ခြဲျခမ္းစိတ္ျဖာသံုးသပ္ရာတြင္လည္းေကာင္း၊ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္တြင္ လည္းေကာင္း၊ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္မ်ားႏွင္႔ဆိုင္ေသာ ကိစၥရပ္မွာ ေဘးဖယ္ ထားျခင္းခံေနရသည္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးတည္ေဆာက္မႈ ႀကိဳးပမ္းရာတြင္ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားက စိန္ေခၚမႈအခ်ိဳ႕ေပးၾကသည္။ ပထမတစ္ခ်က္မွာ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္ အဖြဲ႔မ်ားႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ေသာ သတင္းအခ်က္အလက္မ်ားကို အကန္႔အသတ္ႏွင့္သာ ရရိွႏိုင္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ထို႔အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ား မည္သို႔လႈပ္ရွားေနသည္၊ အေရအတြက္မည္မွ်ရွိသည္၊ ပဋိပကၡမ်ားတြင္ မည္သည့္က႑မွပါဝင္ေနသည္ အစရွိေသာ အေျခခံအခ်က္မ်ားကို ေကာင္းစြာသိရွိနားလည္ႏိုင္ျခင္း မရွိေတာ့ေပ။ ဒုတိယတစ္ခ်က္မွာ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားသည္ လက္နက္တပ္ဆင္ထားကာ အေရအတြက္ အေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားရိွေနၿပီး လက္နက္ကိုင္ပဋိပကၡမ်ားတြင္ တက္ႂကြေသာက႑မွ ပါဝင္ေနသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္လည္း ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္တြင္ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားႏွင့္ ထိေတြ႔မႈ၊ ၎တို႔၏က႑ကို ေဆြးေႏြးမႈမွာ အကန္႔အသတ္ ရိွေနဆဲပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ မ်ားေသာအားျဖင့္ ၎တို႔သည္ တပ္မေတာ္ သို႔မဟုတ္ တိုင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကိုင္အုပ္စုမ်ား၏ လက္ေအာက္ခံဟု ယူဆရသည္။ တတိယတစ္ခုမွာ အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားကို တပ္မေတာ္က ၎၏ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္စနစ္အတြင္းသို႔ သြတ္သြင္းမႈသည္ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားကို ႏိုင္ငံေရးကိစၥအေပၚ ဦးလွည့္လာေစသည္။ မၾကာ ေသးမီက အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားအား ျပည္သူ႔စစ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားအျဖစ္သို႔ အသြင္ေျပာင္းလဲခဲ့မႈသည္ တိုင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကိုင္အုပ္စုမ်ား၏ စစ္ေရး အင္အားကို ေလွ်ာ့ခ်မႈႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ေနသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ တိုင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကိုင္အုပ္စုအခ်ိဳ႕သည္ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားအျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္း ရန္ အဆိုျပဳခ်က္ကို လက္ခံျခင္းမျပဳဘဲ တပ္မေတာ္ႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးေရးကိုသာ ဦးစားေပးလိုၾကသည္။ အဆိုပါစိန္ေခၚမႈမ်ားကို သေဘာေပါက္နားလည္ရန္သည္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးတည္ေဆာက္ရန္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းရာတြင္ အေရးႀကီးသည္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ တရားဝင္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္၏ အျပင္ဖက္တြင္ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္အဖြဲ႔ေပါင္းစံု လႈပ္ရွားေနမႈေၾကာင့္ စိန္ေခၚမႈမ်ားရွိေနသည့္အေလွ်ာက္ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားအား ပိုမိုစနစ္တက် ေလ့လာရန္ႏွင့္ ပဋိပကၡမွ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးသို႔ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရးကာလတြင္ ၎တို႔၏ အခန္းက႑ကို ထည့္သြင္းစဥ္းစားရန္ လိုအပ္သည္။ ထို႔အတြက္ ဤအစီရင္ခံစာတြင္ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားအေၾကာင္း ၿခံဳငံုေဖၚျပထားမႈႏွင့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး တည္ေဆာက္ရာတြင္ ၎တို႔ကေပးေသာ စိန္ေခၚမႈမ်ားကို ပထမဦးစြာ တင္ျပထားသည္။ ဒုတိယအခန္းတြင္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ လက္နက္ကိုင္ ပဋိပကၡ ႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ ႐ုန္းကန္ရမႈမ်ားတြင္ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားပါဝင္ေနသည့္ အခန္းက႑ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ေသာ သမိုင္းေနာက္ခံကို တင္ျပ ထားသည္။ တတိယအခန္းတြင္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၌ လက္ရွိလႈပ္ရွားေနေသာ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ား၏ ႐ႈပ္ေထြးမႈကို နားလည္သေဘာေပါက္ႏိုင္ရန္အတြက္ ဆန္းစစ္မႈနည္းလမ္းအျဖစ္ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္မ်ားအား အမ်ိဳးအစားခြဲျခားပံုကို ရည္ရြယ္တင္ျပထားပါသည္။ စတုတၳအခန္းတြင္ စီးပြါးေရး၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရး၊ ပဋိပကၡႏွင့္ ၎တို႔လႈပ္ရွားေနေသာ ရပ္ရြာအသိုင္းအဝိုင္းတြင္ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားပါဝင္ေနေသာ အခန္းက႑မ်ားကို ဆန္းစစ္ထားသည္။ ေနာက္ဆံုးအခန္းတြင္ အျခားတိုင္းျပည္မ်ားမွ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးတည္ေဆာက္မႈ ႀကိဳးပမ္းပံု သာဓကမ်ားကို တင္ျပထားၿပီး ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ လက္ရွိ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈကာလတြင္ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားႏွင့္ သက္ဆိုင္သည့္ ကိစၥရပ္မ်ားကို ထည့္သြင္းစဥ္းစား သံုးသပ္ထားသည္
Author/creator: John Buchanan
Language: Burmese (ျမန္မာဘာသာ)
Source/publisher: Asia Foundation
Format/size: pdf (2MB)
Date of entry/update: 02 September 2016


Title: "China is the Most Important Foreign Player in the Peace Process"
Date of publication: 17 August 2016
Description/subject: "It’s complicated: In an interview with The Irrawaddy, longtime Burma expert Bertil Lintner assesses the many interests at play during State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi’s visit to China on Wednesday... As a Burmese government delegation led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi leaves for a state visit to China, what can the Burmese expect from this trip? It is quite possible that China would want to restart the Myitsone project, but that would be political suicide for any Burmese government. If China wants to improve its tarnished image in Burma, it should drop Myitsone altogether, and also make a public announcement to that effect. The Burmese have always been concerned about China interfering in Burma’s internal affairs. In the North, China continues to support ethnic rebels including the Wa and Kokang. At the last ethnic summit in Mai Ja Yang, the Chinese envoy said that it supports and backs all forces working to achieve internal peace in Burma. It seems Beijing wants to see more stability along the border. It is important to remember that China, not some Western, self-appointed peacemakers and interlocutors, is the most important foreign player in the peace process. China wants peace and stability along the border, but it will not give up the leverage it has inside Burma by severing ties with the UWSA [United Wa State Army], the MNDAA [Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army], the NDAA [National Democratic Alliance Army, also known as the Mongla Group] and other ethnic armed organizations. China’s relations with those groups gives it bargaining chips, and a much stronger position in the peace process than any Norwegian, Swiss or Australian entity could ever hope for..."
Author/creator: Bertil Lintner
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 17 August 2016


Title: Who Is The Head Of The Country?
Date of publication: 12 August 2016
Description/subject: "One country run by two persons: this is Burma. On the one hand, there is State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi; on the other, there is army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing. If one were to ask who is ultimately in charge, they might find no clear answer. Suu Kyi is Burma’s de-facto political leader, with her power coming from the people who elected her party—the National League for Democracy (NLD)—in the country’s 2015 general election. But among the checks on her authority is the capacity to make decisions relating to the Burmese army. Only Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing has that privilege. The senior general has shown support for almost every action taken by Suu Kyi since the NLD took office earlier this year. Yet, in his own arena, it seems that Min Aung Hlaing has taken little initiative to rein in his military: fighting has recently broken out against the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) in Kachin State and against the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) in northern Shan State..."
Author/creator: Lawi Weng
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 13 August 2016


Title: Post-summit, Panglong’s fate still clouded
Date of publication: 01 August 2016
Description/subject: "Ethnic armed groups concluded the Mai Ja Yang summit over the weekend on an ambivalent note, saying they would decide whether to attend the cornerstone of the new administration’s peace plan, the 21st-century Panglong Conference, only after determining how all-inclusive the conference will be...Officials from the ethnic armed groups that attended the summit said they would call on the government to include all groups in the Panglong Conference. Inclusivity was also a major sticking point in last year’s so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement, with armed groups currently fighting with the Tatmadaw and those without a standing army not invited into the process by the government of then-president U Thein Sein..."
Author/creator: Lun Min Mang
Language: English
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Times"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 01 August 2016


Title: Militias in Myanmar
Date of publication: 11 July 2016
Description/subject: Executive Summary: "This report provides historical background on militias in Myanmar and discusses the challenges presented by militias to resolving the country’s ongoing conflict. Most militias are allied with Myanmar’s armed forces, known as the Tatmadaw. A few other militias support ethnic armed organizations. The primary duties of militias involve providing security for their communities, and some actively participate in Myanmar’s armed conflicts. In 2011, a quasi-democratic government led by President Thein Sein came to power and initiated a peace process aimed at resolving over sixty-five years of armed conflict. The peace process has produced a significant number of ceasefires, and recently entered a stage of political dialogue involving a broad range of actors. Yet despite their role in Myanmar’s ongoing conflicts, the issue of militias remains marginalized in analyses of conflict and the peace process. Militias pose several challenges for peacebuilding efforts in Myanmar. First, only limited information is available about militias. In consequence, several basic features of militias, such as how they operate, their numbers, and the roles they play in conflicts, are not well understood. Second, militias are armed and numerous, and they play active roles in armed conflict, but engagement with militias and discussion of their roles has been limited in the peace process. Often they are considered subordinate to either the Tatmadaw or ethnic armed groups. Third, the Tatmadaw’s incorporation of ceasefire groups into its militia system has made militias a political issue. The recent transformation of ceasefire groups into militias involved a decrease in the military strength of ethnic armed organizations. But several ethnic armed organizations did not accept the proposal to transform into militias, and have instead pushed for political dialogue with the military. Understanding these challenges is important for peacebuilding efforts. Given the challenges presented by the multitude of militias operating outside of Myanmar’s formal peace process, a more systematic look at militias and their role in the transition from conflict to peace is in order. To do so, this report begins with a brief overview of militias and the challenges that militias present for peacebuilding. The next section provides historical background on the roles played by militias in Myanmar’s armed conflicts and political struggles. Section three presents a typology of militias, as an analytical tool for understanding the complexity of the current array of militias operating in Myanmar. The fourth section examines the roles played by militias in the economy, politics, conflict, and the communities in which they operate. The final section draws on instances of peacebuilding in other countries, and considers issues regarding militias in Myanmar’s current period of reform."
Author/creator: John Buchanan
Language: English
Source/publisher: Asia Foundation
Format/size: pdf (1.4MB-reduced version; 2.86MB-original)
Alternate URLs: http://asiafoundation.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/Militias-in-Myanmar.pdf
http://asiafoundation.org/latest-by-location/?wpvcountries=Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 07 August 2016


Title: The obstacles to Suu Kyi’s peace push
Date of publication: 06 June 2016
Description/subject: "...If Suu Kyi wants to realise her desire to end internal conflict she must set a clear and definite policy for achieving peace for which she has secured the prior approval of the Tatmadaw. Once the Tatmadaw has given its approval, negotiations can begin with ethnic armed groups that will lead to a NCA that finally brings eternal peace to the country..."
Author/creator: Sithu Aung Myint
Language: English
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 07 June 2016


Title: Suu Kyi Talks ‘Peace’ On Burmese New Year; Ethnic Leaders Respond
Date of publication: 20 April 2016
Description/subject: "Aung San Suu Kyi, the de facto leader of Burma, highlighted internal peace and constitutional change in her speech to the people on the Burmese New Year. In reference to the 2015 nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA), she said she appreciated the initiative undertaken by the previous government and that she would strive to include in the accord the organizations that her National League for Democracy-led (NLD) government deem appropriate for inclusion. Under the former administration, only eight—out of the country’s more than 20 non-state armed groups—signed the NCA; some organizations were excluded outright from becoming signatories. Through peace conferences, Suu Kyi said her government would strive to build a “genuine federal democratic union” and that the military-drafted 2008 Constitution needs to be amended for this to be achieved. This process of constitutional change would not adversely affect Burma’s people, she promised. The Irrawaddy’s Kyaw Kha spoke with three leaders belonging to ethnic nationalities or organizations that opted out of signing the NCA for its lack of inclusivity. In the commentary below, they explain their reactions to Suu Kyi’s speech and their expectations for renewing Burma’s peace process under an NLD administration..."
Author/creator: Kyaw Kha
Language: English (translated from the Burmese)
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 20 April 2016


Title: Reforms Gathering Momentum but Road Ahead Paved with Same Challenges
Date of publication: 30 March 2016
Language: English
Source/publisher: Burma Partnership
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 10 April 2016


Title: Building a National Language Policy for Myanmar - A Brief Progress Report
Date of publication: 01 March 2016
Description/subject: "Since 2014 all across Myanmar discussion has been underway on language policy. Sponsored by the Language and Social Cohesion (LESC) Initiative of UNICEF under the Programme for Peacebuilding, Education and Advocacy [PBEA], in close cooperation with the Myanmar Ministry of Education, 16 "Facilitated Dialogues", several research projects, a large number of direct consultations and site visits, interviews, observations and professional training activities have been implemented. At state level there have also been writing teams, information gathering, discussion groups, learning circles and other activities addressing co-ordination issues, multilingual program delivery, curriculum, textbooks, teacher support, and the role of policy and how citizens can participate in policy debates. Working in close cooperation with civil society partners, ethnic language and culture groups, teachers, civil servants and parents this process has been designed and guided by Professor Joseph Lo Bianco, Graduate School of Education, University of Melbourne and has involved many hundreds of people, both professionals and community representatives. Through this process a wealth of ideas has been generated about the best ways for Myanmar to make the most of its rich linguistic resources. This brief progress report discusses some of the key achievements and steps so far, and sets out the remainder of the process..."
Author/creator: Joseph Lo Bianco
Language: English
Source/publisher: UNICEF, Pyoe Pin, Thabyay Education Foundation, Melbourne Graduate School of Education
Format/size: pdf (1.5MB-reduced version; 2.4MB-original)
Alternate URLs: http://www.themimu.info/sites/themimu.info/files/documents/Report_Brief_Progress_Report_-_Building_...
Date of entry/update: 03 April 2016


Title: WE WANT GENUINE PEACE - Voices of communities from Myanmar’s ceasefire areas, 2015
Date of publication: 26 February 2016
Description/subject: "...Since 2011, the Myanmar Government has embarked on a peace process that seeks to put an end to one of the world's longest and most protracted civil wars. The complexity of the more than six-decades of conflict is rooted mainly in the multiplicity of actors involved; the Myanmar conflict involves fighting between the Myanmar Government's armed forces, domestically known as the Tatmadaw, and over fifteen active non-state armed groups (NSAGs), fighting in different locations all over the country. Forming the bedrock of the peace process are the bilateral agreements signed between the Myanmar government and fifteen NSAGs (see Annex 1). The peace process has to address several long-standing issues. Apart from institutionalising deep-seated resentments and mistrust, various counterinsurgency strategies employed in the different ethnic states that aimed at cutting off communication and trade between the NSAGs and civilian communities have effectively stunted economic and social development in most ethnic states. This has left behind a legacy of severe poverty and lack of communication and transportation infrastructure that remains a pressing problem today. In the midst of all these challenges are the communities living in the areas of the frontlines of battles. These populations are amongst the most affected by the ongoing conflict; they are also the first to feel and notice the effects of the various bilateral ceasefire agreements at the local level. The Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS) recognises the importance of accessing the voices of these communities to learn about how they have been affected, not only by the ongoing conflict but also by the ongoing peace process. Listening to the diverse voices of these communities and considering their experiences in the Myanmar peace process is crucial to finding solutions to address the long-standing problems that are at the heart of the violent conflicts. These voices also provide feedback to the negotiating parties on the positive and negative effects that the ongoing peace process is having on communities..."
Language: English, Burmese (ျမန္မာဘာသာ)
Source/publisher: Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
Format/size: pdf (English, 1.8MB-reduced version; 13MB-original; Burmese, 1.38MB-Executive Summary) )
Alternate URLs: http://www.centrepeaceconflictstudies.org/wp-content/uploads/Book_We-Want-Genuine-Peace-Burmese_for...
Date of entry/update: 06 June 2016


Title: ‘Nationwide’ pact turns into disaster
Date of publication: 19 February 2016
Description/subject: "The surge in fighting in northern Shan State in recent weeks has highlighted what a disaster the nationwide ceasefire agreement has been. International organisations who supported it must answer questions about their role, but right now urgent help is required for those suffering the consequences...Hostilities have broken out between previously cooperating ethnic armed groups – the Ta’Ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) – in the wake of last October’s ceasefire part with the government and the Tatmadaw. While the RCSS signed the agreement, the TNLA was excluded from doing so by the government. The greatest fears about the NCA have become manifest: Rather than being a step toward peace, the NCA has exacerbated conflict in this country, split ethnic relations and started what has been described as a “new war”..."
Author/creator: Fiona Macgregor
Language: English
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Times"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 22 February 2016


Title: Protection of People Must be Priority in Burma’s Protracted Peace Process
Date of publication: 12 February 2016
Description/subject: In a new briefing paper titled, “Protection of People Must be Priority in Burma’s Protracted Peace Process” released to mark Union Day, Burma Partnership highlights how the peace process of the Thein Sein Government has been unsuccessful, ultimately leading to many powerful ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) refusing to sign the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA). It also resulted in a call by civil society organizations to postpone the Union Peace Conference. The paper calls on the National League for Democracy (NLD), who recently took up seats in the new Parliament, to amend the current format of the political dialogue process to be all-inclusive in order for Burma to achieve genuine national reconciliation. “When the people of Burma voted for the NLD, they voted for change; it is time for a reappraisal of the peace process” said Khin Ohmar. “The peace process must be built on a solid foundation of inclusivity and meaningful and full participation of civil society and women. Women’s experience of conflict and war differs to men and their participation in the process is key to ensuring a sustainable peace,” she continued. “Otherwise, communities on the ground, particularly in armed conflict areas, will continue to be displaced, their fundamental rights violated and their calls for safety and security ignored,” she said. Even now in the fifth year of the peace process, sexual violence against ethnic women continues to be used as a weapon of war by the Burma Army with impunity. The briefing paper points to one crucial ingredient that would lead to sustainable peace that is missing from the current NCA – the full and meaningful participation of women in the peace process. The President Thein Sein’s Government signed the Declaration to End Sexual Violence in Conflict in 2014 and Burma is a signatory to the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). Thus the Government is bound to fulfill its obligations. Yet it has done little to ensure women’s full and meaningful participation in the peace process and to end discrimination and violence against women. "The briefing paper also calls for the end to armed conflict and human rights violations throughout Burma, and urges the international community to provide direct political and financial assistance to EAOs and the Government in equal measure, as well as to develop effective accountability mechanisms for the victims and survivors..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Burma Partnership
Format/size: pdf (800K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.burmapartnership.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/02/Peace-Process-Paper-20-October-2015-2016...
Date of entry/update: 06 April 2016


Title: Protection of People Must be Priority in Burma’s Protracted Peace Process (Burmese ျမန္မာဘာသာ)
Date of publication: 12 February 2016
Description/subject: "ရွည္လ်ားေထြျပားသည့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္တြင္ ျပည္သူလူထုအား ကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္ေရးသည္ ဦးစားေပးျဖစ္ရမည္" "ျပည္ေထာင္စုေန႔အတြက္ ထုတ္ျပန္ေသာ “ရွည္လ်ားေထြျပားသည့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္တြင္ ျပည္သူလူထုအား ကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္ေရးသည္ ဦးစားေပးျဖစ္ရမည္” ဟူေသာ စာတမ္းတုိတြင္ ျမန္မာ့အေရးပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္သူမ်ားအဖြဲ႔မွ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ အစိုးရ၏ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္သည္ ေအာင္ျမင္မႈ မရွိဘဲ အင္အားေကာင္းေသာ တုိင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကိုင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရး အဖြဲ႕အစည္း (EAO) အခ်ိဳ႕က တစ္ႏုိင္ငံ လံုးဆုိင္ရာပစ္ခတ္တုိက္ခိုက္မႈ ရပ္စဲေရးသေဘာတူစာခ်ဳပ္ (NCA) ကုိ လက္မွတ္ေရးထုိးရန္ ျငင္းဆုိျခင္းႏွင့္ အရပ္ ဘက္လူထုအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားသည္လည္း ျပည္ေထာင္စုျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးညီလာခံ (UPC) ကို ေရႊ႕ဆုိင္းထားရန္ ေတာင္း ဆုိမႈမ်ား ဆက္တိုက္ျဖစ္ပြားေစခဲ့သည္ကို အဓိကမီးေမာင္းထုိး ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။ ယင္းစာတမ္းတြင္ မၾကာေသးခင္က လႊတ္ေတာ္၌ ေနရာယူျပီးျဖစ္ေသာ အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ (NLD) အား ႏုိင္ငံေရးေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးပြဲလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ကို လက္ရွိပံုစံမွ အားလံုးပါ၀င္ႏုိင္ေအာင္ ျပင္ဆင္ေျပာင္းလဲ ၍ စစ္မွန္ေသာ အမ်ိဳးသားျပန္လည္ရင္ၾကားေစ့ေရးကို ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ရန္ ေတာင္းဆုိထားသည္။ “ျပည္သူလူထုေတြက NLD ကို မဲထည့္ခဲ့တာဟာ ေျပာင္းလဲျခင္းကို လုိခ်င္လို႔ျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ယခု အခ်ိန္ဟာ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ကို ျပည္လည္သံုးသပ္ရမယ့္အခ်ိန္ ျဖစ္တယ္” ဟု ေဒၚခင္ဥမၼာက ေျပာသည္။ “ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ကို အရပ္ဘက္လူထုအဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြနဲ႔ အမ်ိဳးသမီးေတြရဲ႕ အဓိပၸါယ္ရွိျပီး ျပည့္၀တဲ့ ပါ၀င္မႈနဲ႔ ခုိင္ခိုင္မာမာအုတ္ျမစ္ခ် တည္ေဆာက္ရမွာပါ။ ပဋိပကၡနဲ႔ စစ္ပြဲေတြၾကားက အမ်ိဳးသမီးေတြရဲ႕ အေတြ႔ အၾကံဳေတြဟာ အမ်ိဳးသားေတြနဲ႔ မတူကြဲျပားတာမို႔ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ ပါ၀င္မႈဟာ ေရရွည္တည္တံ့ခုိင္ၿမဲတဲ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးကို တည္ေဆာက္ႏုိင္ဖို႔ အဓိကေသာ့ခ်က္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္” ဟု သူမက ေျပာသည္။ “အဲဒီလိုမဟုတ္ရင္ေတာ့ ေအာက္ေျခ ျပည္သူလူထုေတြအေနနဲ႔ အထူးသျဖင့္ လက္နက္ကိုင္ပဋိပကၡကို ရင္ဆုိင္ေနရတဲ့ ေဒသေတြမွာ အုိးအိမ္မဲ့ဘ၀ကို ဆက္လက္ရင္ဆုိင္ေနရမွာျဖစ္ျပီး သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕အေျခခံအခြင့္အေရးေတြ ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္ခံေနရတာရယ္ သူတို႔ေတာင္း ဆိုတဲ့ ေအးခ်မ္းစြာေနထုိင္ႏုိင္ေရးနဲ႔ လံုျခံဳမႈရွိေရးတို႔ကို ဆက္ၿပီးဥေပကၡာျပဳခံေနရဦးမွာပဲ ျဖစ္တယ္” ဟုလည္း ၎က ဆက္လက္ေျပာဆိုသည္။ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္သည္ ငါးႏွစ္ သက္တမ္းသို႔ ေရာက္ေနသည့္တုိင္ တုိင္းရင္းသူအမ်ိဳးသမီးမ်ား အေပၚ လိင္ပိုင္းဆိုင္ရာ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈမ်ားကို ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္မွ ျပစ္ဒဏ္ခံရျခင္း ကင္းလြတ္စြာျဖင့္ စစ္လက္နက္ သဖြယ္ ဆက္လက္အသံုးျပဳေနသည္။ ယင္းစာတမ္းတိုမွ သတိျပဳရန္ ညြန္ျပထားေသာ အဓိကအခ်က္တစ္ခုမွာ ေရရွည္တည္တံ့ခုိင္ၿမဲေသာ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး တည္ေဆာက္ႏုိင္ေရးအတြက္ ၾကီးမားေသာ လစ္ဟင္းမႈတစ္ခုမွာ လက္ရွိ NCA ႏွင့္ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္တြင္ အမ်ိဳးသမီးမ်ား၏ အဓိပၸါယ္ရွိ၍ျပည့္ဝေသာ ပါ၀င္မႈ မရွိေနျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ ဦးေဆာင္ေသာ အစိုးရသည္ ပဋိပကၡအတြင္း လိင္ပိုင္းဆိုင္ရာ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈ အဆံုးသတ္ေရး ေၾကညာ စာတမ္း (Declaration of Commitment to End Sexual Violence in Conflict – DCESVC) ကို ၂၀၁၄ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ လက္မွတ္ေရးထုိးခဲ့ျပီး ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသည္ အမ်ိဳးသမီးမ်ားအား နည္းမ်ိဳးစံုျဖင့္ ခြဲျခားဆက္ဆံမႈ ပေပ်ာက္ေရး သေဘာ တူစာခ်ဳပ္ (Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discriminations Against Women – CEDAW) ကိုလည္း လက္မွတ္ထုိးထားေသာ ႏုိင္ငံျဖစ္သည္။ ထုိ႔ေၾကာင့္ ျမန္မာအစုိးရသည္ ၎၏တာ၀န္၀တၱရား မ်ားကို ေလးစားလုိက္နာရမည့္ တာ၀န္ရွိသည္။ သုိ႔ေသာ္လည္း ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္တြင္ အမ်ိဳးသမီးမ်ားမွ အဓိပၸါယ္ ရွိၿပီး ျပည့္ဝစြာပါ၀င္ႏုိင္ေရးႏွင့္ အမ်ိဳးသမီးမ်ားအေပၚ ခဲြျခားဆက္ဆံမႈႏွင့္ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈမ်ား ရပ္တန္႔ေရး လုပ္ေဆာင္ခ်က္မ်ားမွာ အလြန္နည္းပါးေနခဲ့သည္။ ယင္းစာတမ္းတိုတြင္ ျမန္မာတစ္ႏုိင္ငံလုံးရွိ လက္နက္ကိုင္ပဋိပကၡႏွင့္ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးခ်ိဳးေဖာက္မႈမ်ားကို ရပ္စဲရန္ ေတာင္းဆိုထားသည္။ ထို႔အျပင္ ႏုိင္ငံတကာအသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းကိုလည္း ႏုိင္ငံေရးႏွင့္ ဘ႑ာေရးဆိုင္ရာ အေထာက္အပံ့မ်ားေပးရာတြင္ တုိင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကိုင္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားအား အစိုးရႏွင့္ တန္းတူစြာ ကူညီေထာက္ပံ့ရန္ႏွင့္ နစ္နာသူမ်ားႏွင့္ အသက္ရွင္က်န္ရစ္သူမ်ားအတြက္ ထိေရာက္ၿပီး တာ၀န္ယူမႈ တာ၀န္ခံမႈရွိေသာ ယႏၱရားမ်ား တည္ေထာင္ေပးရန္လည္း တုိက္တြန္းထားသည္။..."
Language: Burmese (ျမန္မာဘာသာ)
Source/publisher: Burma Pertnership
Format/size: pdf (382K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.burmapartnership.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/02/Final-Peace-Process.pdf
Date of entry/update: 06 April 2016


Title: Burma 2015 Year-in-review: Multiple Offensives and Broken Ceasefires
Date of publication: 31 January 2016
Description/subject: "This 2015 year-in-review report shows that in spite of talk of peace, throughout 2015 the Burma Army waged multiple military offensives against ethnic groups which have not signed a ceasefire agreement. The Burma Army also shot and killed two Karen people trying to cross a road in KNU controlled territory in Papun District in February and March and in November 2015, the Burma Army shot at Karen villagers trying to cross this same road. The KNU is one of the signatories of the ceasefire. On 31 December 2015 the Burma Army attacked Restoration Council of Shan State / Shan State Army-South (RCSS/SSA-S) troops, also a signatory group to the ceasefire agreement. Burma Army attacks continue as of this report, January 2016. The Burma Army also continues to oppress civilians, support and manage the illicit drug trade and continues to occupy, expand and reinforce their military positions on historically ethnic lands. The continued hostility of the Burma Army must be acknowledged and not glossed over by hope in the ceasefire agreements and elections. These have not been honored before, are not being honored currently, and must be acknowledged as being compromised or outright distractions from the Burma Army’s domination of ethnic peoples. In October 2015 Burma finalized the National Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). This agreement begins dialogue but with less than half of the ethnic armed groups. This last year also witnessed an election that again confirms the people of Burma’s desire for civilian rule with the NLD as the elected parliament. This report highlights how regardless of the election results and ceasefire accord fighting on the ground has not decreased. In fact, immediately following the ceasefire accord and preceding the elections the Burma Army intensified their troop reinforcements, supply, and attacks against ethnic groups. Please review the 2015 figures below which demonstrate the active nature of Burma’s military campaign. Under those figures is FBR’s December 2015 report which highlights the multiple military fronts in Burma still occurring during the publication of this report. Below the December update are links to reports by FBR which document the military offensives and atrocities committed against the ethnic civilian populations throughout 2015..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Free Burma Rangers
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 06 April 2016


Title: Building Infrastructures for Peace - The Role of Liaison Offices in Myanmar’s Peace Process
Date of publication: January 2016
Description/subject: A CPCS Learning Paper..... Introduction: "The rapid nature of developments in the past few years has placed Myanmar in a precarious position, without a solid infrastructure of institutions to effectively ground and sustain the country’s transition towards a more peaceful future. Contentious issues such as the formation of a federal union and a framework for political dialogue exacerbated by continued outbreaks of violence have threatened to undermine the country’s recent progress. In this context, the presence of local institutions dedicated to supporting the growth of peace in the country and to addressing the root causes of conflict is essential to the success of Myanmar’s peace process. The importance of establishing an infrastructure to sustain and promote a country’s progress towards peace has attracted growing attention as a core component of sustainable peacebuilding. The term “peace infrastructure” or “infrastructure for peace” (I4P) is used to describe interconnected structures or mechanisms that span across all levels of society to foster more strategic, sustainable and locally rooted interventions to conflict. This paper examines the Myanmar peace process under a framework of peace infrastructure to identify spaces to strengthen the foundation of peace in Myanmar, namely by building the capacity of liaison offices, institutions that have been established to strengthen communication and coordination between conflict parties and facilitate wider community engagement in the peace process. Based on the Centre for Peace and Conflict (CPCS) observations and interviews with over 100 liaison office staff, it provides an analysis of liaison offices in the scope of the larger peace process to provoke insights on how liaison offices can work to address some of the more deeply rooted causes of conflict in the country. This paper concludes with a series of recommendations for providing greater support to liaison offices so they can fulfil their potential as effective structural supports of peace in Myanmar..."
Author/creator: Quinn Davis
Language: English
Source/publisher: Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
Format/size: pdf (496K-reduced version; 3.4MB-original)
Alternate URLs: http://www.centrepeaceconflictstudies.org/wp-content/uploads/Role-of-Liaison-Offices-Update-jan.15....
Date of entry/update: 20 February 2016


Title: Karen Unity Building Initiatives -Towards Sustainable Peace in Myanmar
Date of publication: January 2016
Description/subject: A CPCS Learning Paper....."In light of ongoing unity-building measures in Myanmar," Karen Unity Building Initiatives: Towards sustainable peace in Myanmar" examines the Karen history of conflict, seeking to analyse the push for greater unity amongst the Karen. The paper explores Karen opinions and experiences of unity building, derived from conversations with Karen individuals from various communities, civil society organisations (CSOs), armed groups, political parties and government offices. "Karen Unity Building Initiatives" also draws upon on information from conversations held with 111 community members across Karen State who shared their opinions on the current peace process in Myanmar in 2014. These conversations formed the basis of the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies publication "Listening to Communities: Karen State".
Author/creator: Quinn Davis
Language: English
Source/publisher: Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS),
Format/size: pdf (487K-reduced version; 2.18MB-original)
Alternate URLs: http://www.centrepeaceconflictstudies.org/wp-content/uploads/Karen-Unity-3rd-draft-layout-Jan.6-1.p...
Date of entry/update: 20 February 2016


Title: The 2015 General Election in Myanmar: What Now for Ethnic Politics? (English, Burmese (ျမန္မာဘာသာ)
Date of publication: 21 December 2015
Description/subject: Key Points: "• The victory of the National League for Democracy (NLD) in the 2015 elections was a resounding mandate for democratic change after decades of military-dominated government. • The scale of the victory in ethnic nationality communities across the country highlighted the hopes of all Myanmar’s peoples for the NLD to help achieve a new era of peace and democracy. Both domestic and international expectations are now high, and the incoming government will enjoy initial goodwill. • Formidable challenges remain in key aspects of social and political life. These include transition from military-backed government, political reform and the agreement of a nationwide ceasefire that includes all groups and regions of the country. • Despite the NLD’s success, concerns remain among different nationalities that, unless the NLD pioneers a political breakthrough, conflict and the marginalisation of minority peoples will continue. The perception is widespread that the present structures of national politics and Myanmar’s “first-past-the-post” electoral system do not guarantee the equitable representation of all nationality groups. • In the coming months, the successful transition to a new era of democratic governance and the agreement of an inclusive nationwide ceasefire could provide the best opportunity for ethnic peace and deep-rooted reform in many decades. It is vital that the different sides work cooperatively together rather than seek self- advantage. "
Language: English, Burmese (ျမန္မာဘာသာ)
Source/publisher: Transnational Institute (TNI) - Myanmar Policy Briefing, December 2015
Format/size: html, pdf (260K-Burmese; 272K-English)
Alternate URLs: https://www.tni.org/en/node/23065?content_language=en
https://www.tni.org/files/publication-downloads/bpb17_28012016_birm_web.pdf
http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs22/TNI-2016-12-21-The_2015-Elections-Ethnic_Politics-bu.pdf
http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs22/TNI-2016-12-21-The_2015-Elections-Ethnic_Politics-en.pdf
Date of entry/update: 04 June 2016


Title: MAKING PEACE IN THEIR OWN WORDS - PEOPLE OF MYANMAR’S PEACE PROCESS
Date of publication: 29 September 2015
Description/subject: Introduction: "The book you are about to read tells the story of a group of people who embarked on a common journey without knowing how would it end. This book is an invitation to accompany these women and men, who, for a long time, opposed each other in their quest for a common vision. Theirs is a difficult journey. They have encountered obstacles and have been challenged. But they have also found solidarity, camaraderie, mutual support and recognition. They have transformed themselves and those around them. Their journey has not ended yet. The protagonists of this book are men and women playing essential roles in the current peace process in Myanmar. They are the ones seated at the negotiation table or accompanying those seated there. They are members of revolutionary armed organisations, of the Myanmar Peace Center, and of Civil Society Organisations. We are aware of the fact that this is a snapshot, a glimpse into only a small group of those engaged in the Myanmar peace process. Many voices are missing and their stories should be told too. This story is (as any story), by definition, incomplete. What you will encounter in the following pages is the journey of a group of people imagining a different Myanmar, who ended up working together to make it reality. Their perspectives are diverse; so are their intentions, their feelings, their motivations and their personalities. Every one of them is unique, and so is the story they tell. But they also provide a collective account of the origins, the development, the challenges, the determination that has shaped, and it is still shaping the current Myanmar peace process. Only by listening to them we can understand them. This book wants to contribute to the creation of complex narratives that acknowledge the diversity and the difficulty of transition periods. And what is a peace process but a moment of transition, a moment of change? This collective account shows how individual women and men can shape history when daring to take risks, when imagining a different future. By weaving their stories together, by presenting their own narratives through their own voices, this book wants to contribute to strengthening a culture of dialogue, especially among those who disagree the most, in Myanmar. Read this book. Imagine yourself seated at the table with these women and men. Try to see the world through their eyes. Drink a cup of coffee with them. Listen to them. Understand them. Even, disagree with them. This is what complexity is about. The grey between the black and white, the friends among enemies."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS),
Format/size: pdf (1.9MB-reduced version; 4MB-original)
Alternate URLs: http://www.centrepeaceconflictstudies.org/wp-content/uploads/Making-Peace-28.09.29.pdf
Date of entry/update: 09 November 2015


Title: Myanmar, Peace for Ethnic Rights
Date of publication: 24 September 2015
Description/subject: "For months, the government of Myanmar has been touting progress on a nationwide cease-fire deal, claiming it is a major step toward ending the country’s long-running armed conflicts. But the latest summit meeting on Sept. 9, attended by President Thein Sein and representatives of more than a dozen ethnic armed groups, ended inconclusively. Some groups have refused to sign the agreement unless the government allows all of them to join it. The Kachin Independence Organization, the second-largest of the groups, is recalcitrant because three of its closest allies, which are still actively fighting the Myanmar Army in the country’s northeast, are being sidelined..."
Author/creator: Maung Zarni
Language: English
Source/publisher: "New York Times"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 25 September 2015


Title: Myanmar’s Peace Process: A Nationwide Ceasefire Remains Elusive
Date of publication: 16 September 2015
Description/subject: Overview: "After more than six decades of internal armed conflict, the next four weeks could be decisive for Myanmar’s peace process. The process, which was launched in August 2011, enjoyed significant initial success, as bilateral ceasefires were agreed with more than a dozen ethnic armed groups. But signing a nationwide ceasefire and proceeding to the political dialogue phase has been much more difficult. Four years on, with campaigning for the November elections already underway, a deal remains elusive. It is unclear whether a breakthrough can be achieved before the elections. Outside pressure will not be productive, but the progress to date needs to be locked in, and public international commitments to support the integrity of the process and stand with the groups that sign can now be of critical importance..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group, Asia Briefing N°146
Format/size: pdf (412K-reduced version; 3MB-original), html (summary)
Alternate URLs: http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/south-east-asia/myanmar/b146-myanmar-s-peace-process-a-n... (summary)
http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/asia/south-east-asia/burma-myanmar/b146-myanmar-s-peace-pr...
Date of entry/update: 16 September 2015


Title: Interview: Vijay Nambiar, the UN’s observer to Burma’s peace talks
Date of publication: 08 September 2015
Description/subject: "Burma’s President Thein Sein meets with an ethnic delegation tomorrow for talks that could shape the country’s future. However, several important issues remain unresolved or uncertain. DVB speaks with Vijay Nambiar, the Special Adviser on Myanmar to the UN Secretary-General, who has sat in as an official observer on ceasefire talks, and asks him his opinions on whether the much-anticipated Nationwide Ceasefire agreement, or NCA, will ultimately prove successful..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB)
Format/size: pdf
Date of entry/update: 23 September 2015


Title: [Interview with Bertil Lintner] ‘They Don’t Just Want a Ceasefire, They Want to Talk About the Future of the Country’ (text + video)
Date of publication: 03 September 2015
Description/subject: "The next round of talks on the nationwide ceasefire agreement have been set for September 9. It seems it may be signed soon. It has been a long process even to get this far. Can you share your opinion? Well, commentators sometimes refer to this as a peace process, but that’s a misnomer. They’re not talking about peace. They’re talking about the technicalities of the ceasefire agreement. And normally, a ceasefire can just be announced. They stop shooting at each other, they sit down, they talk, you reach a consensus, you sign an agreement on political issues. Here, they’re putting the cart before the horse, and they want to talk about an agreement before they’ve even discussed any political issues. That’s not going to work..."
Author/creator: Aung Zaw + Bertil Lintner
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
Format/size: Adobe Flash, html
Date of entry/update: 03 September 2015


Title: What should the government do to maximize number of signatories to the NCA?
Date of publication: September 2015
Description/subject: "The highest level of direct negotiation between President Thein Sein and 9 top leaders of Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs), aiming to secure the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) took place on September 9, 2015 in the country`s capital, Napyitaw. The meeting was inconclusive, failing to deliver the expected outcome of fully resolving any remaining issues of disagreement in the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). The only clear outcome from the meeting was the decision of signing NCA in October as proposed by President Thein Sein. The failure of securing a final DEAL left everyone guessing how many numbers of EAOs would sign NCA. The question then becomes “how inclusive the NCA process would be? If only a handful of EAOs sign onto it, can one really call it nationwide? Or if only two or three groups sign NCA, can the process move forward as the Commander-in-Chief had already stated that he would do the signing of NCA with even one or two groups? The fundamental question now is what should the government do to offer to convince as much EAOs as possible to sign NCA, if not all that it recognizes? With this unwanted real situation facing the NCA process, this analysis is going to offer what both sides have to do to salvage the peace process within the next two weeks..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Burma Centre for Ethnic Studies Peace and Reconciliation (BCES) / CDES:Centre For Development and Ethnic Studies
Format/size: pdf (203K-reduced version; 306K-original)
Alternate URLs: http://www.burmaethnicstudies.net/assets/pdf/Analysis_of_NCA_negotiation.pdf
Date of entry/update: 05 October 2015


Title: Armed conflict: The beginning of the end
Date of publication: 25 August 2015
Description/subject: "Myanmar took a huge step forward on August 7. The government concluded its negotiations with ethnic armed groups over a nationwide ceasefire to end more than 60 years of civil war...Without doubt, it will be yet another test for all parties whether they are truly committed to peaceful political dialogue to resolve the nation’s long-running armed conflict. As the political negotiations will focus on power-sharing, resource-sharing and many other pressing issues, the process is likely to test the endurance of all stakeholders, as well as their ability to compromise and think of the bigger picture. Despite the hurdles ahead, Myanmar seems determined to move forward. The signing of the nationwide ceasefire agreement will help the election environment, which will in turn reinforce the notion of inclusive democracy that friends of Myanmar hope to see flourish here..."
Author/creator: Aung Naing Oo
Language: English
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Times"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 26 August 2015


Title: Myanmar’s Best Hope for Peace
Date of publication: 18 August 2015
Description/subject: " Myanmar is one step away from a historic deal that could end seven decades of internal armed conflict. On Aug. 6-7 representatives of the Myanmar government, including from the armed forces, met with leaders of the country’s ethnic armed groups and finalized the text of the Nationwide Cease-Fire Agreement. The N.C.A. took a year and a half of negotiations — I helped advise the government during that time — and required difficult compromises on all sides. It is no simple truce, but rather a complex set of military and political undertakings. It also provides early measures to begin comprehensive political talks about constitutional reform and the long-divisive issue of federalism, and about a formal peace agreement that would permanently end the war. Continue reading the main story RELATED COVERAGE Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the opposition in Myanmar, held a news conference on Tuesday at the Parliament building in Naypyidaw, the capital.Aung San Suu Kyi Calls Ex-Leader of Myanmar Governing Party an ‘Ally’AUG. 18, 2015 The only outstanding question is which groups exactly will become parties to the N.C.A. The government insists that the agreement should initially be signed only by the 15 armed groups with which it already has bilateral cease-fire agreements. It also wants to exclude three small ethnic armed groups the army has clashed with recently, as well as a few unarmed ethnic organizations..."
Author/creator: Thant Myint U
Language: English
Source/publisher: "New York Times"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 25 September 2015


Title: The Breakdown of the Kachin Ceasefire and its Implications for Peace in Myanmar
Date of publication: 10 August 2015
Description/subject: "Hopes were once high that Myanmar’s transition to semi-civilian government in 2011 would be accompanied by the settlement of its decades-old conflicts with its ethnic minorities. However, many of the country’s insurgencies have escalated since then, plunging the north back into renewed civil conflict. As things currently stand, government forces are battling various ethnic armed groups – including Kachin, Kokang, and Palaung movements – resulting in heavy losses on both sides and the displacement of up to 200,000 civilians in Shan and Kachin States. The escalation of conflict seems particularly puzzling because Myanmar’s generals managed to pacify many of the country’s ethno-nationalist insurgencies with ceasefires in the 1990s. These settlements allowed non-state armed groups to not only retain their arms and pockets of territory, but also granted lucrative business concessions. Instead of fighting each other, elites from all sides started to collaborate in exploiting the area’s natural riches. Dubbed “ceasefire capitalism”[i] by some observers, this economic approach to counterinsurgency produced a remarkably stable order..."
Author/creator: David Brenner
Language: English
Source/publisher: International Relations and Security Network (ISN)
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 11 August 2015


Title: Ashes of co-optation: from armed group fragmentation to the rebuilding of popular insurgency in Myanmar
Date of publication: 03 August 2015
Description/subject: Abstract: "This article argues that attempts to buy insurgency out of violence can achieve temporary stability but risk producing new conflict. While co-optation with economic incentives might work in parts of a movement, it can spark ripple effects in others. These unanticipated developments result from the interactions of differently situated elite and non-elite actors, which can create a momentum of their own in driving collective behaviour. This article develops this argument by analysing the re-escalation of armed conflict between the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) and Myanmar's armed forces after a 17-year-long ceasefire broke down in 2011. After years of mutual enrichment and collaboration between rebel and state elites and near organisational collapse, the insurgency's new-found resolve and capacity is particularly puzzling. Based on extensive field research, this article explains why and how the state's attempt to co-opt rebel leaders with economic incentives resulted in group fragmentation, loss of leadership legitimacy, increased factional contestation, growing resentment among local communities and the movement's rank and file and ultimately the rebuilding of popular resistance from within."
Author/creator: David Brenner
Language: English
Source/publisher: "Conflict, Security & Development"
Format/size: pdf (162K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14678802.2015.1071974#.VcmLaLUp5Kp
http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs21/Brenner-2015-08-03-Conflict-Kachin.pdf
Date of entry/update: 11 August 2015


Title: We Are Not Hardliners – We Are the Ones Who Want Peace the Most: Khu Oo Reh, General Secretary of UNFC
Date of publication: 03 August 2015
Description/subject: "Khu Oo Reh is the General Secretary of the ethnic alliance United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) and the Vice Chairman of the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP). In this exclusive in-depth interview, Khu Oo Reh talks about the goals of the UNFC, the current state of the peace process and the NCA talks (Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement), as well as the role of the international community who are engaging with the Burma Government and funding the peace process through institutions such as the Myanmar Peace Centre (MPC). The views of the UNFC and ethnic armed organisations, who remain in desperate need of support in order to realise a lasting and sustainable peace, end up too often ignored, overlooked, or misunderstood by international actors. Khu Oo Reh strongly encourages the international community to listen to all sides in order to develop an understanding of the dynamics of the problems they are funding to solve."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Burma Link
Format/size: pdf
Date of entry/update: 17 March 2016


Title: Deciphering Myanmar's Peace Process: A Reference Guide 2015 (English)
Date of publication: August 2015
Description/subject: Executive Summary: "During the year under review, Myanmar's peace process veered in one direction and then another, swayed by fresh outbreaks of fighting. A commitment to peace by all parties to the conflict and a willingness to compromise would help towards a negotiated settlement. If the two sides can narrow down their demands to the essentials likely to prevent large scale military offensives, they can then move on to discuss political and military issues of a more prickly nature which must be resolved if peace is to be enduring. Both sides have matured during the seventeen months of negotiations necessary to agree a so-called "final draft" of a Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement. However, the draft drawn up conjointly by the Government and Ethnic Armed Organizations drafting teams has yet to be ratified by the assent of the policy-makers of the organizations concerned. There have been many positive developments. The ethnic armed organizations held the Law Khee Ler Ethnic Conference from 20-25 January, and the Laiza Ethnic Conference from 25-29 July, 2014. They discussed matters specific to the NCA, displayed a sense of unity, and showed a willingness to move the peace process forward. The negotiations with the Government's drafting team went smoothly until the meeting of 22 September, when the military delegates in the Government team went back on the previous agreement. This very nearly resulted in a still-born Nationwide Ceasefire, and many saw it as an indication that the peace process was regarded lightly. Luckily, leaders from the two negotiating teams were able to resuscitate the talks. The situation improved in early 2015 despite some clashes between government forces and ethnic armed organizations [EAOs], especially in Kachin, Karen and Shan States. The two negotiating teams had many informal and formal meetings, whose tone steadily improved. EAO leaders attended the Independence Day and Union Day celebrations in the capital, Naypyitaw. The KNU, DKBA, KPC and RCSS signed a "commitment to peace and national reconciliation". Subsequent to which, on 31 March of this year, 2015, the negotiators finally agreed the "final draft" of the NCA. Although events that followed showed that it will not in fact be the final text, the negotiation of the terms it contains was, nevertheless, a very great achievement for the two sides, who had never undertaken such a task before. They agreed a "7-Step Roadmap". Many felt the peace process to be on the right path. However, influential people within the ethnic movement pointed out that this was a proposed agreement requiring the assent of the governing bodies of the ethnic organisations: it was not the agreement itself. The UWSA and the KIO then organized, from 1-6 May 2015 at the headquarters of UWSA, the Panghsang Ethnic Conference to thrash out matters relating to the NCA, such as whether or not to sign the existing document. However no agreement was reached on this latter point. Therefore the ethnic armed organizations organized the second Law Khee Ler Conference in a KNU-controlled area. This was held from 2-9 June 2015. They reviewed the "final draft" of the NCA; decided it needed thirteen amendments; and formed the "EAOs High-Level Delegation for the NCA" (also known as the EAOs Senior Delegation) to pursue negotiations with the Government. On a negative note, fighting between ethnic armed organizations and government forces have been frequent, with each side blaming the other. Most clashes occurred in Kachin, Karen and Shan States. Although the incidence of armed conflict has diminished over the eighteen months to June 2015, it has produced a growing number of IDPs, especially in the Kokang area. The EAOs have demanded the cessation of government offensives against their positions, claiming that these make them more wary, are an obstacle to a negotiated settlement, and are clearly not conducive to peace. However, the KIA and the Kachin State Border Affairs Ministry were able to establish a "Joint Conflict Resolution Committee" to reduce clashes between the two sides. Although ethnic ceasefire groups have liaison offices located in urban centers, these are ineffective in solving problems between EAOs and government forces. Clashes are expected to be reduced when EAOs and the Government sign a mutually-acceptable NCA, form a 'Joint Monitoring Committee', evolve a 'military code of conduct', and establish demarcation lines between the opposing forces. State and Union level bi-lateral agreements, which started to come into effect from late 2011, contain terms intended to reintegrate EAOs into the national patchwork and to assist conflict-affected communities. They have already started making important headway and foster an overall movement towards peace. They do this through legalization of EAOs, trustbuilding, recognition of ethnic rights, and resettlement. Assistance from the international community has played a crucial supporting role in producing these "peace dividends", but it is essential to guard against ignoring the core political issues which continue to promote conflict. The marked improvement in the everyday life of post-conflict communities is a clear sign of the progress being made. However, the absence of efforts to address political issues, such as self-determination and equal political rights, causes many to remain skeptical of the Government's sincerity and to fear a return of conflict to those areas where it has died down. Major developments in the peace process notwithstanding, the persistently high level of armed conflict in Kachin, Karen and Shan States are a cause for grave concern. It encourages pessimistic cautiousness, and calls into question the Government's sincerity in pursuing the peace process, suggesting the possibility of a hidden agenda. EAOs have reported that the Myanmar military has not changed its aggressive policy of wiping them out, fueling distrust of the Government and souring the peace process. The ongoing violence related to ethnic and communal conflict has created new IDPs and prevented the return of existing ones; and threatens to slow or even reverse the reforms made in the country as a whole. The international community has criticized the Government's human rights record and pushed it to respect and promote human rights. The expansion of opium production and trafficking is another contradictory outcome of the peace process which suggests inexplicable and as yet to be identified flaws. A great deal more must be done to understand and to address the root political causes that drive Myanmar's long-standing civil war. With its increasing integration into the international community, and as the ASEAN chair in 2014, Myanmar is more enthusiastic than ever to make up for damage done by decades-long conflict and to catch up with global standards. Visits to Myanmar by world leaders have been frequent of late, and both Government and opposition leaders have visited foreign countries. Western countries have removed economic sanctions and kicked off their "engagement policy" to strengthen the reforms and encourage the peace process."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Burma News International
Format/size: pdf (3.2MB-reduced version; 21.7MB-original)
Alternate URLs: http://mmpeacemonitor.org/images/2015/august/deci-myan-peace-process-2015-eng.pdf
http://bnionline.net/
Date of entry/update: 12 September 2015


Title: THE LAST HURDLE TO SIGNING THE N.C.A.
Date of publication: August 2015
Description/subject: Unity/ inclusiveness: 14+1 versus 16+1.... As the negotiations for the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) enters into its final stage, both the ethnic armed organizations and the government claim that the last remaining hurdle is – Which groups will sign the NCA? Other issues are said to be surmountable...What then is the difference between the government’s 14+1 formula and the United Nationalities Federal Council’s (UNFC) or SD/NCCT’s 16+1 formula?.... Life would be simple if the government’s 14 and the UNFC’s 16 referred to the same groups. Unfortunately, they do not. The two concepts can be broken down as follows:-
Language: English
Source/publisher: Euro-Burma Office - EBO Briefing Paper NO. 3 / 2015 August 2015
Format/size: pdf (166K-reduced version; 586K-original)
Alternate URLs: https://euroburmaoffice.s3.amazonaws.com/filer_public/4b/81/4b816dc9-7c62-4c20-bd72-cf4127bb277b/eb...
Date of entry/update: 03 August 2015


Title: Ethnic Leaders Renew Push for All-Inclusive Ceasefire Ahead of Early August Talks
Date of publication: 30 July 2015
Description/subject: "Ethnic leaders will not sign on to a nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) if it excludes certain armed groups, senior ethnic representatives reiterated Wednesday after four days of talks on the draft text in northern Thailand. Meeting ahead of the next round of talks with government negotiators in Rangoon beginning on August 5, ethnic representatives discussed the remaining obstacles to signing the NCA in talks which began on Sunday in Chiang Mai. At present the government doesn’t recognize six ethnic armed groups that are part of the ethnics’ Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), reconstituted as the Senior Delegation in June, according to Nai Hong Sar. These groups include the Arakan Army (AA), the Arakan National Council (ANC), the Lahu Democratic Union (LDU), the Wa National Organization (WNO) and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA). The Ta’ang National Liberation Army that along with the AA and MNDAA has recently been in conflict with the government army, would also be excluded from the prospective pact..."
Author/creator: Nyein Nyein
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 30 July 2015


Title: Military Confrontation or Political Dialogue: Consequences of the Kokang Crisis for Peace and Democracy in Myanmar
Date of publication: 17 July 2015
Description/subject: "...In summary, the return of the MNDAA to the Kokang region is a result of the failed policies of the past and set in motion a series of unprecedented events. These include a deterioration in relations with China which, as a result, has become more focal in Myanmar’s peace process, and a hastily- arranged ethnic summit at the headquarters of the UWSA, the country’s largest armed opposition group, which until now had shied away from becoming involved in alliance political affairs. The renewed hostilities have also negatively impacted on prospects for the signing of a nationwide ceasefire agreement. Excluding some groups from an NCA and future political dialogue is a high-risk strategy. It will continue divisive, and unsuccessful, practices from the past whereby some nationality forces have ceasefires with the government, while the Tatmadaw pursues military tactics against others. As Myanmar’s tragic experience since independence has frequently warned, conflict in any part of the country can quickly lead to national instability. Therefore, at a time of critical political transition in the country, failure to address the root causes of armed conflict and to create an inclusive political process to solve nationality grievances is only likely to have a very detrimental impact on the prospects for peace, democracy and development. If the government is serious and determined to bring peace to all Myanmar’s peoples, military solutions to ethnic conflict must no longer be pursued, and an inclusive political dialogue should start as soon as possible. Experiences from other countries entangled in decades of civil war around the world have long shown that ceasefires are not a necessary precondition to start political negotiations. Peace in Myanmar needs to move from arguments about process to agreements about delivery. In short, it is time to end military confrontation and to start political dialogue."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Transnational Institute (TNI)
Format/size: pdf (756K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs21/TNI-2015-07-military_confrontation_or_political_dialogue.pdf
Date of entry/update: 07 August 2015


Title: Myanmar’s Elusive Peace
Date of publication: 08 July 2015
Description/subject: "Peace has been elusive in Myanmar. The country has been engaged in the longest civil war in modern times—sixty years and counting. Several initiatives to broker a ceasefire between the government and the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordinating Team (NCCT) comprising sixteen ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) have come to naught. And the elation that greeted a draft ceasefire agreement initialed on March 31, 2015, soon evaporated when three members of the NCCT withdrew from the deal.1 The EAOs organized their own conclave in Law Khee Lar, near the Thai border, in early June and emerged with fifteen new demands, twelve of which related to the initially agreed text..."
Author/creator: Vikram Nehru
Language: English
Source/publisher: CARNEGIE Endowment for International Peace
Format/size: pdf (36.5K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs21/Nehru_Vikram-Myanmar's_Elusive_Peace-en.pdf
Date of entry/update: 21 September 2015


Title: A Common Sense Approach to Overcoming Obstacles in Myanmar Peace Process
Date of publication: 03 July 2015
Description/subject: "Like many peace process around the world, the peace process in Myanmar is not exempt from challenges and obstacles, unforeseen as well as expected. Despite facing challenges, both negotiating teams – the government of Myanmar and ethnic armed opposition organizations – are making a concerted and cooperative effort. They persistently pursue the objectives of finding a mutually acceptable solution to the remaining points of contentions in the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). Securing the NCA is the first step along their seven-step road map towards attaining a durable solution to end over 60 years of political conflict. With the general election coming up in November, it is fair to say that they are now entering into the final rounds of negotiation to reach the NCA at least before election. The government side even hinted that there might not be any further rounds of negotiation. The stakes are too high..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Burma Centre for Ethnic Studies Peace and Reconcilition (Analysis Paper No. 11/2015)
Format/size: pdf (74K-reduced version; 90K-original)
Alternate URLs: http://burmaethnicstudies.net/pdf/BCES-AP-11.pdf
Date of entry/update: 03 July 2015


Title: A state of peace for Myanmar?
Date of publication: 01 July 2015
Description/subject: "When the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army declared a unilateral ceasefire earlier this month, the bloody war in Kokang faded from the headlines. We can assume that all the attention focused on one corner of Shan State was getting inconvenient for the Kokang leadership, their Myanmar sparring partners and even the Chinese. This ceasefire is another reminder that Myanmar’s long-running borderlands conflicts are about so much more than public demands for ethnic autonomy. Wars fuelled by illicit trade – in drugs, guns, timber, gems and people – make it impossible to disentangle political demands from profit-making self-interest. And almost everywhere you look in Myanmar, for the past quarter-century, there has been a ceasefire, peace agreement or truce to further complicate local affairs. For an entire generation, the Tatmadaw leadership premised its efforts to guarantee the non-disintegration of the Union on these shadowy deals. Some have proved resilient, particularly where new wealth has lubricated the crunching frustration of ceasefire stalemates. Any long-term nationwide peace agreement will need to get to grips with exactly what has been going on..."
Author/creator: Nicholas Farrelly
Language: English
Source/publisher: "New Mandala"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 14 July 2015


Title: Negotiations on draft Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) deadlocked
Date of publication: 01 July 2015
Description/subject: "In Myanmar, a summit of ethnic armed group leaders rejected the NCA text agreed in March, making it almost certain that the agreement will not be signed before the country goes to elections later this year. This makes it highly unlikely that there will be further progress on talks to end the decades-long conflict for the next twelve months, and increases the risk of armed conflict over the coming year. It also means more areas could be declared too insecure for elections to take place..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (Crisiswatch No. 143)
Format/size: pdf (54K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/publication-type/crisiswatch/crisiswatch-database.aspx?CountryIDs={7E...
Date of entry/update: 02 July 2015


Title: A Delayed Peace
Date of publication: 20 June 2015
Description/subject: "...The past three months has seen numerous confusing signals as armed ethnic groups and the government signed a much lauded draft nationwide ceasefire agreement text, only to then have an ethnic summit involving the UWSA, a group that has made it quite clear they have nothing to gain by being involved in the ceasefire process. In addition, the Summit organisers failed to invite the Chin National Front, which, although a smaller group, has played an important role in the peace process. Now that a new body of negotiating team has been created to bring the process forward, there is little doubt that there will be a signing of a nationwide ceasefire before the 2015 general election..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Burma Centre for Ethnic Studies Peace and Reconcilition (Analysis Paper No. 10,/2015)
Format/size: pdf (113K-reduced version; 319K-original)
Alternate URLs: http://burmaethnicstudies.net/pdf/BCES-AP-10.pdf
Date of entry/update: 20 June 2015


Title: Govt Concerned by New ‘Hardline’ Ceasefire Negotiating Bloc
Date of publication: 15 June 2015
Description/subject: "RANGOON — The Burmese government’s hopes of finalizing a nationwide ceasefire agreement before this year’s election appear to have shrunk considerably, after this month’s ethnic summit in Law Khee Lar voted to cede negotiating power to a new “hardline” committee. From the perspective of government peace negotiators, two problems have arisen from the Law Khee Lar summit, which concluded at the beginning of last week. First, ethnic leaders have refused to endorse the draft ceasefire text, demanding fresh negotiations over 15 amendments. Second, the new negotiating committee, which will assume the responsibilities of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), is comprised of people likely to be much less receptive to government overtures..."
Author/creator: Lawi Weng
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 16 June 2015


Title: UWSA to Opt Out of Ethnic Summit on Nationwide Ceasefire
Date of publication: 26 May 2015
Description/subject: "The United Wa State Army (UWSA) will not attend an ethnic summit next month in Karen State’s Law Khee Lar, where ethnic leaders will gather to discuss the signing of a nationwide ceasefire agreement..."
Author/creator: Khin Oo Thar
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 27 May 2015


Title: At Ethnic Summit, UWSA Backs Rebels in Conflict With Govt
Date of publication: 01 May 2015
Description/subject: PANGHSANG, Wa Special Region — "The United Wa State Army (UWSA) has a relationship akin to “a jaw and its teeth” with a trio of ethnic armed groups engaged in active hostilities with the Burma Army, its leadership said at the opening of a conference of ethnic leaders here on Friday. The solidarity pledge between the UWSA and the three other ethnic groups, who are attending the summit against the government’s wishes, illustrated just how far Burma may be from a nationwide ceasefire agreement that Naypyidaw has said is on the horizon. Palaung, Arakanese and Kokang armed rebels have continued to clash with government troops in recent weeks, even as momentum has appeared to build toward the signing of a nationwide peace accord. The 16-member Nationwide Ceasefire Coordinating Team (NCCT) that has negotiated that agreement does not include the UWSA, which made clear on Friday that it would not abide a selectively applied definition of peace in Burma..."
Author/creator: Lawi Weng
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 01 May 2015


Title: Myanmar ethnic rebels meet to discuss nationwide ceasefire
Date of publication: 01 May 2015
Description/subject: YANGON, Myanmar (AP) -- "Ethnic rebel group leaders began meeting Friday in northeastern Myanmar to discuss how to end the current fighting in the region and finalize a nationwide ceasefire agreement with the government. The meeting which was taking place in Panghsang, the stronghold of the militarily powerful ethnic Wa group is attended by about 50 representatives from 12 ethnic armed groups including the Wa group. Meanwhile in a nearby region, fierce clashes between Kokang guerrillas and government troops have left hundreds killed. At the same time, an alliance of more than a dozen ethnic minority groups has been holding talks with the government to end decades of fighting for autonomy. The government's continued clashes with the Kokang have caused the ethnic alliance to distrust the sincerity of President Thein Sein's regime. Neither the Kokang nor their Wa hosts have been part of the government's talks but both were taking part in Friday's consultations..."
Author/creator: Aye Aye Win
Language: English
Source/publisher: Associated Press (AP)
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: http://hosted.ap.org/dynamic/stories/A/AS_MYANMAR_ETHNIC_REBELS?SITE=AP&SECTION=HOME&TEMPLATE=DEFAU...
Date of entry/update: 01 May 2015


Title: Myanmar rebel chief says peace deal not possible amid Kokang fighting
Date of publication: 01 May 2015
Description/subject: (Reuters) - "A ceasefire deal to end Myanmar's long-running ethnic insurgencies is not possible as long as fighting persists, the leader of the country's largest rebel group said on Friday. Myanmar's semi-civilian government drew international praise in March after 16 rebel groups signed a draft ceasefire accord aiming to end six decades of armed conflict. But brutal fighting between government forces and rebels has flared in the remote northeastern Kokang region since February, spilling over the border into neighboring China, where five people were killed by stray bombs last month. "Until and unless the fighting stops, the nationwide ceasefire agreement will be merely words written on a piece of paper," said Bao Youxiang, the leader of the 30,000-strong United Wa State Army (UWSA), which did not sign the draft pact. Bao made the comments at a summit of 12 insurgent groups in the town of Panghsang, the de facto capital of UWSA-controlled territory on the China border, and they were included in a Burmese-language translation of the speech seen by Reuters..."
Author/creator: Aung Hla Tun
Language: English
Source/publisher: Reuters
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 01 May 2015


Title: The Draft Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement
Date of publication: 01 May 2015
Description/subject: "After seven rounds of talks between armed ethnic groups and the Thein Sein Government, progress was finally achieved on 31 March 2015 with the signing of the Draft Nationwide Ceasefire agreement. While there is still a long way to go in securing an equal and stable Burma, the finalisation of a draft Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement text was a fundamental step in satisfying ethnic group’s demands for a genuine federal union. The signing, which took place in Rangoon, was the culmination of talks that have lasted over seventeen months and have seen armed ethnic groups through the NCCT, the Union Peace Working Committee (UPWC) led by U Aung Min, and the Myanmar Peace Centre (MPC) debate the various conditions necessary to bring about a nationwide ceasefire. While the signing, with the endorsement of the President, is the most positive step yet – there remain a number of issues to be addressed including ongoing conflict in Kachin State, Shan State, and the Kokang region. The draft Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) is only the first stage in a lengthy process that hopes to bring peace to the country. One of the main issues that needed to be clarified prior to the signing was chapter six of the agreement, entitled the Interim period. The interim arrangement involves how both parties will act after a ceasefire has been put in place and during the political dialogue phase..."
Author/creator: Paul Keenan
Language: English
Source/publisher: Burma Centre for Ethnic Studies Peace and Reconcilition (Briefing Paper No. 24,/2015)
Format/size: pdf (120K-reduced version; 137K-original)
Alternate URLs: http://burmaethnicstudies.net/pdf/BCES_BP24.pdf
Date of entry/update: 01 May 2015


Title: Participation, mobilisation: The Karen peace dividend (English)
Date of publication: 08 April 2015
Description/subject: "RECENT negotiations between the government and ethnic armed groups have made significant progress toward a nationwide ceasefire agreement to resolve more than half a century of armed conflict. The two sides have agreed a draft common text, which now must be endorsed by senior leaders. However, differences remain on key issues, which will require further negotiations even if the ceasefire is signed. In the meantime, the clock is ticking toward elections scheduled for November, which will likely displace peacebuilding efforts from a central position on the national political agenda. Beyond peace talks between the leadership on both sides, the situation on the ground is both complex and contested. In areas where ceasefires are holding, conflict-affected communities have experienced some of the benefits of peace. At the same time, however, ethnic nationality communities have been exposed to an increase land grabbing and other threats. Nevertheless, ceasefires in southeast Myanmar have created the space within which the Karen National Union (KNU) and other stakeholders are mobilising a vibrant Karen political community. Leadership-level negotiations When nationwide ceasefire negotiations resumed on March 30, both the government's Union Peacemaking Work Committee and the armed groups' Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team were keen to move forward quickly - and neither wanted to be seen as delaying progress toward an agreement. Therefore, some important but still contested elements were removed from the draft text, for discussion at a later stage. These included arrangements which are necessary to consolidate existing ceasefires. Since February, trust between the Tatmadaw and ethnic armed groups has been further eroded by the outbreak of fighting in the Kokang region of northern Shan State. This development has played into the hands of the Myanmar army, or Tatmadaw, providing a rare boost to the popularity of military leaders in the run-up to elections. Thankfully, in the immediate aftermath of the agreement on the nationwide ceasefire, fighting in northern Myanmar has reduced significantly..."
Author/creator: Ashley South
Language: English
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Times"
Format/size: pdf (67K)
Date of entry/update: 11 April 2015


Title: Participation, mobilisation: The Karen peace dividend Burmese (ျမန္မာဘာသာ)
Date of publication: 08 April 2015
Description/subject: RECENT negotiations between the government and ethnic armed groups have made significant progress toward a nationwide ceasefire agreement to resolve more than half a century of armed conflict. The two sides have agreed a draft common text, which now must be endorsed by senior leaders. However, differences remain on key issues, which will require further negotiations even if the ceasefire is signed. In the meantime, the clock is ticking toward elections scheduled for November, which will likely displace peacebuilding efforts from a central position on the national political agenda. Beyond peace talks between the leadership on both sides, the situation on the ground is both complex and contested. In areas where ceasefires are holding, conflict-affected communities have experienced some of the benefits of peace. At the same time, however, ethnic nationality communities have been exposed to an increase land grabbing and other threats. Nevertheless, ceasefires in southeast Myanmar have created the space within which the Karen National Union (KNU) and other stakeholders are mobilising a vibrant Karen political community. Leadership-level negotiations When nationwide ceasefire negotiations resumed on March 30, both the government's Union Peacemaking Work Committee and the armed groups' Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team were keen to move forward quickly - and neither wanted to be seen as delaying progress toward an agreement. Therefore, some important but still contested elements were removed from the draft text, for discussion at a later stage. These included arrangements which are necessary to consolidate existing ceasefires. Since February, trust between the Tatmadaw and ethnic armed groups has been further eroded by the outbreak of fighting in the Kokang region of northern Shan State. This development has played into the hands of the Myanmar army, or Tatmadaw, providing a rare boost to the popularity of military leaders in the run-up to elections. Thankfully, in the immediate aftermath of the agreement on the nationwide ceasefire, fighting in northern Myanmar has reduced significantly.
Language: Burmese (ျမန္မာဘာသာ)
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Times"
Format/size: pdf (67K)
Date of entry/update: 11 April 2015


Title: Forced Migration and the Myanmar Peace Process
Date of publication: February 2015
Description/subject: "During the course of more than six decades of armed conflict in southeast Myanmar, hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced. The precise number of currently Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in the region is unknown. While relatively few civilians (perhaps just over 10,000) 1 have been displaced by armed conflict since the emergence of the peace process in 2011, several hundreds of thousands remain displaced, and have yet to find a ‘durable solution’ to their plight. Furthermore, in Thailand there are some 120,000 refugees fro m southeast Myanmar living in temporary shelters, plus another 2 - 3 million migrant workers, many of whom are acutely vulnerable and left their homeland for similar reasons to the refugees. Forced migrants in and from Myanmar demonstrate significant resili ence, and often high levels of social and political capital. Nevertheless, refugees and IDPs have been among the principal victims of armed conflict in their homeland. Communities have suffered greatly, with many people dispossessed and traumatised. To som e degree, the overall success of the peace process can be measured by the extent to which the country’s most acutely affected populations are able to achieve durable solutions. At the same time, durable solutions for forced migrants will depend on sustaina ble improvements in the political and security environment and an end to armed conflict, and thus are tied inextricably to the peace process..."
Author/creator: Ashley South & Kim Jolliffe
Language: English
Source/publisher: UNHCR- NEW ISSUES IN REFUGEE RESEARCH - Research Paper No. 27 4
Format/size: pdf (773K-reduced version; 843K-original)
Alternate URLs: http://www.unhcr.org/54f588cb9.pdf
Date of entry/update: 15 May 2015


Title: Where Next in Burma’s Peace Process? (English, Karen, Burmese)
Date of publication: 08 December 2014
Description/subject: "Over the past few weeks, government, parliamentary and opposition leaders have presented various proposals for high-level political dialogue, possibly leading to constitutional change in Myanmar, also known as Burma. Although significant differences remain between the different proposals, one thing they share is the exclusion of ethnic armed groups. This indicates that the window of opportunity to achieve political dialogue shaped by Ethnic armed groups as part of the peace process is rapidly closing. There may well be political dialogue in Myanmar—probably after the elections—but it seems unlikely that ethnic armed groups will play a leading role. Before the window of opportunity closes, ethnic leaders should focus on securing a comprehensive ceasefire agreement with the government, and above all with the Myanmar Army..."
Author/creator: Ashley South
Language: English, Karen, Burmese
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs20/South-2014-Where_Next_in_Myanmars_Peace_Process-bu.pdf
http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs20/South-2014-Where_Next_in_Myanmars_Peace_Process-karen.pdf
Date of entry/update: 15 December 2014


Title: Where is genuine peace? - A critique of the peace process in Karenni State
Date of publication: 05 December 2014
Description/subject: "A new report by the Karenni Civil Society Network (KCSN) raises concerns about international “peace support” programming amid st increasing Burma Army militarization in Karenni State after the2012 ceasefire with the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP). The report “Where is Genuine Peace?” exposes how a pilot resettlement project of the Norway-led Myanmar Peace Support Initiative (MPSI) in Shardaw Township is encouraging IDPs to return to an area controlled by the Burma Army where their safety cannot be guaranteed. The MPSI claims that between June 2013 and September 2014 it supported 1,431 IDPs to return to 10 Shadaw villages forcibly relocated in 1996. However, KCSN found only about a third of these IDPs in the villages, most of whom were working-age adults returning to carry out farming, but not daring to return permanently due to fears of renewed conflict. As in other parts of Karenni State, the Burma Army has been reinforcing troops and fortifying its positions in Shadaw, where there is a tactical command centre and over 20 military outposts. “Instead of encouraging IDPs to return home be fore it is safe, international donors should be trying to ensure that the rights of conflict-affected villagers are protected,” said one of KCSN. “There must be pressure on the government to pull back its troops from the ethnic areas and start political dialog ue towards federal reform.” KCSN also criticizes the MPSI for fuelling conflict by ignoring Karenni-managed social service organizations that have been providing primary health care and other support to IDPs in Shadaw for decades. MPSI’s health support was through the government system, which remains highly centralized and dysfunctional in Karenni State. “Donors should not just give one-sided support to expand government services into ethnic conflict areas. This won’t be effective, and will only increase resentment and fuel conflict,” said KSWDC. The report also raises concerns about rampant resource extraction after the ceasefire, land confiscation, military expansions and lack of transparency around dam plans on the Salween and its tributaries in Karenni State. KCSN is calling for a moratorium on large-scale infrastructure and resource extraction projects in Karenni State until there is genuine peace." [from the KCSN press release of 5 December, 2014]
Language: English
Source/publisher: Karenni Civil Society Network (KCSN)
Format/size: pdf (1.6MB)
Date of entry/update: 08 January 2015


Title: Listening to Communities – Karen (Kayin) State
Date of publication: November 2014
Description/subject: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: "This publication elevates the voices from communities in Kayin State. It provides an opportunity for these voices to be heard in Myanmar’s peace process and to parƟcipate in events that will affect their futures. Using listening methodology, conversations were held with one hundred and eleven individuals from a cross-­‐secƟon of communities in Kayin State. During these conversations community members shared their opinions on the current situation, their needs, perceived challenges as well as hopes for the future. Key themes and commonalities have been identified and are detailed in the following secƟons. The official state name is Kayin State , yet the name Karen State is sƟll commonly used and is oŌen more widely recongised. For this reason the name Karen State has been used in the publication Ɵtle and the official name, Kayin State, has been used throughout the publication text..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
Format/size: pdf (582K-reduced version; 1.83MB-original)
Alternate URLs: http://www.centrepeaceconflictstudies.org/publications/browse/
http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs21/CPCS-2014-11-Listening_to_Communities%20%96%20Karen-Kayin-State-...
Date of entry/update: 27 September 2015


Title: Listening to Communities – Karen (Kayin) State - ကရင္ျပည္နယ္မွ ရပ္ရြာလူထုဆီသို့ နားစြင့္ၾကည့္ျခင္း
Date of publication: November 2014
Language: Burmese (ျမန္မာဘာသာ)
Source/publisher: Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
Format/size: pdf (4.8MB-reduced version; 7.17MB-original)
Alternate URLs: http://www.centrepeaceconflictstudies.org/publications/browse/
http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs21/CPCS-2014-11-Listening_to_Communities%20%96%20Karen-Kayin-State-...
http://www.centrepeaceconflictstudies.org/wp-content/uploads/Karen-State-Burmese-Edition1.pdf
Date of entry/update: 27 September 2015


Title: Tension, Discord and Insecurity: The State of Burma/Myanmar's Peace Process
Date of publication: 02 October 2014
Description/subject: "While it appears that the peace process in Burma is making substantial progress, and this is certainly what the government is espousing, the realities on the ground for many people are much the same as they have always been. In non-ceasefire areas incidences of conflict occur almost daily between the Burma Army and the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and conflict with the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) has sharply increased since the start of 2014, while in areas where ceasefires have been signed, sporadic fighting continues. Meanwhile, severe human rights violations continue, including the systematic use of rape as a weapon of war by the Burma Army. To date there has been no effort from the government to put this unreformed and unrepentant institution under civilian control or make any meaningful moves towards finding justice for those victims of human rights abuses. As for the peace process itself, there has been a disproportionate focus, especially from the government side, on achieving a nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA). These discussions have been ongoing for over 18 months, and the supposed benefits of this agreement are uncertain. The Burma Army and the government appear to have contradictory positions with the Burma Army proving to be particularly obdurate, while on the ethnic armed group side, increased inter and intra group tension is further complicating the process..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Burma Partnership
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 07 October 2014


Title: Struggling for Peace: The Ethnic Armed Organisations’ Summit, the UNFC Conference and the Future
Date of publication: October 2014
Description/subject: "July 2014, saw a third ethnic conference held to discuss the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement and August saw the first conference of the United Nationalities Federal Conference (UNFC). The Ethnic Armed Organisations’ Summit, held in Laiza, Kachin State, was the culmination of peace talks both within armed ethnic organisations and with the Government’s Union Peace-making Working committee. The Summit, arranged by the Nationalities Ceasefire Coordination Team, was designed to finalise a Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) draft and military Code of Conduct. The peace process in the country has faced many obstacles over the last three years. Obvious issues including concerns over trust, confusion over the NCA and dialogue phase, conflict in Kachin State, fighting in Shan and Karen States, and divisions within individual armed groups themselves, have resulted in drawing out the process. While throughout this period, the Government has found its own position weakened due to these delays and the Burma Army has been given the opportunity to consolidate their hold over ethnic areas and gain more territory..."
Author/creator: Paul Keenan
Language: English
Source/publisher: Burma Centre for Ethnic Studies, Analysis Paper No. 8
Format/size: pdf (130K)
Alternate URLs: http://burmaethnicstudies.net/pdf/BCES-AP-8.pdf
Date of entry/update: 05 November 2014


Title: Non-State Armed Groups in the Myanmar Peace Process: What are the Future Options?
Date of publication: 24 September 2014
Description/subject: "This paper provides a historical background to the 65 year long armed conflict in Myanmar and discusses the main challenges facing the current peace negotiations. A key controversy concerns the future status of the numerous non-state armed groups, which represent different ethnic groups, like the Mon and Karen. The leaders of these groups demand a federal system. But what will happen to the many lower- and middle-ranked armed actors in the future? Will they stay armed in new federal armies or could they become politicians, police officers, businessmen, civil society actors or something else? The paper’s second part discusses the possibilities and challenges of different integration options for the armed actors in Myanmar, and relates this to the international debate on ‘Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration’ (DDR) programs. A core argument is that conventional DDR is unrealistic in Myanmar at present. This is because such programs view disarmament as a necessary first step in a DDR process, and because economic incentives as seen as the key route to reintegration. In Myanmar the ethnic armed groups will not give up arms, and besides economic opportunities they demand political recognition and positions. This calls for a combination of military, political and economic integration options, and for a careful consideration of the heterogeneity of the armed actors. In debating DDR in Myanmar the paper further argues that there is a need to integrate peacebuilding efforts with the democratic reform process. So far these processes have been largely separated. International aid agencies are now supporting government-led development projects, which are being rolled out before a national ceasefire agreement has been reached. This is seen by the ethnic groups as undermining their political demands and at worst as a strategy by the government to take control of their areas and resources. Development interventions need to be more sensitive to these political aspects."
Author/creator: Helene Maria Kyed and Mikael Gravers
Language: English
Source/publisher: Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS) - Working Paper 2014-07
Format/size: pdf (536K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs21/Kyed&Gravers-2014-07-Non_State_Armed_Groups_in_the_Myanmar.pdf
Date of entry/update: 26 October 2015


Title: In Pursuit of Justice: Reflections on the past and hopes for the future of Burma
Date of publication: 07 July 2014
Description/subject: INTRODUCTION: "Since 2011, Burma has begun to emerge from 50 dark years of dictatorship. Now, under President Thein Sein’s nominally civilian government the possibility has arisen for Burma to begin rebuilding and reconciling divided segments of the nation, and to provide justice to victims for decades of human rights abuses. Burma’s minority ethnic communities have experienced grave human rights abuse at the hands of the SPDC regime and its strong arm of the Burmese military, or Tatmadaw. In order to transition successfully towards true democracy and national reconciliation, the Burmese government must address, and act upon, the specific needs expressed by victims of past abuse, documented and expounded herein, in order to move away from the abusive culture of the past towards a united future. Within this report you will find a detailed history of Burma’ ethnic conflict, how that conflict has been sewn into the very fabric of the SPDC regime’s ideology and governing strategy, and ways in which the Tatmadaw has implemented the regime’s strategy by crippling livelihoods, physically and mentally abusing, and destroying the security of Burma’s minority ethnic communities. The purpose of this report is to guide the Burmese government in the implementation of mechanisms of transitional justice in Burma. To achieve this goal, this report looks at Burma’s history of human rights violations and analyzes how to repair the relationship between the government and the citizens. The government has committed, and continues to commit, vast numbers of human rights abuses against its minority ethnic communities, violations including land confiscation; forced labor and forced portering; physical abuse, torture, and murder; and rape and sexual abuse. In order for the Burmese government to employ appropriate mechanisms of justice, this report identifies the effects such violations have had on the victims, and what the victims require from the government to provide adequate justice and reparations for such violations. Through this report, HURFOM hopes to hold a megaphone to the voices of Burma’s ethnic people regarding past human rights abuses. This report addresses victims’ expectations of the government for a future democratic Burma. Of utmost importance to building peace in Burma are three key elements of trust-building, national reconciliation, and transitional justice. The government must implement appropriate mechanisms to fulfill these three objectives in order to create sustainable peace throughout the country. Central to achieving these goals is the de-structuring of the SPDC’s pervasive culture of impunity surrounding human rights violations against its citizens. While impunity, unaccountability, extortion, and corruption continue to exist, there can be no repair of trust or unity within the society. Without eliminating all impunity, there will be no reconciliation in Burma. Minority ethnic communities in Burma have been traumatized by decades of abuse and exploitation. It is HURFOM’s hope that this report will push the government to provide healing to the victims from such trauma with realistic solutions and reparations. HURFOM also hopes to attract the world’s attention and urge international agencies and Non-Government Organizations (NGOs) to support reparations in Burma."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM)
Format/size: pdf (1.5MB-reduced version; 1.91MB-original)
Alternate URLs: http://rehmonnya.org/archives/3198 (Media release)
Date of entry/update: 15 July 2014


Title: Update on the Peace Process
Date of publication: July 2014
Description/subject: "Despite continuing tensions on the ground, armed ethnic groups involved in the peace process continue to move forward with attempts to negotiate a nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA). Although there remain many issues to be rectified, members of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordinating Team (NCCT) are working on a nationwide ceasefire framework that will be acceptable to all parties. Recently, in June 2014, members of the NCCT met with their counterparts from the Union Peace-making Working Committee (UPWC) in Thailand. While differences remain, it is hoped that a nationwide ceasefire agreement can be signed shortly..."
Author/creator: Paul Keenan
Language: English
Source/publisher: Burma Centre for Ethnic Studies (BCES) Briefing Paper No., 22
Format/size: pdf (109K)
Alternate URLs: http://burmaethnicstudies.net/pdf/BCES-BP-22.pdf
Date of entry/update: 12 July 2014


Title: Armed Groups and Political Legitimacy (Burmese/ ျမန္မာဘာသာ)
Date of publication: 23 June 2014
Description/subject: "The peace process in Myanmar remains the best opportunity in many decades to address the political, social and economic issues that have long driven armed conflict. Although negotiations between the government and ethnic armed groups have struggled to reach agreement on a number of key issues, there is still the prospect of negotiating a nationwide ceasefire accord in the next few months. Already, significant progress has been made both on the substance of negotiations and in bringing key actors to the table. However, continued military clashes in northern Myanmar have damaged confidence in the peace process, while progress in the talks has been slow due to different conceptions regarding the structure and legitimacy of the state, and of its challengers..."
Author/creator: Ashley South
Language: Burmese/ ျမန္မာဘာသာ
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Times" 23 June 2014
Format/size: pdf (79K)
Date of entry/update: 06 July 2014


Title: Armed Groups and Political Legitimacy (English)
Date of publication: 23 June 2014
Description/subject: "THE peace process in Myanmar remains the best opportunity in many decades to address the political, social and economic issues that have long driven armed conflict. Although negotiations between the government and ethnic armed groups have struggled to reach agreement on a number of key issues, there is still the prospect of negotiating a nationwide ceasefire accord in the next few months. Already, significant progress has been made both on the substance of negotiations and in bringing key actors to the table. However, continued military clashes in northern Myanmar have damaged confidence in the peace process, while progress in the talks has been slow due to different conceptions regarding the structure and legitimacy of the state, and of its challengers..."
Author/creator: Ashley South
Language: English
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Times" 23 June 2014
Format/size: pdf (59K)
Date of entry/update: 06 July 2014


Title: Truce or Transition? Trends in human rights abuse and local response in Southeast Myanmar since the 2012 ceasefire
Date of publication: 13 May 2014
Description/subject: Human rights conditions have been transformed on the ground in rural Southeast Myanmar since the signing of a preliminary ceasefire agreement between the Myanmar government and the Karen National Union in January 2012. While some forms of human rights abuse documented by KHRG since 1992 remain of serious concern, others have almost disappeared. At the same time, new forms of abuse and local concerns are emerging in the evolving security environment. In this new context, there is speculation at the local level over whether the January 2012 agreement marks only a temporary truce, or a viable transition to peace and stability for local communities. Drawing on a dataset of 388 oral testimonies and pieces of documentation from a total of 1,404 collected over the past two years by villagers trained to monitor human rights conditions in their own communities, this report presents analysis of 16 categories of human rights abuse or related issues. This analysis places recent testimony in the context of 20 years of abusive practices, quantifies occurrence across KHRG’s seven research areas and identifies common perpetrators of abuse or related actors. Since the ceasefire, changes in the prevalence of human rights abuse and local responses to such abuse have not been systematically documented. Local perceptions of threats to the ceasefire process remain similarly unknown. This report therefore aims to provide an update from the ground in rural Karen areas of Southeast Myanmar that will allow local, national and international actors to base programming and policy decisions related to this post-conflict region more closely around the experiences of local people, and better support villagers by understanding their concerns and priorities..... Table of Contents: II. Trends in human rights abuse and local response:- A. Attacks on civilians and extrajudicial killing ...B. Arbitrary arrest and detention... C. Torture and violent abuse... D. Rape and sexual assault... E. Forced labour... F. Forced recruitment... G. Anti-personnel and other mines... Map 3: Mine accidents and contamination, 2012-2013... H. Restrictions on freedom of movement or trade.. I. Arbitrary taxation and demands..... III. Emerging issues: Resource management:- A. Land confiscation B. Impact of infrastructure and commercial development..... IV. Emerging issues: Security, peacebuilding and social cohesion:- A. Ongoing militarisation and villagers’ perceptions of insecurity...Map 4: Army camps and activity, 2012-2013... B. Peacebuilding efforts...C. Access to health and education... D. Religious and ethnic discrimination... E. Drug production, use and social impacts
Language: English and Burmese
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG)
Format/size: html, pdf (7.1MB reduced and13.1MB original-English version; 6.4 reduced and 30.6MB original-Burmese version)
Alternate URLs: http://www.khrg.org/sites/default/files/khrg_-_truce_or_transition_-_english.pdf
http://www.khrg.org/sites/default/files/khrg_-_truce_or_transition_-_full_report_-_burmese.pdf
http://www.burmalibrary.org/KHRG/KHRG%202014/KHRG-2014-05-13-Truce_or_Transition-Report-May-2014-en...
http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs21/KHRG-2014-05-13-Truce_or_Transition-Report-May-2014--red-en.pdf
http://www.burmalibrary.org/KHRG/KHRG%202014/KHRG-2014-05-13-Truce_or_Transition-Report-May-2014-bu...
http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs21/KHRG-2014-05-13-Truce_or_Transition-Report-May-2014-red-bu.pdf
Date of entry/update: 08 December 2014


Title: Wardrums in Myanmar's Wa hills
Date of publication: 23 April 2014
Description/subject: "Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, commander-in-chief of Myanmar's armed forces, or Tatmadaw, is a man on the move. Since the beginning of the year he has traveled to Laos and Indonesia, attended large-scale war games in central Myanmar, reviewed the country's largest ever naval exercises in the Bay of Bengal, presided over the annual Army Day parade in the capital Naypyidaw and met with a string of foreign dignitaries. A recent less publicized engagement was arguably more significant for Myanmar's war and peace prospects. On April 6, Min Aung Hlaing flew north from Naypyidaw to the garrison town of Lashio in northeastern Shan State to hold talks with Bao You-ri, the younger brother of Bao You-xiang, the ailing leader of the United Wa State Army (UWSA). Based east of the Salween River in a self-governing "special region", the UWSA is Myanmar's largest insurgent group and is at present in an uneasy ceasefire with the government..."
Author/creator: Anthony Davis
Language: English
Source/publisher: "Asia Times Online"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 27 May 2014


Title: Burma - national dialogue: armed groups, contested legitimacy and political transition
Date of publication: 17 April 2014
Description/subject: "Harn Yawngwhe explores the genesis of the national dialogue process in Burma. Peacebuilding in Burma has a daunting agenda to accommodate an array of competing claimants to legitimacy, including the government and the army, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy, political parties, civil society, ethnic entities, and more than 18 ethnic armed groups. A proposed national ceasefire aims to encompass every armed group. An even more ambitious national dialogue process looks to include all stakeholders – armed groups, political parties and civil society – not just to resolve armed insurgencies, but to shape a peaceful future for the nation.....Legitimacy is the key challenge for the Burma Army or Tatmadaw, even after 50 years of absolute rule. There is no doubt that it has the coercive power to continue ruling. But no one – not the ethnic population, not the person in the street, and not even the international community – sees the military as the legitimate and rightful ruler. The armed struggles that have beset Burma /Myanmar since independence in 1948 have involved multiple armed groups seeking recognition and representation and ongoing demands for political transition of the military regime. Recent reformist moves by the state have raised hopes that there is an opportunity for real change. A proposed nationwide ceasefire aims to bring in all armed groups – those that have already signed ceasefires and those that have not. A subsequent National Dialogue looks to include all stakeholders – armed groups, political parties and civil society. The dialogue is not just about resolving armed insurgencies, but about the future of the country..."
Author/creator: Harn Yawnghwe
Language: English
Source/publisher: "Accord" 25 (Conciliation Resources)
Format/size: html, pdf (412K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs21/Harn-Accord25_Burma.pdf
http://www.c-r.org/downloads/Accord25_Burma.pdf
Date of entry/update: 21 September 2015


Title: Deciphering Myanmar’s Peace Process - A Reference Guide, 2014 (English)
Date of publication: April 2014
Description/subject: Executive Summary: "Myanmar's peace process in 2013 experienced twists and turns as conflict persists alongside developments in peace talks. The commitment to peace from both sides and willingness to make compromises by softening demands, has ensured negotiations have not only stayed on track but made a major breakthrough with the near completion of a single text nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA). After two years of peace talks that began under the newly reformed government, the negotiation strategy of both sides have matured. Instead of making outright demands, the two sides agree to begin talks on common points before moving towards more sensitive issues of political and military affairs. The historic Laiza conference that brought together all major non-state armed groups (NSAG) to discuss a government draft of a NCA in early November, marked a major turning point in strengthening and streamlining the ethnic armed groups' negotiation position. The Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) was created as a negotiation team to handle all negotiations for the NCA with the government team. Instead of the government's initial plan to negotiate a ceasefire with individual groups, the focus has now turned to signing one "single text" ceasefire among all groups. To resolve resistance on the part of several groups to sign a ceasefire first before completing political talks, the ethnic side has compromised by accepting a government draft that includes the agenda for political talks within the NCA. This helps to guarantee a continuation of negotiations for the much-desired goal of ethnic selfdetermination after signing. The positive response made at the second ethnic conference at Law Khee Lar (20-25 January 2014) , creation of a joint Government-NSAG ceasefire drafting committee and frequent meetings with the government side, signals that the two sides are moving closer to signing a NCA. Nevertheless the need for many more rounds of negotiations has perpetually pushed the government's proposed signing date back indefinitely. The terms to reintegrate NSAGs and assist conflict affected communities, signed at the state and union level peace agreement beginning late 2011, have already started making important headway which supports the overall movement for peace e.g. legalisation of NSAGs, trust building, ethnic rights and resettlement. Assistance from the international community has played a crucial supporting role in producing these "peace dividends" but must guard against ignoring the core political issues that continue to drive the conflict. The marked improvement of everyday life for post conflict communities is a clear sign of the progress made in this respect. However without solving political issues of self-determination, many remain sceptical about the government's sincerity and fear a return to conflict. Despite the major developments on the peace negotiation front, the persistently high level of conflict in Kachin and Shan states are a cause for worry. NSAG reports that the Myanmar military has not changed its aggressive policies to wipe them out, has only fueled the ethnic side's distrust of both the government and peace process as a whole. Communal violence that began in the Western state of Rakhine in 2012, spread throughout the country and caused a rapid rise in religious radicalism as demonstrated by the growing popularity of the protective Buddhist 969 movement. The ongoing violence related to ethnic and communal conflict has not only created new IDPs and prevented returns of existing ones, but threatens to slow or even reverse the positive reforms made in the country as a whole. The growing viii | Deciphering Myanmar's Peace Process rate of opium production and trade is another contradicting outcome of the peace process that exposes yet to be identified holes in the peace efforts. Much more still needs to be done to understand and address the root political causes that drive these conflicts. With the increasing integration into the international community and as the ASEAN chair in 2014, Myanmar is more enthusiastic than ever to make up for damage done by decades long conflict to catch up with global standards..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Burma News International
Format/size: pdf (2.7MB-reduced version; 18.4MB-original)
Alternate URLs: http://www.mmpeacemonitor.org/images/pdf/deciphering_myanmar_peace_process_2014.pdf
Date of entry/update: 22 February 2013


Title: Listening to Voices: Myanmar Foot Soldiers Speak - ျမန္မာ့ေျခလွ်င္တင္သားမ်ား ဖြင့္ဟေျပာဆိုသံမ်ားအား နားေထာင္ျခင္း
Date of publication: April 2014
Description/subject: Listening to Voices: Myanmar Foot Soldiers Speak - ျမန္မာ့ေျခလွ်င္တင္သားမ်ား ဖြင့္ဟေျပာဆိုသံမ်ားအား နားေထာင္ျခင္း.....စာတမ္းအက်ဥ္းခ်ဳပ္: "ဤပုံႏွိပ္ထုတ္ေ ၀ မႈသည္ တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္အဖြဲ႕ ( ၆ ) ခုမွ ေျခလ်င္တပ္သားမ်ား၏ စကား သံမ်ားအား ဖြင့္လွစ္ထုတ္ေဖာ္ ၿပီး ၊ ျမန္မာ့ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ ႏွင့္ထိုသူတို႕၏ အနာဂါတ္ ဆိုင္ရာလိုအပ္ခ်က္မ်ား၊ ေၾကာင့္ၾကမႈမ်ား ႏွင့္စိန္ေခၚမႈအခက္အခဲမ်ား အား မီးေမာင္းထိုးျပသျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ 1 ဤစီမံကိန္းသည္ နားေထာင္ျခင္းနည္းပညာ / ဥပေဒႆကိုအသုံးျပဳ၍ ၊ ျ မန္မာႏိုင္ငံလုံးဆိုင္ရာ ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ား ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္ တပ္ဦး (ABSDF) ၊ ခ်င္းအမ်ိဳးသားတပ္ဦး (CNF) ၊ ကခ်င္လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးအဖြဲ႕အစည္း (KIO) ၊ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားအစည္းအရုံး (KNU) ၊ ကရင္နီအ မ်ိဳးသားတိုးတက္ေရးပါတီ (KNPP) ႏွင့္ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီ ( NMSP) တို႕မွေျခလ်င္တပ္သား ၁၀၀ တို႕ျဖင့္နားေထာင္ျခင္းစကားစမည္ ၀ ိုင္းမ်ား စီစဥ္ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သည္။ ထိုစကား ၀ ိုင္းမ်ားမွ အဓိကအေၾကာင္းအရာေခါင္းစဥ္မ်ား ႏွင့္ အမ်ားလက္ခံေ သာ အေၾကာင္းအရာတို႕အား ေဖာ္ထုတ္ခဲ့ၾကၿပီး ၊ ေအာက္တြ င္ပါ ၀ င္မည့္အခန္းမ်ားတြင္ အေသးစိတ္ေဖာ္ျပမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးႏွင့္ ပဋိပကၡအေရးေလ့လာမႈစင္တာ ( CPCS ) သည္ ျမန္မာျပည္ ပဋိပကၡအတြင္းပါ ၀ င္ေသာ လက္နက္ကိုင္အဖြဲ႕မ်ားႏွင့္ ၎အဖြဲ႕မ်ားမွပုဂၢိဳလ္မ်ားအၾကား မတူကြဲျပားေသာ စကား သံ တို႕အား အသိအမွတ္ျပဳ လ်က္ရွိပါသည္။ နားေထာင္ျခင္းန ည္းပညာ သည္ လူပုဂၢိဳလ္မ်ား၏အႀကံဥာဏ္မ်ားအၾကား ၊ အမ်ားလက္ခံ ေသာအေၾကာင္းအရာမ်ားသာမက ၊ ကြဲျပားျခားနားေသာအေၾကာင္းအရာမ်ားအား ရွာေဖြေဖာ္ထုတ္လ်က္ရွိပါသည္။ ဤနည္းပညာကိုအသုံးျပဳကာ NSAG မ်ားမွအႀကံဥာဏ္မ်ားအား စုေဆာင္းျခင္းအားျဖင့္ အဖြဲ႕မ်ားအၾကားရွိ အမ်ားလက္ခံေ သာအေၾကာင္းအရာမ်ား ႏွင့္ ကြဲျပားျခားနားခ်က္မ်ားအား မီးေမာင္းထိုးျပသႏိုင္ခြင့္ရရွိခဲ့ၿပီး ၊ ထိုအေၾကာင္းအရာမ်ားအား ဤစာအုပ္၏ေ နာက္ဆုံး အခန္း ရွိ အဖြဲ႕မ်ား ဖြင့္ဟေျပာၾ ကား ခ်က္ အက်ဥ္းခ်ဳပ္ မ်ား၌ အေသးစိတ္ေဖာ္ျပထားပါသည္။..."
Language: Burmese (ျမန္မာဘာသာ)
Source/publisher: Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
Format/size: pdf (1.72MB)
Alternate URLs: http://www.centrepeaceconflictstudies.org/publications/browse/
http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs21/CPCS-2014-04-Listening_to_Voices-Myanmar_Foot-Soldiers-Speak-bu....
Date of entry/update: 27 September 2015


Title: Listening to Voices: Myanmar’s Foot Soldiers Speak
Date of publication: April 2014
Description/subject: "Soldiers explained that mutual respect between all parties is needed for the peace process to be successful. Mutual respect was often mentioned in relation to the need for adherence to ceasefire agreements, reports of breaches to ceasefire agreements and concerns about the sincerity of the peace process. Generally, foot soldiers identified the need for all parties to respect the terms and conditions of agreements equally. Soldiers expressed a desire to create stronger links between what is discussed and agreed upon in peace/ceasefire agreements and implementation. Specific points of contention included soldiers carrying arms outside of their demarcated territory when agreements restricted this movement. Soldiers voiced a need for Tatmadaw soldiers to ask permission before entering their territory. One KNU soldier expressed: “Tatmadaw soldiers bring arms when they come into our regions. Don’t we have the right to hold arms? We follow the rules”..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
Format/size: pdf (746K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.centrepeaceconflictstudies.org/publications/browse/
http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs21/CPCS-2014-04-Listening_to_Voices-Myanmar_Foot-Soldiers-Speak-en....
Date of entry/update: 27 September 2015


Title: Working Inside the Triangles: Engaging with locally led peace initiatives in Myanmar
Date of publication: April 2014
Description/subject: "From sophisticated Myanmar analysts to armchair pundits, commentators on Myanmar will quickly point to an ongoing three- way power struggle taking place within Myanmar’s central political structures. The principle poles of this triangle can be summarized as the executive (President Thein Sein and his close advisors), the parliament, and the Myanmar military (Tatmadaw). Within this struggle, President Thein Sein, with support from a number of key advisors, has pushed for an ambitious program of reforms and changes. His advisors have also taken the lead in moving peace talks forward with a myriad of ethnic armed groups. The profile and personalities of key advisors have had a profound impact on the reforms and peace process. At the same time, the parliament, led by Speaker Shwe Mann, has worked to develop its own role in national politics and has taken the lead around key pieces of legislature. It is important to remember that the parliament contains a multiplicity of actors, including democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, representatives of ethnic parties, a large segment of representatives from the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) with its informal links to the Tatamadaw, as well as direct representation of the Tatamadaw..."
Author/creator: Sarah L. Clarke
Language: English
Source/publisher: Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
Format/size: pdf (553K-reduced version; 2.65MB-original)
Alternate URLs: http://www.centrepeaceconflictstudies.org/publications/browse/
http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs21/CPCS-2014-04-Working_Inside_the_Triangles-en-red.pdf
Date of entry/update: 26 September 2015


Title: Working Inside the Triangles: Engaging with locally led peace initiatives in Myanmar - ₘ屡兢㨓₼䤓冔䟇: ㇢⦿⥯侯⃊⺋䤓✛㄂⊰帽
Date of publication: April 2014
Description/subject: Working Inside the Triangles: Engaging with locally led peace initiatives in Myanmar....."㡯幉㢾忓䂀䤓冔䟇桽欧₢⹅᧨执㢾䴉㎂㿍ⷵ劔᧨㓏㦘冔䟇桽 欧幓幉⛧掌↩␂㽷᧨冔䟇₼⮽㟎㽊兢㨓₼ₘ匰╎┪䤓㠦℘ᇭ扨₹ ₘ屡㩅㨓₼⃊尐䤓⚓㨐♾v11月兢⃉᧨11月兮᧤▔㕻䘿↊11月兮⛃䤊䥪 ✛VI䤓ヤ⍩᧥ ᧨⦌↩✛冔䟇␪梮ᇭ  ⦷扨⧉㧒┪屡抟₼᧨11月兮⛃䤊䥪(七)Ⓙℕ捷14.␂枽欍桽䤓㞾 㖐᧨⏷┪㘷扪₏⧉楓㉒╒╒䤓♧槸ᇭVI䤓欍桽xii⃮⦷㘷┷₝↦⮩ ⺠㟿㺠㡞㷵孔刳⇢᧨⻤㆏✛㄂⺈幬ᇭ扨K␂枽欍桽䤓₹ⅉ⻴☕✛ ᄀ)❜ᇭ(䞮ℕ䂀Ⓤ䤓ב₹㊶䔈䍈⃮⺈⦌⹅㟈槸₝✛㄂扪䲚  ₝㷳⚛㢅᧨䟀⛃䛭㦋⃊⺋䤓冔䟇⦌↩᧨∫∫䏅⦷⦌␔㟎㽊₼♠ 㖴䕻䔈⇫䞷᧨⃊⺋␂枽䵚㽤㧉㨓ᇭ⋋(七)㽷㎞䤓㢾᧨⦌↩₼㦘⚓䱜 伊⨚䤓嫛⃉⇢᧨▔㕻㺠⃊欕嬥㢑一侯ⷲᇬ⺠㟿㺠㡞⏩㿍iii嫷ᇬ冔 䟇勣挵へ⦉₝♠⻤⏩ (USDP) ₼₝冔䟇␪梮㦘槭㷲㆞勣侊䤓⮶捷14. iii嫷᧨执㦘冔䟇␪梮䤓䦃㘴iii嫷ᇭ..."
Author/creator: Sarah L. Clarke
Language: Chinese
Source/publisher: Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
Format/size: pdf (1.51MB)
Alternate URLs: http://www.centrepeaceconflictstudies.org/publications/browse/
http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs21/CPCS-2014-04-Working_Inside_the_Triangles-ch.pdf
Date of entry/update: 27 September 2015


Title: Working Inside the Triangles: Engaging with locally led peace initiatives in Myanmar - ႀတိဂံမ်ားအတြင္း အလုပ္လုပ္ျခင္း၊ ျမန္မာျပည္အတြင္း ေဒသခံမ်ား
Date of publication: April 2014
Description/subject: Working Inside the Triangles: Engaging with locally led peace initiatives in Myanmar - ႀတိဂံမ်ားအတြင္း အလုပ္လုပ္ျခင္း၊ ျမန္မာျပည္အတြင္း ေဒသခံမ်ားဦးေဆာင္ေသာ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး အစပ်ဳိးုလုပ္ငန္းမ်ား၌ ပါဝင္ပတ္သက္လုပ္ေဆာင္ျခင္း....." အေတြ႔အႀကံဳမ်ားလွေသာ ျမန္မာ့အေရးသုံးသပ္သူမ်ားမွအစ စာေတြ႔ေ၀ဖန္ၾကသူမ်ားကဲ့သုိ႔ေသာသူမ်ားအထိ ျမန္မာ့အေရးအစီရင္ခံသူမ်ားသည္ ျမန္မာ့ဗဟုိႏုိင္ငံေရး ဖြဲ႔စည္းတည္ေဆာက္ပုံအတြင္း ျဖစ္ေပၚလ်က္ရွိေသာ သုံးပြင့္ဆုိင္အာဏာလြန္ဆြဲမႈကုိ ရုတ္ခ်ည္းၫႊန္ျပႏုိင္ၾကမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ ထုိႀတိဂံ၏ အနားသုံးဖက္မွာ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈက႑ (သမၼတသိန္းစိန္ႏွင့္သူ၏အနီးကပ္အႀကံေပးမ်ား)၊ လႊတ္ေတာ္ႏွင့္ ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္တုိ႔ပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ ထုိလြန္ဆြဲမႈအတြင္း သမၼတသိန္းစိန္သည္ သူ၏အႀကံေပးပုဂၢိဳလ္မ်ား အားေပးေထာက္ခံမႈျဖင့္ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္ႀကီးမားလွေသာ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးႏွင့္ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရးအစီအစဥ္တရပ္အား အားႀကိဳးမာန္တက္လုပ္ေဆာင္လာခဲ့သည္။ အႀကံေပးပုဂၢိဳလ္မ်ားမွလည္း မ်ားစြာေသာတုိင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကုိင္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားႏွင့္ ျပဳလုပ္ေသာ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးေဆြးေႏြးပြဲမ်ားတြင္ ဦးေဆာင္ဦးရြက္ျပဳလာၾကသည္။ အဓိက အႀကံေပးပုဂၢိဳလ္မ်ား၏ ကုိယ္ေရးရာဇ၀င္ႏွင့္ ပင္ကုိယ္စရုိက္အရည္အေသြးတုိ႔သည္ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးႏွင့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးျဖစ္စဥ္အတြက္ နက္နဲစြာ အက်ဳိးသက္ေရာက္မႈရွီေစပါသည္။
Author/creator: Sarah L. Clarke
Language: Burmese (ျမန္မာဘာသာ)
Source/publisher: Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
Format/size: pdf (850K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.centrepeaceconflictstudies.org/publications/browse/
http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs21/CPCS-2014-04-Working_Inside_the_Triangles-bu.pdf
Date of entry/update: 27 September 2015


Title: Open Democracy - The Myanmar context
Date of publication: 28 March 2014
Description/subject: "For the first time since independence, government forces and most Ethnic Armed Groups have stopped fighting. This is an historic achievement in peace-making. However, the ceasefire process has yet to be transformed into a substantial and sustainable phase of peace-building..."
Author/creator: Ashley South
Language: English
Source/publisher: "Open Democracy"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 28 March 2014


Title: A federal army for Myanmar?
Date of publication: 24 March 2014
Description/subject: "Many observers of Myanmar's political transition agree that the success of President Thein Sein's democratic reforms and national reconciliation initiatives hinges on his quasi-civilian government's ability and willingness to accommodate the political demands and desires of various ethnic groups. Chief among those demands are greater political, economic and cultural autonomy in the form of federalism and control over the exploitation of natural resources in their geographic regions. But as political maneuvers and negotiations for a nationwide ceasefire..."
Author/creator: Saw Greh Moo
Language: English
Source/publisher: "Asia Times Online"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 26 May 2014


Title: Ceasefires and Durable Solutions in Myanmar: a lessons learned review.....Commentary: IDPs and refugees in the current Myanmar peace process
Date of publication: March 2014
Description/subject: "Over six decades of ethnic conflict in Myanmar have generated displacement crises just as long. At the time of writing there are an estimated 640,747 internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Myanmar, and 415,373 refugees originating from the country.However, these figures are not fully indicative of levels of forced migration, as obtaining reliable data for IDPs remains difficult, while millions of regular and irregular migrants have also left the country, often fleeing similar conditions to those faced by documented refugees and IDPs. Since a new government came into power in 2011, it has managed to secure fresh ceasefire agreements with the majority of the country’s ethnonationalist armed groups (EAGs), potentially inching one step closer to a lasting solution for the country’s hundreds of thousands of refugees and IDPs. As the possibility for voluntary return and resettlement of displaced people opens up, there is a lot to learn from a look back at past ceasefire periods in Myanmar where movements of such populations have taken place. Focusing on the cases of the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) ceasefire in 1994, and the New Mon State Party (NMSP) ceasefire in 1995, which had very different impacts on the displaced populations affected, this paper aims to provide lessons for the current transition..." Jolliffe)....."This commentary reflects on some key findings emerging from Kim Jolliffe’s paper on lessons learned from previous ceasefire agreements in Myanmar, and examines how issues relating to refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) have been addressed in the current ceasefires and emerging peace process in Myanmar. The main focus of both papers are the Kachin situation (past and present), a case study of historic forced migration and attempted solutions in Mon areas, and the current situation in Karen areas. Comprehensive treatment of these issues would have to take into account (inter alia) the contexts in western Myanmar, and Shan and Karenni/Kayah areas..." (South)
Author/creator: Kim Jolliffe (paper); Ashley South (Commentary)
Language: English
Source/publisher: United Nations - Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)
Format/size: pdf (915K-reduced version; 1.18MB-original)
Alternate URLs: http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/home/opendocPDFViewer.html?docid=533927c39&query=%22New%20is...
Date of entry/update: 13 October 2014


Title: Lessons Learned from MPSI’s work supporting the peace process in Myanmar - March 2012 to March 2014
Date of publication: March 2014
Description/subject: "EXECUTIVE SUMMARY – THE MYANMAR PEACE SUPPORT INITIATIVE The Myanmar Peace Support Initiative (MPSI) • The MPSI was launched in March 2012, following a request from the Government of Myanmar to the Government of Norway to lead international support to the peace process. MPSI was never intended to be a mediation initiative, but rather designed to come in just behind the political momentum of the peace process, helping to support ceasefire agreements reached by the Government and Ethnic Armed Groups. Enabling this role to be played by an international actor was a first for Myanmar, reflecting the new opportunity for peace between national actors. It was also quite a unique arrangement in comparison to other peace-­‐making processes internationally. • This report brings together research conducted in the last year, including an MPSI ‘Reflections’ report produced in early 2013, an independent review of MPSI undertaken in 2014, and is informed by field trips, discussions with peace process stakeholders, the insights of MPSI staff, meetings and workshops with Government and Ethnic Armed Groups, community meetings and project reporting. The report seeks to reflect on those two years of support, and suggest ways to frame and improve international support to the peace process and aid into conflict-­‐affected areas. • In the last two years MPSI has facilitated projects that built trust and confidence in -­‐ and tested -­‐ the ceasefires, disseminated lessons learned from these experiences, and sought to strengthen the local and international coordination of assistance to the peace process. In doing so MPSI engaged with the Government, Myanmar Army, Ethnic Armed Groups, political parties, civil society actors and communities, as well as international partners, to provide concrete support to the ceasefires and emerging peace process. • MPSI associated projects have been undertaken across five ethnic States (Chin, Shan, Mon, Karen and Kayah) and two Regions (Bago and Tanintharyi). Projects have been delivered in partnership with seven Ethnic Armed Groups, thirteen local partners (four of which are consortia), and nine international partners. Flexible and responsive funding was received from Norway, Finland, The Netherlands, Denmark, the United Kingdom, Switzerland, the European Union and Australia. • From the outset, the intention had been for the MPSI to provide temporary support to the emergence and consolidation of peace, in the absence of appropriate, longer-­‐term structures and while more sustainable international peace support responses were mobilised. In line with its stated purpose of being a temporary structure, MPSI aspired for its work to be continued by local actors, national and international Non-­‐governmental organisations and other entities including sector donor funding instruments, such as the Peace Donor Support Group (PDSG). • There have been many contextual, political and structural challenges for MPSI in carrying out its role. These have included tensions in the peace process itself, especially delays in starting necessary political dialogue; managing the expectations of key stakeholders; developing MPSI’s own working processes (without creating an ‘institutionalised’ structure); limitations in capacity and knowledge (especially regarding best practice to enable community agency and empowerment); and maintaining a flexible, adaptive, responsive strategy (i.e. working without a ‘blue print’) while implementation was already underway. • The following paper seeks to set out lessons, reflections and insights on the work of MPSI. It is composed of a background section, a section on lessons learned during two years of MPSI’s work, and a section examining application of the New Deal Framework1 to the Myanmar context..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: The Myanmar Peace Support Initiative
Format/size: pdf (689K)
Date of entry/update: 28 March 2014


Title: Women's voices not being heard in peace talks
Date of publication: 18 December 2013
Description/subject: December 18, 2013 "Negotiations between the government and representatives from 18 armed ethnic groups give a glimpse of the potential for positive changes to come to Myanmar’s embattled ethnic states. However, these talks also cast a spotlight on the dismal state of gender discrimination in the country: All of the chief negotiators are men..."
Author/creator: Taylor Landis
Language: English
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Times" via Fortify Rights
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 26 May 2014


Title: Listen To Us – Stop Ignoring Our Concerns
Date of publication: 12 October 2013
Description/subject: "A number of international governments, organisations and individuals try to squeeze the current situation of the Karen people into a narrow, restrictive and simplistic narrative that is usually framed like this. ‘After more than sixty years of conflict, at last the Karen have peace. There has been a ceasefire for almost two years, the Karen National Union and government of Burma are in dialogue, development projects and aid are coming into Karen State to help the people, and finally refugees can return home.’ If all this is true, why aren’t Karen people celebrating? As a nation, the Karen people have suffered so much. Generation after generation has grown up in fear, facing conflict, displacement and repression. Unknown millions have been forced from their homes, uncounted thousands have been killed, and there has been so much suffering. Surely if there is a real peace, we’d all be happy? Certainly for several communities in conflict zones the ceasefire makes a big difference. People are not being attacked as they were before, their villages destroyed, their lives taken, and the use of forced labour has fallen. However, even in these communities there is great caution. It’s a caution shared by most Karen people across Burma, in neighbouring Thailand, and those further abroad. International observers should be trying to understand exactly why people who have suffered so much from conflict and human rights abuses are not celebrating the current peace and reform process. If they fail to do so, they’ll fail to understand what is happening in Burma, and they will never see the lasting peace they claim they want to see in our country..."
Author/creator: Zoya Phan
Language: English
Source/publisher: "Karen News"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 14 October 2013


Title: BURMA KIO Signs New Peace Deal, But Still No Ceasefire
Date of publication: 10 October 2013
Description/subject: "The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) has signed another preliminary peace deal with the Burma government pledging to reduce fighting, while stopping short of a full ceasefire. The seven-point agreement signed on Thursday goes a step further than past agreements by calling for the establishment of a joint monitoring team to monitor troops on the frontlines. It also calls for the development of a plan for the voluntary return and resettlement of internally displaced persons (IDPs), as well as the reopening of roads that have been closed due to fighting. The deal came after three days of discussion between leaders of the KIO and the government peace delegation in the Kachin State capital, Myitkyina..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 10 October 2013


Title: Burma’s Ethnic Challenge: From Aspirations to Solution
Date of publication: October 2013
Description/subject: Conclusion: "Ultimately, it must be for Burma’s peoples to decide their political future. As in previous times of change, the present landscape looks uncertain and complex. But for the first time in decades, the issues of peace, democracy and promises of ethnic equality agreed at Burma’s independence are back for national debate and attracting international attention. This marks an important change from the preceding years of conflict and malaise under military rule, and expectations are currently high. It is vital therefore that opportunities are not lost and that the present generation of leaders succeed in achieving peace and justice where others before them have failed. Realism and honesty about the tasks ahead are essential. Burma’s leaders and parties, on all sides of the political and ethnic spectrum, still have much to achieve.".....Recommendations: "To end the legacy of state failure, the present time of national transition must be used for inclusive solutions that involve all peoples of Burma. The most important changes in national politics have started in many decades. Now all sides have to halt military operations and engage in sociopolitical dialogue that includes government, military, ethnic, political and civil society representatives. Political agreements will be essential to achieve lasting peace, democracy and ethnic rights. National reconciliation and equality must be the common aim. The divisive tradition of different agreements and processes with different ethnic and political groups must end. In building peace and democracy, peoplecentred and pro-poor economic reforms are vital. Land-grabbing must halt, and development programmes should be appropriate, sustainable and undertaken with the consent of the local peoples. Humanitarian aid should be prioritized for the most needy and vulnerable communities and not become a source of political advantage or division. As peace develops, internally displaced persons and refugees must be supported to return to their places of origin and to rebuild divided societies in the ethnic borderlands. The international community must play a neutral and supportive role in the achievement of peace and democracy. National reform is at an early stage, and it is vital that ill-planned strategies or investments do not perpetuate political failures and ethnic injustice."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Transnational Institute (TNI), Burma Centrum Nederland
Format/size: pdf (1.13MB)
Alternate URLs: http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/bpb_12_def.pdf
Date of entry/update: 07 December 2013


Title: Myanmar's Shan see long path to peace
Date of publication: 06 September 2013
Description/subject: "Deep in Myanmar's mountainous terrain near the border with Thailand, the rebel Shan State Army (SSA) has one of its main bases. The slow drive from the border on a steep winding track through the jungle along the top of a ravine takes several hours. There, Lieutenant General Yawd Serk commands one of the last ethnic armies still fighting for autonomy against the Myanmar military. The SSA-South army, as it's popularly known, numbers several thousand armed troops. Shan rebel leaders insist that they have at least 20,000 trained soldiers; Thai military intelligence sources suggest the figure is now less than 10,000 under arms. They have been fighting against the Myanmar army since 1995, after a group of rebels refused to accept a ceasefire agreement signed by the Mong Tai army led by the Shan supremo at the time, the now deceased drug baron Khun Sa..."
Author/creator: Larry Jagan
Language: English
Source/publisher: "Asia Times Online"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 30 May 2014


Title: Economics of Peace and Conflict
Date of publication: September 2013
Description/subject: Executive summary: "The attention on business concessions and economic development in peace negotiations is a highly controversial issue that many believe compromises the core question of political and national identity issues. However it is important to recognise that major grievances that fuel conflict are related to economics, namely negative impacts of development projects on local communities and competition over control of economic resources between local ethnic groups and the central government. Moreover, Non-State Armed Groups (NSAGs) themselves realise that fighting for the rights of their people cannot avoid the question of economics as money and power are inextricably linked. This report explores the economic roots of conflict in an attempt to identify peaceful solutions. It observes six main economic grievances that drive conflict in Myanmar, and tries to analyse the different measures being taken to address each of them. These grievances include increased militarisation of economic projects, lack of ownership and management power over natural resources, land confiscation, environmental and social impact of economic projects, poverty and underdevelopment in ethnic nationality areas. The reformist government has tried to respond to each of these grievances by initiating a multitude of bills, policies, development plans, commissions and committees under the existing constitution. NSAGs have tried to address these issues, sometimes independently, but more often through demands in peace negotiations with the government. Civil society groups also play an active role in voicing local needs and grievances that are important in informing sound decision making for policy solutions. International aid supports these different actors and reforms through financial and technical assistance. Analysing the wide-ranging attempts to address economic grievances reveals an important discovery that the key hindrance to ongoing reforms and implementation of peace agreements is the continued power of the military over the economy and government administrative structure. Its own economic interests and ideologies in dealing with NSAGs inevitably put them in opposition to the government’s plans to change existing power structures. The centralisation of key ownership and management power over natural resources stipulated in the 2008 Constitution also mean that the government’s enthusiasm for decentralisation reforms will not solve the ethnic struggle. The military's legacy may explain why - despite the many attempted solutions - conflict has not abated and locals have yet to witness major improvements in their lives. Ensuring that these solutions can succeed in achieving real change and sustainable peace will not only rely on great skill but reforming the old powers of the military and transforming it into a professional defence army. Understanding the underlying economic interests of competing groups in Myanmar is therefore critical in achieving the much desired peace and stability."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Myanmar Peace Monitor, Burma News International
Format/size: pdf (1.5MB-reduced version; 13.6MB-original)
Alternate URLs: http://www.mmpeacemonitor.org/images/pdf/economics_peace_and_conflict_eng.pdf
Date of entry/update: 12 July 2014


Title: Economics of Peace and Conflict (Burmese မန္မာဘာသာ)
Date of publication: September 2013
Description/subject: Executive summary: "The attention on business concessions and economic development in peace negotiations is a highly controversial issue that many believe compromises the core question of political and national identity issues. However it is important to recognise that major grievances that fuel conflict are related to economics, namely negative impacts of development projects on local communities and competition over control of economic resources between local ethnic groups and the central government. Moreover, Non-State Armed Groups (NSAGs) themselves realise that fighting for the rights of their people cannot avoid the question of economics as money and power are inextricably linked. This report explores the economic roots of conflict in an attempt to identify peaceful solutions. It observes six main economic grievances that drive conflict in Myanmar, and tries to analyse the different measures being taken to address each of them. These grievances include increased militarisation of economic projects, lack of ownership and management power over natural resources, land confiscation, environmental and social impact of economic projects, poverty and underdevelopment in ethnic nationality areas. The reformist government has tried to respond to each of these grievances by initiating a multitude of bills, policies, development plans, commissions and committees under the existing constitution. NSAGs have tried to address these issues, sometimes independently, but more often through demands in peace negotiations with the government. Civil society groups also play an active role in voicing local needs and grievances that are important in informing sound decision making for policy solutions. International aid supports these different actors and reforms through financial and technical assistance. Analysing the wide-ranging attempts to address economic grievances reveals an important discovery that the key hindrance to ongoing reforms and implementation of peace agreements is the continued power of the military over the economy and government administrative structure. Its own economic interests and ideologies in dealing with NSAGs inevitably put them in opposition to the government’s plans to change existing power structures. The centralisation of key ownership and management power over natural resources stipulated in the 2008 Constitution also mean that the government’s enthusiasm for decentralisation reforms will not solve the ethnic struggle. The military's legacy may explain why - despite the many attempted solutions - conflict has not abated and locals have yet to witness major improvements in their lives. Ensuring that these solutions can succeed in achieving real change and sustainable peace will not only rely on great skill but reforming the old powers of the military and transforming it into a professional defence army. Understanding the underlying economic interests of competing groups in Myanmar is therefore critical in achieving the much desired peace and stability."
Language: Burmese (ျမန္မာဘာသာ)
Source/publisher: Burma News International
Format/size: pdf (2MB-reduced version; 4MB-original)
Alternate URLs: http://mmpeacemonitor.org/images/pdf/economics_peace_and_conflict_bur.pdf
Date of entry/update: 13 September 2015


Title: ANALYSIS OF THE UNFC POSITION
Date of publication: 06 August 2013
Description/subject: EBO analysis of the UNFC position developed at its Chiangmai meeting of 29-31 July, 2013...contains article-by article analuysis plus a chart of the relative strength of the UNFC and non-UNFC forces.
Language: English
Source/publisher: Euro-Burma Office (EBO) Briefing Paper No. 4/2013
Format/size: pdf (393K)
Date of entry/update: 07 August 2013


Title: Draft Framework for Political Negotiations
Date of publication: 02 August 2013
Description/subject: DRAFT PEACE AGREEMENT: WGEC Decision Aug 1-2, 2013 (Burmese); Comprehensive Peace Agreement, 2 August 2013 (Draft, English); Comprehensive Peace Agreement, 2 August 2013 (Draft, Burmese)... ANNEXES: ANNEX 1: Scope of participation.... ANNEX 2: Dialogue issues... ANNEX 3: Graphics: Panglong 2014 Graphic (English); Panglong 2014 Graphic (Burmese); Panglong II Graphic - Dialogue and Peace Process & Structures (Burmese); Panglong II Graphic - Dialogue and Peace Process & Structures (English); Burma Road Map (English); Burma Road Map (Burmese)
Language: English, Burmese/ ျမန္မာဘာသာ
Source/publisher: Working Group for Ethnic Coordination (WGEC)
Format/size: pdf (1.2MB)
Date of entry/update: 17 August 2013


Title: Statement of the Ethnic Nationalities Conference, August 2, 2013
Date of publication: 02 August 2013
Description/subject: "1. Under the aegis of the UNFC, an Ethnic Nationality Conference was held from July 29 to 31 at a certain place in the liberated area. 2. A total of 122 delegates, representing the UNFC member organizations, 18 resistance organizations, the United Nationality Alliance, 4 political parties of the ethnic nationalities, youth organizations, women organizations, community-based organizations, the overseas ethnic nationality organizations, academics and active individuals. 3. The delegates freely discussed matters relating to the current situation in Burma/Myanmar, enhancement of the unity of the ethnic nationalities and establishment of a future, peaceful, prosperous and genuine Federal Union. 4. The historic conference, in unity, adopted the following important positions and decisions..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC)
Format/size: pdf (165K)
Date of entry/update: 08 August 2013


Title: THE UNFC AND THE PEACE PROCESS
Date of publication: August 2013
Description/subject: OVERVIEW: "At the beginning of June 2013 the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), an alliance representing 11 armed ethnic groups, took the unanticipated decision of withdrawing from the Working Group for Ethnic Coordination (WGEC). The WGEC had been formulating a framework that would focus on upcoming political dialogue including the agenda, the composition, the mandate, the structure, any transitional arrangements, and also its core principles.1 After the WGEC had created the framework that would be used in the peace process the UNFC declared that the WGEC was no longer relevant. And, as such, should be disbanded thus allowing the UNFC, using the framework, to be the sole negotiator with the Government. According to UNFC General Secretary Nai Han Tha: "The main object for setting up the WGEC was to design a draft framework for political dialogue with the government . . . Now that the work is completed, we have to focus on the negotiations with the government instead." Khun Okker, the UNFC joint Secretary – stated that one of the main reasons for the UNFC’s withdrawal from the WGEC was that: "We came to a hitch concerning the formation of the negotiation team . . . The WGEC wanted an overhaul (to make way for non-UNFC movements) while we could allow only a UNFC plus arrangement." According to the Euro-Burma office which supports the activities of the WGEC, the WGEC itself had proposed that a negotiating team be formed, in March 2013, for all armed ethnic groups. It was this proposition, that would have been all-inclusive involving both UNFC and non-UNFC members, that led to the UNFC withdrawal and its call for the WGEC to be disbanded. In an attempt to consolidate its negotiating position and secure further support for such a mandate, the UNFC organised a multi-ethnic conference from July 29 to July 31 in Chiang Mai, Thailand. In total 122 delegates attended including 18 armed ethnic groups and the United Nationalities Alliance (UNA) which is comprised of ethnic political parties that had contested the 1990 election. In addition, representatives from the United Wa State Army (UWSA), the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) and exiled representatives of the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA)also attended. Neither the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) nor the Karen National Union attended the conference...The conference resulted in six major points being made:..."
Author/creator: Editor: Lian H. Sakhong | Author: Paul Keenan
Language: English
Source/publisher: Burma Centre for Ethnic Studies (Briefing Paper No. 16)
Format/size: pdf (150K)
Alternate URLs: http://burmaethnicstudies.net/pdf/BCES-BP-16.pdf
Date of entry/update: 04 September 2013


Title: Rain for Myanmar's peace parade
Date of publication: 25 June 2013
Description/subject: "A grand ceremony is expected to be held next month in the Myanmar capital of Naypyidaw, where a nationwide ceasefire with various ethnic resistance armies will be announced to an audience of United Nations representatives and other foreign dignitaries. Ten of Myanmar's 11 major ethnic rebel groups who have signed individual ceasefire agreements with the government will be highlighted at the high-profile event. The one main rebel outlier, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), has not yet reached a ceasefire agreement. The most recent round of talks between KIA and government representatives in the Kachin State capital of Myitkyina held between May 28-30 failed to yield the deal government authorities anticipated. The two sides agreed only to a seven-point agreement stating that "the parties undertake efforts to achieve de-escalation and cessation of hostilities" and "to hold a political dialogue" - though no firm commitment was made concerning when such talks would commence..."
Author/creator: Bertil Lintner
Language: English
Source/publisher: "Asia Times Online"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 29 May 2014


Title: Comprehensive Union Peace & Ceasefire Agreement Burma/Myanmar, 8 April 2013 (English & Burmese text)
Date of publication: 20 June 2013
Description/subject: Comprehensive Union Peace & Ceasefire Agreement, Burma/Myanmar, 8 April 2013 [made public, 20 June 2013)... CONCEPT DRAFT 1: Based on the: - Ceasefire Agreements between the Government and Ethnic Armed Groups (Nov. 2011-Dec. 2012) - Preliminary Framework Agreement (Dec. 2012), - Statement of Ethnic Nationalities 2012 Conference, - Consultations with EAG’s leadership (Jan – April 2013), - Statement from Civil Society Forum for Peace 2012.
Language: English, Burmese/ ျမန္မာဘာသာ
Source/publisher: Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N.)
Format/size: pdf (97K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs15/2013-06-Comprehensive-union-peace-ceasefire-agreement-bu.html
http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs15/2013-06-Comprehensive-union-peace-ceasefire-agreement-en.pdf
Date of entry/update: 20 June 2013


Title: Ethnic working group presents draft framework for political negotiations
Date of publication: 20 June 2013
Description/subject: "After being shrouded in secrecy for months, it was disclosed at a recent meeting in Chiangmai that the long-awaited draft framework for the planned nationwide political dialogue had been presented to the Myanmar Peace Center (MPC) that serves as a technical advisory body for the government last month... Included in the draft entitled “Comprehensive National Peace and Ceasefire Agreement” are: A 15-point common principles (including Panglong Agreement, non-secession and inclusivity) * A 14-point nationwide ceasefire accord (including establishment of Military Code of Conduct, Joint Ceasefire Committee and liaison offices) * A 6-point framework agreement for political dialogue (including setting up of a joint National Dialogue Steering Committee and holding of National Dialogue Conference) * A 9-point transitional arrangement (including time frame, empowerment of vulnerable groups and land reform issues)... * Scope of participation (900 participants from government, political parties and ethnic armed movements) * A 9-point dialogue issues (including constitutional reforms, security reforms, land issues, drug eradication, IDP/refugee issues, language and cultural nights and media issues) *Military Code of Conduct (as drafted by the Karen National Union).....[Link to the text of the agreement at the foot of the article]
Language: English
Source/publisher: Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N.)
Format/size: html, pdf
Date of entry/update: 20 June 2013


Title: To Hopeland and back (Part II) #2
Date of publication: 19 June 2013
Description/subject: "Day One (9 June 2013): One of the obvious reasons the armed opposition has refused to enter government-controlled territory is because one is, at least psychologically, disadvantaged over one’s counterpart in the control of a situation. Many, like the Sri Lankan government and the Tamil Tigers, have therefore conducted their negotiations outside the country. Chairman Yawdserk however has adopted a different approach. He insisted that the first meeting, in 2008, must be held in a third country where each side would have an equal chance to put the feelers out on the other before deciding on the course of action to be taken..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N.)
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 20 June 2013


Title: To Hopeland and Back (Part II) #1
Date of publication: 18 June 2013
Description/subject: "So I am back in Chiang Mai, which is the town that I have been in and out of since 1971, and where I have lived and worked since 1996, I have returned from an 8-day sojourn, 9-12 June, to Burma. I have come to call the country Hopeland, as it is a place full of hopes and dreams after more than 60 years of nightmares. I traveled to Hopeland on the invitation of Lt.-Gen. Yawdserk, who was invited by U Aung Min, Vice Chairman of the Union Peacemaking Work Committee (UPWC). The following events were organized by our hosts:..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N.)
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 20 June 2013


Title: Ongoing struggles
Date of publication: May 2013
Description/subject: Key Points: • Myanmar's central democratic reforms have received broad backing, enabling it to boost its legitimacy and consolidate its hold on power. • Although tentative ceasefires have been concluded with most of the ethno-nationalist armed groups, there is no clear timeline or plan to address longstanding demands for self-rule and the protection of cultural identities. • Meanwhile, the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO), the principal protagonist in the struggle for ethnic rights, has been the focus of sustained military offensives. As Myanmar's democratic reform process rumbles on, military offensives continue despite ceasefires between most of the ethno-nationalist rebel armies and the government. Curtis W Lambrecht examines the road to peace in the country.
Author/creator: Curtis W Lambrecht
Language: English
Source/publisher: Jane's Terrorism and Security Monitor, May 2013,
Format/size: pdf (95K)
Date of entry/update: 03 May 2013


Title: Where are the Women? - Negotiations for Peace in Burma
Date of publication: May 2013
Description/subject: Introduction: "Since the unanimous adoption of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security in 2000, international consensus has been built around the need to involve women in peace processes in order for peace building to be sustainable, democratic and inclusive. This policy framework now includes five resolutions adopted by the Security Council to promote and protect the rights of women in conflict and post-conflict situations. The recent 7-point action plan released by the United Nation’s Secretary General in 2010 reafirmed the importance of mainstreaming a gender perspective throughout all aspects of the peace building process, and identiied several substantive points of action to increase gender responsiveness... Despite this, women in Burma are effectively excluded from participating in the negotiations for peace. Less than a handful of women have been part of the offcial talks held between the State and the armed groups, and none of the 12 preliminary ceasefire agreements reviewed for this report includes any references to gender or women. The expertise of local women’s groups in peacemaking and trust building efforts has gone unnoticed, and concerns raised by women are being sidelined. The interest by the dominant funders of the Burmese peace building initiatives, the international community, in advocating for the increased participation of women or for the mainstreaming of gender responsiveness has been, at best, inadequate. This is a worrisome development which requires action from both international and local actors as the continued exclusion of women risks undermining the legitimacy of the entire process."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Swedish Burma Committee
Format/size: pdf (132K-reduced version; 220K-original)
Alternate URLs: https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/53174387/Where%20are%20the%20Women.pdf
Date of entry/update: 09 December 2014


Title: Powers Seek Influence in Burma’s Conflict
Date of publication: 18 March 2013
Description/subject: "Burma’s President Thein Sein, while visiting Europe, announced that the government’s fighting against ethnic resistance forces has ended – even as the government moves more troops into the troubled areas. Meanwhile, the United States and China are scrambling for influence by brokering peace to end the ethnic conflicts. Dozens of think tanks and NGOs from the West are attracting donor funds and pouring into the country. “The outcome has been overlapping initiatives, rivalry among organizations – and, more often than not, a lack of understanding by inexperienced ‘peacemakers’ of the conflicts’ root causes,” explains journalist and author Bertil Lintner. China, unhappy with Burma’s embrace of the West, has been actively leading peace talks since January. Lintner points out that China’s Yunnan Province has more than 130,000 ethnic Kachin who sympathize with their fellow Burmese Kachin. Motivations may differ, but China and the US both want the conflicts to end. Burma’s leaders may find it difficult to pursue military solutions, continuing sending troops north, while playing China and the United States off each other..."
Author/creator: Bertil Lintner
Language: English
Source/publisher: Yale Global Online -Yale Center for the Study of Globalization
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 23 March 2013


Title: Finally, a Window for Peace in Burma
Date of publication: 09 March 2013
Description/subject: "Civil war has plagued Burma for over 60 years now. At a number of times throughout that period, the ethnic rebel groups fighting for autonomy from the central government attempted to join forces. But their common foe, the Burmese military, consistently refused to have any dealings with alliances that tried to bring together all the restive minorities into a common front. The reason for this was simple: The generals always understood that ethnic rebels tend to be a fractious bunch, and that it’s only too easy to incite defections by playing to a particular group’s sectional interests (whether it be the offer of a favorable deal or the threat of a harsh crackdown). As a result, the Burmese army developed considerable expertise in the subtleties of divide and rule. On Feb. 20, this well-established scenario finally collapsed. For the first time, the Burmese government’s senior ministers met with the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), an alliance of 11 ethnic armed groups, in Chiang Mai, Thailand. According to a joint statement released after the meeting, the discussion focused on establishing an agenda for future political dialogue between the government and the ethnic council..."
Author/creator: Min Zin
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 11 March 2013


Title: Investing in peace: the role of business in Myanmar’s peace process
Date of publication: 08 March 2013
Description/subject: "As the peace negotiations in Myanmar continue at an ever-increasing pace, the necessity for regulated, transparent, and ethical business opportunities increases. While there has been much negative criticism of business’s role in the peace process, with government talks often being attended and in some cases financed by businessmen, the need for development in ethnic states should not be overshadowed by political short-sightedness and worries over the inclusion of the private sector. It is essential that ethnic armed groups, in a time of peace, should move away from their current main sources of income, which include taxing the local communities, logging and mining, to less socially and environmentally destructive forms of supporting themselves. And the private sector can facilitate this. While environmental activists will argue that the inclusion of business is detrimental to the peace process, it is essential in areas that have been underdeveloped for decades..."
Author/creator: Paul Keenan
Language: English
Source/publisher: Mizzima
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: http://www.mizzima.com/business/9021-investing-in-peace-the-role-of-business-in-myanmars-peace-proc...
Date of entry/update: 12 March 2013


Title: Mapping of Myanmar Peacebuilding Civil Society
Date of publication: 07 March 2013
Description/subject: This paper was prepared in the framework of the Civil Society Dialogue Network (CSDN) http://www.eplo.org/civil-society-dialogue-network.html The paper was produced as background for the CSDN meeting entitled ‘Supporting Myanmar’s Evolving Peace Processes: What Roles for Civil Society and the EU?’ which took place in Brussels on 7 March 2013...."The peace process currently underway in Myanmar represents the best opportunity in half a century to resolve ethnic and state-society conflicts. The most significant challenges facing the peace process are: to initiate substantial political dialogue between the government and NSAGs (broaden the peace process); to include participation of civil society and affected communities (deepen the peace process); to demonstrate the Myanmar Army’s willingness to support the peace agenda. Communities in many parts of the country are already experiencing benefits, particularly in terms of freedom of movement and reduction in more serious human rights abuses. Nevertheless, communities have serious concerns regarding the peace process, including in the incursion of business interests (e.g. natural resource extraction projects) into previously inaccessible, conflict-affected areas. Concerns also relate to the exclusion thus far of most local actors from meaningful participation in the peace process. Indeed, many civil society actors and political parties express growing resentment at being excluded from the peace process..."
Author/creator: Charles Petrie, Ashley South
Language: English
Source/publisher: Civil Society Dialogue Network
Format/size: pdf (266K)
Alternate URLs: http://eplo.org/geographic-meetings.html (This EPLO page has links to related studies and papers)
Date of entry/update: 16 April 2013


Title: Joint Statement by the UPWC and UNFC
Date of publication: 20 February 2013
Description/subject: "...The eleven-member Union Peace Working Committee delegation, led by its Vice Chairman H.E. U Aung Min, and including Union Ministers H.E. U Khin Yi, H.E. U Ohn Myint, and Deputy Attorney General U Htun Htun Oo met with a United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) twelve-member political negotiation team led by Nai Hong Sar and Dr. La Ja to discuss the Framework for Political Dialogue between 9:00 am to 17:00 pm on February 20, 2013 in Chiang Mai, Thailand..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Thailand-Burma Border
Format/size: pdf (65K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.thailandburmaborder.org/joint-statement-by-the-upwc-and-unfc/
Date of entry/update: 11 March 2013


Title: ALLIED IN WAR , DIVIDED IN PEACE - The Future of Ethnic Unity in Burma
Date of publication: February 2013
Description/subject: "On 20 February 2013, the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) an 11 member ethnic alliance met with the Burmese Government’s Union Peace Working Committee (UPWC) at the Holiday Inn, Chiang Mai, Thailand. The meeting , supported by the Nippon Foundation, was an attempt by Government negotiators to include all relevant actor s in the peace process. The UNFC is seen as one of the last remaining actors to represent the various armed ethnic groups in the country (for more information see BP No.6 Establishing a Common Framework) and has frequently sought to negotiate terms as an inclusive ethnic alliance...According to peace negotiator Nyo Ohn Myint , discussing the most recent meeting, in February 2013: Primarily they will discuss framework for starting the peace process, beginning with: addressing ways to advance political dialogue; the division of rev enue and resources between the central government and the ethnic states; and how to maintain communica tion channels for further talks. Khun Okker, who attended the meeting, suggested that the February meeting was primarily a trust building exercise for th e UNFC and the Government. While individual armed groups had spoken to U Aung Min throughout their negotiation processes and some had already built up trust with the negotiation team. He believed that the UNFC would be more cautious in its approach in relation to the peace process, especially considering the continuing clashes with UNFC members including the KIO and SSPP/SSA..."
Author/creator: Paul Keenan, Editor: Lian H. Sakhong
Language: English
Source/publisher: Burma Centre for Ethnic Studies (Briefing Paper No. 12, February 2013)
Format/size: pdf (215K)
Alternate URLs: http://burmaethnicstudies.net/pdf/BCES-BP-12.pdf
Date of entry/update: 11 March 2013


Title: Deciphering Myanmar’s Peace Process - A Reference Guide, 2013 (Burmese/ ျမန္မာဘာသာ )
Date of publication: January 2013
Description/subject: Executive Summary: "The new nominally civilian government is making serious efforts to achieve peace in Myanmar after more than 60 years of civil war. Peace is critical for ending human suffering and achieving stability; a precondition for overcoming poverty, ensuring long term development and protecting human rights. Most importantly, peace is essential for implementing a stable democracy. In 2015, Myanmar will become a full member of the ASEAN community in which it is responsible to meet the standards outlined in the ASEAN charter. Although all sides want the confl ict to end, achieving peace is no easy task. The protracted civil war in Myanmar is complicated not only by the sheer number of ethnic armed groups who are competing for regional and domestic interests, but also from the lack of trust and misunderstandings resulting from poor communication and transparency on all sides. Therefore it is crucial to carefully monitor the peace process to improve understanding and clarity necessary for establishing lasting peace. This book serves as a reference guide for media outlets and stakeholders involved in the peace process. It provides an overall picture of the problems resulting from the ongoing confl icts, identifi es the root causes that need to be addressed and maps out the entire structure of the peace plan. By identifying all the key actors, their interests and activities for peace, it becomes possible to make sense of the complicated relationships, as well as points of convergence and confl ict related to their activities. In this sense, the information compiled in this book will help readers locate actors and events that form the larger picture to understand how they are interconnected in the peace process. By both clarifying and tracking the developments, this book has identifi ed some important issues that need to be addressed. One of these includes transparency; confusion and contradicting information about all of the activities is hindering the peace process. Transparency is not only key to effective policy planning and implementation, but also for overcoming distrust and building confi dence between the various actors. An immediate end to the confl icts in Kachin and northern Shan state is also crucial to prevent the crisis from further spiraling out of control. At present there is a divergence between the government and ethnic road map to peace. A political settlement that details power sharing, fair distribution of natural resources and an alternative to the government’s Border Guard Force (BGF) scheme that could unify all ethnic armed groups within the Union would help to bridge this current gap. Burma News International (BNI) is a unique alliance of 11 independent media organizations, 9 of which represent different ethnic groups from Myanmar. BNI’s bases of operation include Yangon and many of the countries bordering with Myanmar. Our members’ extensive networks provided the means to an end to access all of the detailed information about the various viii Deciphering Myanmar’s Peace Process ethnic armed groups, community groups and the government that is compiled in this book. As Myanmar undergoes one of the most signifi cant political transformations in the country’s history, BNI will continue to monitor and advocate for both media freedom and transparency leading towards democracy and sustainable peace."
Language: Burmese/ ျမန္မာဘာသာ
Source/publisher: Burma News International
Format/size: pdf (5MB, 7MB-reduced versions; 22.6MB-original)
Alternate URLs: http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs15/Myanmar-Peace-Process-bu-ocr-tu-red.pdf
http://burmese.bnionline.net/images/2013/pdf/Myanmar-Peace-Process-Burmese-version.pdf
Date of entry/update: 07 August 2013


Title: Prospects for Peace in Myanmar: Opportunities and Threats
Date of publication: 12 December 2012
Description/subject: ABSTRACT: "This paper examines the peace process in Myanmar from the perspectives of the Myanmar government and Army, and non-state armed groups, as well as ethnic nationality political and civil society actors and conflict affected communities. It argues that this is the best opportunity to resolve ethnic conflicts in the country since the military coup of 1962. However, the peace process will not ultimately succeed unless the government demonstrates a commitment to engage on the political issues which have long structured armed conflicts in Myanmar, and can also bring fighting to an end in Kachin and Shan States. On the political front, important progress was made in October-November 2012 in the relationship between government peace envoys and non-state armed groups. The government seems committed to political talks, although it is not yet clear how and when these will begin in earnest. In some ways, it will be easier for the government to initiate political talks with opposition groups, than to ensure that the Myanmar Army follows the peace agenda. Recent negotiations with the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) have made little progress, resulting in a worrying continuation of armed conflict in northern Myanmar. This paper sketches different - sometimes contested - positions regarding the peace process in Myanmar, on the part of different ethnic actors, and analyses their strategies. It goes on to describe and discuss some of the winners and losers in the peace process. The paper argues that, in order to build a sustainable and deep-rooted peace process, it is necessary to involve conflict-affected communities and civil society organisations and above-ground ethnic political parties; it is also necessary to re-imagine peace and conflict in Myanmar as issues affecting the whole of society, including the Burman majority. The paper concludes by sketching a ‘framework agreement’, by which the government and representatives of minority communities could move onto a substantial political discourse.".....CONTENTS: 1. Abstract; 2. Introduction; 3. Key Challenges; 4. Background; 5. 2012: Prospects for Peace; 6. The Myanmar Government and Army; 7. Ethnic Actors; 8. Potential Spoilers; 9. Supporting the Peace Process, Doing No Harm; 10. Ways Forward; 11. References; 12. List of Non State Armed Groups (NSAGs)
Author/creator: Ashley South
Language: English
Source/publisher: Peace Reserch Institute, Oslo (PRIO)
Format/size: pdf (706K)
Date of entry/update: 12 December 2012


Title: Myanmar’s current peace processes : a new role for women?
Date of publication: December 2012
Description/subject: Introduction: "Myanmar has experienced one of the most complex and long lasting armed conflicts in the world. Since 1948, successive military governments have come to power under the guise of managing diverse ethnic armed groups with demands for self-determination and the granting of equal rights to ethnic nationalities. While a lack of democracy has often been seen as Myanmar’s main challenge, in fact the most influential factor in the country’s ethnic conflict is the militarisation of the government. On the one hand the newly elected government is pushing democratic reforms, and on the other, the emergence of a sustainable and just state of peace remains an issue of concern, especially among the general population. The inclusion of women in the peace processes in Myanmar is minimal but awareness among women in civil society of the importance of inclusion is high. This Opinion Piece will endeavor to assess the roles of women and their contributions in the current complex dynamics in Myanmar, and suggest ways in which they could be developed in the interests of a just, sustainable peace in the country." ....Conclusion: "Despite cultural perceptions and the male-dominated political setting which places constraints on acknowledging women’s leadership, the changing political context is an open door to expand the participation of women in peace processes. One should acknowledge that the awareness-raising on gender mainstreaming and women’s empowerment programmes, which has been supported by international organisations, is contributing towards women’s ability to expand their participation in the public domain. In addition, the commitment to support Myanmar’s peace processes and the influence from the international community encourage the leaders of all parties involved in current peace processes to reflect on the inclusion of women. Though there is some will and interest from male political leaders to include women in peace processes, it does not come automatically. The peace door is not locked for women but a strong and collective effort is still needed to open the door for women’s participation in the peace processes in Myanmar."
Author/creator: Ja Nan Lahtaw & Nang Raw
Language: English
Source/publisher: The Centre for Humanitaian Dialogue (The HD Centre)
Format/size: pdf (225K-OBL version; 435K-original)
Alternate URLs: http://www.hdcentre.org/files/Myanmar%20FINAL.pdf
Date of entry/update: 01 January 2013


Title: Steps towards peace: Local participation in the Karen ceasefire process
Date of publication: 07 November 2012
Description/subject: "This commentary considers Karen villagers' perspectives on impacts of the ceasefire between the Karen National Union (KNU) and the Government of the Union of Myanmar. In light of their concerns, this commentary makes workable recommendations about what the most effective next steps could be for negotiating parties and for stakeholders in the ceasefire process. Building on KHRG's previous analysis in Safeguarding human rights in a post-ceasefire in eastern Burma, published in January 2012, this commentary brings to light new evidence of villagers' perspectives. Documentation received since the ceasefire reveals some positive changes, but also raises concerns about ongoing human rights abuses in the post-conflict environment, as a result of ingrained abusive practices and a lack of accountability, particularly in areas where there has been an increase in business, development, natural resource extraction, accompanied by a continued military presence. KHRG believes that the perpetration of abuses is exacerbated, and villagers' options to respond effectively limited, both by the lack of opportunities for genuine local input and a dearth of information-sharing concerning new developments. Analysis for this commentary was prepared based on a collaborative workshop held between all staff members at KHRG's administrative office, as well as field documentation and oral testimony received since January 2012 from villagers in all KHRG research areas, which incorporate all or parts of Kayin and Mon States, and Bago and Tanintharyi Regions..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG)
Format/size: html, pdf (66K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs21/KHRG-2012-11-07-Steps_towards_peace_Local_participation_in_the_K...
http://www.khrg.org/sites/default/files/khrg12c3.pdf
Date of entry/update: 07 November 2012


Title: Changing Realities, Poverty and Displacement in South East Burma/Myanmar - 2012 Survey (TBC)
Date of publication: 31 October 2012
Description/subject: "A significant decrease in forced displacement has been documented by community‐based organisations in South East Myanmar after a series of ceasefire agreements were negotiated earlier this year. While armed conflict continues in Kachin State and communal violence rages in Rakhine State, field surveys indicate that that there has been a substantial decrease in hostilities affecting Karen, Karenni, Shan and Mon communities. In its annual survey of displacement and poverty released today, the Thailand Burma Border Consortium (TBBC) estimates that 10,000 people were forced from their homes during the past year in comparison to an average of 75,000 people displaced every year during the previous decade. While there remain at least 400,000 internally displaced persons in rural areas of South East Myanmar, the tentative return of 37,000 civilians to their villages or surrounding areas reflects hope for an end to displacement. After supporting refugees and internally displaced persons for nearly three decades, TBBC’s Executive Director Jack Dunford is optimistic about the possibility of forging a sustainable solution but conscious that there are many obstacles still to come. “The challenge of transforming preliminary ceasefire agreements into a substantive peace process is immense, but this is the best chance we have ever had to create the conditions necessary to support voluntary and dignified return in safety”, said Mr Dunford. Poverty assessments conducted by TBBC’s community‐based partners with over 4,000 households across 21 townships provide a sobering reminder about the impact of protracted conflict on civilian livelihoods. The findings suggest that 59% of households in rural communities of South East Myanmar are impoverished, with the indicators particularly severe in northern Karen areas where there have been allegations of widespread and systematic human rights abuse. The Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in Myanmar reported to the United Nations General Assembly last month that truth, justice and accountability are integral to the process of securing peace and national reconciliation. Mr Dunford commented that “after all the violence and abuse, inclusive planning processes can help to rebuild trust by ensuring that the voices of those most affected are heard and that civil society representatives are involved at all stages”." (TBC Press Release, 31 October 2012)..... 9 documents: English full report (Zip-PDF: 22.5Mb); Burmese brochure (PDF: 8.25Mb); English brochure (PDF: 0.9Mb); English Exec Summ. (PDF: 270Kb); English-Chapter 1 (PDF: 800Kb); English-Chapter 2 (PDF: 7.9Mb); English-Chapter 3 (PDF: 9.7Mb); English-Chapter 4 (PDF: 5.6Mb); English-Appendices (PDF: 5.9Mb).....
Language: English, Burmese
Source/publisher: The Border Consortium - TBC (formerly Thailand Burma Border Consortium - TBBC )
Format/size: html, pdf
Alternate URLs: http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs14/report-2012-idp-full-en-op-red.pdf (slightly reduced version of the full report)
Date of entry/update: 02 November 2012


Title: “We Have Seen This Before”: Burma’s Fragile Peace Process
Date of publication: 01 October 2012
Description/subject: "Since President Thein Sein came to power, Burma has been undergoing some limited, yet reversible, democratic reforms. In tandem with these reforms are peace negotiation attempts that started in late 2011 resulting in preliminary ceasefires being signed with most major ethnic non-state armed groups. However, armed clashes continue between the Burma Army and the Kachin Independence Army, as well as with several groups that have signed preliminary ceasefires including the Shan State Army – North, Shan State Army – South, the Karen National Liberation Army and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army. Due to the lack of political dialogue, little progress has been made in the peace process to date. The process has been one-sided, divisive and has failed to lay solid foundations for sustainable peace. From both civil society and ethnic non-state armed groups, however, the message has been clear: a development agenda cannot be a substitute for a political settlement. This briefing paper looks at the different peace plans put forward by the government and ethnic non-state armed groups, the need for political dialogue, problematic negotiation processes and ceasefire agreements, continuing human rights violations and serious concerns about peace fund initiatives. It also includes recommendations to the Government of Burma, to ethnic non-state armed groups and to the international community"
Language: English
Source/publisher: Burma Partnership
Format/size: pdf (171K-OBL version; 757K-original)
Alternate URLs: http://www.burmapartnership.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/10/We-Have-Seen-This-Before-Burmas-Fragile-...
Date of entry/update: 09 October 2012


Title: No easy peace for Myanmar
Date of publication: 13 September 2012
Description/subject: "A Norwegian government initiative in support of peace talks between the Myanmar government and ethnic armed groups fighting decades-old insurgencies has come under fire. New efforts to overhaul the so-called Myanmar Peace Support Initiative (MPSI) may or may not allay those concerns, let alone achieve lasting peace in Myanmar's long restive ethnic minority areas. The Norwegian initiative was launched after a visit by then railways minister Aung Min, President Thein Sein's chief negotiator with armed ethnic groups and exiled pro-democracy organizations, to Oslo in January. MPSI has aimed to facilitate talks between the government and armed ethnic organizations through funding for consultations with local communities, needs assessments, and the establishment of liaison offices near conflict zones. MPSI is bidding to address conflicts where ceasefires already exist and a peace process between the government and non-state armed groups has been established. Some of the insurgent groups, such as the New Mon State Party (NMSP), have previously held ceasefires with the government. Others, like the Karen National Union (KNU) and the Shan State Army-South (SSA-S), have only recently agreed to tentatively stop fighting. A pilot project launched earlier this year with the KNU in Kyauk Kyi township of southern central Pegu Division provides emergency assistance to internally displaced villagers living in surrounding areas. Since then, MPSI has conducted consultations with ethnic-based organizations in Karen, Mon, Shan, Rakhine, and Chin States..."
Author/creator: Brian McCartan
Source/publisher: "Asia Times Online"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 12 September 2012


Title: New Mon State Party, gov’t sign preliminary agreement
Date of publication: 01 February 2012
Description/subject: "The New Mon State Party (NMSP) peace delegation and the Burmese government agreed to a five-point state-level peace program on Wednesday. The New Mon State Party and Burmese government agreed to a five-point peace program on Wednesday, February 1, 2012. The New Mon State Party and Burmese government agreed to a five-point peace program on Wednesday, February 1, 2012. Photo: Mizzima The NMSP delegation will submit the five-point preliminary agreement to the NMSP central committee and if it its accepted, Mon officials will sign a cease-fire agreement in the third week of February. The peace talk was held in the Strand Hotel in Mawlamyine in Mon State. The agreement covers a halt to fighting, the formation of peace delegations to conduct national-level peace talks, the selection of liaison offices, an agreement not to travel with weapons except in designated areas, and to stay in agreed upon control areas..."
Author/creator: Nyi Thit
Language: English
Source/publisher: Mizzima
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: http://www.mizzima.com/news/inside-burma/6521-new-mon-state-party-govt-sign-preliminary-agreement.h...
Date of entry/update: 02 February 2012


Title: Ending Burma’s Conflict Cycle? Prospects for Ethnic Peace
Date of publication: February 2012
Description/subject: Conclusions and Recommendations: * The new cease-fire talks initiated by the Thein Sein government are a significant break with the failed ethnic policies of the past and should be welcomed. However, the legacy of decades of war and oppression has created deep mistrust among different ethnic nationality communities, and ethnic conflict cannot be solved overnight. * A halt to all offensive military operations and human rights abuses against local civilians must be introduced and maintained. * The government has promised ethnic peace talks at the national level, but has yet to provide details on the process or set out a timetable. In order to end the conflict and to achieve true ethnic peace, the current talks must move beyond simply establishing new cease-fires. * It is vital that the process towards ethnic peace and justice is sustained by political dialogue at the national level, and that key ethnic grievances and aspirations are addressed. * There are concerns about economic development in the conflict zones and ethnic borderlands as a follow-up to the peace agreements, as events and models in the past caused damage to the environment and local livelihoods, generating further grievances. Failures from the past must be identified and addressed. * Peace must be understood as an overarching national issue, which concerns citizens of all ethnic groups in the country, including the Burman majority.
Language: English
Source/publisher: Transnational Institute, Burma Centrum Nederland (Burma Policy Briefing Nr 8)
Format/size: pdf (272K - OBL version; 457K - original)
Alternate URLs: http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/bpb8.pdf
Date of entry/update: 21 February 2012


Title: Burma's Ethnic Ceasefire Agreements (Burmese)
Date of publication: 31 January 2012
Description/subject: "Since implementing recent political reforms, the Thein Sein government has attempted to make a number of state level ceasefire agreements with both previous ceasefire groups and other anti-government forces. On the 13 January 2012, the Burmese government signed an intial peace agreement with the Karen National Union. The agreement, the third such agreement with ethnic opposition forces within two month, signals a radical change in how previous Burmese governments have dealt with ethnic grievences. Up until the recent negotiations and the outbreak of hostilities in Kachin State, there had been three main ethnic groups with armies fighting against the government. These armies are the Karen National Liberation Army, which has between three and four thousand troops, the Shan State Army – South, which has between six and seven thousand troops, and the Karenni Army, fielding between eight hundred to fifteen hundred troops. In addition to the three main groups there are also the Chin National Front (Chin National Army) with approximately two hundred troops3 and the Arakan Liberation Army with roughly one hundred troops.4 Under previous military regimes, the ethnic question had been dealt with as a military matter and not as a political or constitutional issue. Consequently, the failure of the Burmese government to recognize the true nature of the ethnic struggle resulted in constant civil war. As a result, over a hundred and fifty thousand refugees have been forced to shelter in neighbouring countries due to a conflict that has been charecterized by it myriad human rights abuses. Recent negotiations have changed significantly due to the fact that the Thein Sein government has dropped a number of requirements that previous regimes had made in relation to setting conditions for talks. One of the most important was the fact that a ceasefire must be agreed to prior to discussions taking place. Recent talks have taken place without this condition and unlike previous attempts at peace the Burmese authorities have not demanded weapons to be surrendered first. Another previous condition was the insistence that all talks must take place inside Burma. This was also recently negated with exploratory talks taking place in Thailand with the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army – South (RCSS/SSA), The Chin National Front (CNF) and the Karen National Union (KNU) and also in China with the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO). According to media reports5 the Burmese government has set the following conditions in relation to conducting agreements with the ethnic groups:..."
Author/creator: Paul Keenan
Language: Burmese
Source/publisher: Burma Centre for Ethnic Studies (Briefing Paper No. 1)
Format/size: pdf (184K)
Date of entry/update: 07 February 2012


Title: Burma’s Ethnic Ceasefire Agreements (English)
Date of publication: 31 January 2012
Description/subject: "Since implementing recent political reforms, the Thein Sein government has attempted to make a number of state level ceasefire agreements with both previous ceasefire groups and other anti-government forces. On the 13 January 2012, the Burmese government signed an intial peace agreement with the Karen National Union. The agreement, the third such agreement with ethnic opposition forces within two month, signals a radical change in how previous Burmese governments have dealt with ethnic grievences. Up until the recent negotiations and the outbreak of hostilities in Kachin State, there had been three main ethnic groups with armies fighting against the government. These armies are the Karen National Liberation Army, which has between three and four thousand troops, the Shan State Army – South, which has between six and seven thousand troops, and the Karenni Army, fielding between eight hundred to fifteen hundred troops. In addition to the three main groups there are also the Chin National Front (Chin National Army) with approximately two hundred troops3 and the Arakan Liberation Army with roughly one hundred troops.4 Under previous military regimes, the ethnic question had been dealt with as a military matter and not as a political or constitutional issue. Consequently, the failure of the Burmese government to recognize the true nature of the ethnic struggle resulted in constant civil war. As a result, over a hundred and fifty thousand refugees have been forced to shelter in neighbouring countries due to a conflict that has been charecterized by it myriad human rights abuses. Recent negotiations have changed significantly due to the fact that the Thein Sein government has dropped a number of requirements that previous regimes had made in relation to setting conditions for talks. One of the most important was the fact that a ceasefire must be agreed to prior to discussions taking place. Recent talks have taken place without this condition and unlike previous attempts at peace the Burmese authorities have not demanded weapons to be surrendered first. Another previous condition was the insistence that all talks must take place inside Burma. This was also recently negated with exploratory talks taking place in Thailand with the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army – South (RCSS/SSA), The Chin National Front (CNF) and the Karen National Union (KNU) and also in China with the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO). According to media reports5 the Burmese government has set the following conditions in relation to conducting agreements with the ethnic groups:..."
Author/creator: Paul Keenan
Language: English
Source/publisher: Burma Centre for Peace and Reconciliation (Briefing Paper No. 1 January 2012)
Format/size: pdf (558K)
Date of entry/update: 31 January 2012


Title: Safeguarding human rights in a post-ceasefire eastern Burma
Date of publication: 26 January 2012
Description/subject: "The ongoing ceasefire negotiations between the Government of Myanmar and the Karen National Union present an important opportunity for bringing lasting peace and improved human rights conditions to local people in eastern Burma. If the ceasefire can end fighting between the two parties, it should end human rights abuses associated with armed conflict. Human rights abuses, however, do not stem only from armed conflict but also from ingrained abusive practices and lack of accountability for perpetrators. In the absence of armed conflict, abuses related to extracting labour, money and resources from villagers and consolidating state control can be expected to continue or even worsen, particularly where there is a correlative increase in industrial, business or development initiatives undertaken without opportunities for genuine local input. Given these concerns, this commentary concludes by presenting recommendations for using the ceasefire negotiations to define monitoring processes that can offer new options for communities already attempting to protect their human rights. Analysis for this commentary was developed in workshops held with staff at KHRG's administrative office in Thailand and with villagers working with KHRG to document human rights abuses in Mon and Karen states and Bago and Tennaserim divisions"
Language: English
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG)
Format/size: pdf (58K), html
Alternate URLs: http://www.khrg.org/khrg2012/khrg12c1.pdf
http://www.khrg.org/khrg2012/khrg12c1.html
Date of entry/update: 29 January 2012


Title: Statement on Initial Agreement between KNU and Burmese Government
Date of publication: 14 January 2012
Description/subject: "• The 19-member KNU delegation held talks with Railways Minister, U Aung Min, and other representatives of the Burmese government on 12-1-2012, in Pa-an. • The KNU delegation reached an initial agreement with the Burmese government's representatives towards a ceasefire agreement. When the delegation returns to our headquarters, the KNU leadership will discuss about subsequent steps required in this dialogue with the Burmese government. • The KNU welcomes the report by its delegation that the Burmese government's representatives agreed, in principle, to the eleven-point proposal, which the KNU presented in the talks. The KNU leadership will take further steps to continue concrete discussions on how the terms and conditions of the proposal will be materialized on the ground, in detail, before both sides can agree on the final ceasefire agreement. • The eleven points of the KNU proposal are:..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Karen National Union
Format/size: pdf (75K)
Date of entry/update: 14 January 2012


Title: KNU and Burma government agree to further talks
Date of publication: 13 January 2012
Description/subject: "Yesterday, a 19-member Karen National Union delegation held talks with Burma government representatives, led by Railways Minister, Aung Min, in Pa-an, Karen State to discuss a ceasefire agreement. A KNU spokesperson confirmed to Karen News what the talks had achieved. “The KNU delegation reached an initial agreement with the Burma government’s representatives towards a ceasefire agreement. When the delegation returns to our headquarters, the KNU will continue to discuss about subsequent steps in this negotiation with the Burmese government.” The KNU spokesperson said the KNU welcomed the Burma delegation’s agreement-in-principle to the 11 key points they presented at the Pa-an talks..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Karen News
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 14 January 2012


Title: Text of the Unofficial Translation of CNF Ceasefire Agreement
Date of publication: 07 January 2012
Description/subject: "07 January 2012: Chinland Guardian is pleased to present the unofficial translation of the preliminary peace agreement between the Chin National Front and the Chin State Government following the two-days peace talks in Hakha this week..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Chinland Guardian
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: http://www.chinlandguardian.com/news-2009/1667-text-of-the-unofficial-translation-of-cnf-ceasefire-...
Date of entry/update: 12 January 2012


Title: Breakthrough: CNF Signed Ceasefire Deal with Govt.
Date of publication: 06 January 2012
Description/subject: "06 January 2012: In an historic development, the Chin National Front (CNF) has signed a ceasefire agreement with the new Burmese government at the end of a two-day peace negotiation in Chin State capital Hakha. A source present in the negotiation has confirmed to Chinland Guardian that leaders of both sides of the official delegations have entered their signatures on a document containing the official ceasefire agreement..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: "Chinland Guardian"
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: http://www.chinlandguardian.com/news-2009/1666-breakthrough-cnf-signed-ceasefire-deal-with-govt.html
Date of entry/update: 12 January 2012


Title: Naypyidaw Signs Peace Agreement with SSA-South
Date of publication: 02 December 2011
Description/subject: "The Burmese government on Friday signed a ceasefire agreement at state level with the Shan State Army-South (SSA-South), one of the major ethnic militias in Burma's restive border regions, while its military operations show no sign of abating in Kachin State. According to official sources at the meeting in Taunggyi between representatives of the Shan State administration and the SSA-South, led by Brig-Gen Sai Lu, the agreement included not only a ceasefire, but government assurances of economic development, a joint-task force working against illegal drugs in Shan State, and the opening of liaison offices. Sources say the next step in the truce is to hold a series of negotiations between a Union-level peace committee and the SSA-South..."
Author/creator: Wai Moe
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 12 January 2012


Title: MYANMAR: A NEW PEACE INITIATIVE
Date of publication: 30 November 2011
Description/subject: Conclusion: "Myanmar has faced ethnic turmoil and armed conflicts since the early days of its independence. Today this remains probably the single most important issue facing the country. In the last few months, the new government has begun implementing an extraordinary series of social, economic and political reforms and a peace initiative that offers steps no previous government has been willing to take. This has convinced most of the armed groups to agree new ceasefires or enter into peace talks. While serious clashes continue in Kachin State and parts of Shan State, momentum is clearly building behind the government’s initiative. It may offer the best chance in over 60 years for resolving these conflicts. Finding a sustainable end to some of the longest-running armed conflicts in the world would be a historic achievement. But lasting peace is by no means assured. Ethnic minority grievances run deep, and bringing peace will take more than reaching ceasefire agreements with the armed groups. It requires addressing the grievances and aspirations of all minority populations and building trust between communities. The way the country deals with its enormous diversity would need to be fundamentally rethought. This is an issue in which every person in the country has a stake. The international community has an important role to play in support of peace and development in Myanmar. It is crucial first to understand the complexities. No one party to the conflict, including the government, can solve the problem by itself; and pressuring one party to a conflict is never likely to be effective. In particular, resolving once and for all the conflict should not become another benchmark that the government must meet in order to achieve improved relations with the West or have sanctions lifted. With respect to a government that has demonstrated a commitment to major reform and closer ties with the West, there are far better diplomatic tools available to keep a focus on the ethnic conflict. The same is true of the serious human rights abuses associated with that conflict. These will only be ended definitively by reforming the institutional culture of the armed forces, changing key military policies that lead to such abuses, strengthening domestic accountability mechanisms to ensure that the prevailing sense of impunity among soldiers in operational areas is addressed – and by peace. The international community must be ready to move quickly to support emerging peace deals with political and development support. Many of the grievances of ethnic minority communities relate to socio-economic and minority rights, and it is important that there be an immediate dividend for any ceasefires, in order to build the constituency for peace. Supporting socio-economic development, greater regional autonomy and peacebuilding and contributing to greater understanding and trust between communities is vital."
Language: English
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (ICG)
Format/size: pdf (454K - OBL version; 3.17MB - original)
Alternate URLs: http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/asia/south-east-asia/burma-myanmar/214%20Myanmar%20-%20A%2...
Date of entry/update: 01 December 2011


Title: Conflict or Peace? Ethnic Unrest Intensifies in Burma
Date of publication: June 2011
Description/subject: "...The breakdown in the ceasefire of the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) with the central government represents a major failure in national politics and threatens a serious humanitarian crisis if not immediately addressed. Over 11,000 refugees have been displaced and dozens of casualties reported during two weeks of fighting between government forces and the KIO. Thousands of troops have been mobilized, bridges destroyed and communications disrupted, bringing hardship to communities across northeast Burma/Myanmar.1 There is now a real potential for ethnic conflict to further spread. In recent months, ceasefires have broken down with Karen and Shan opposition forces, and the ceasefire of the New Mon State Party (NMSP) in south Burma is under threat. Tensions between the government and United Wa State Army (UWSA) also continue. It is essential that peace talks are initiated and grievances addressed so that ethnic conflict in Burma does not spiral into a new generation of militarised violence and human rights abuse..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Transnational Institute (TNI) & Burma Centrum Nederland (BCN). Burma Policy Briefing Nr 7, June 2011
Format/size: pdf (407K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/bpb7.pdf
Date of entry/update: 25 June 2011


Title: Burma's New Government: Prospects for Governance and Peace in Ethnic States
Date of publication: 29 May 2011
Description/subject: Conclusions and Recommendations: * Two months after a new government took over the reins of power in Burma, it is too early to make any definitive assessment of the prospects for improved governance and peace in ethnic areas. Initial signs give some reason for optimism, but the difficulty of overcoming sixty years of conflict and strongly-felt grievances and deep suspicions should not be underestimated... * The economic and geostrategic realities are changing fast, and they will have a fundamental impact – positive and negative – on Burma’s borderlands. But unless ethnic communities are able to have much greater say in the governance of their affairs, and begin to see tangible benefits from the massive development projects in their areas, peace and broadbased development will remain elusive... * The new decentralized governance structures have the potential to make a positive contribution in this regard, but it is unclear if they can evolve into sufficiently powerful and genuinely representative bodies quickly enough to satisfy ethnic * There has been renewed fighting in Shan State, and there are warning signs that more ethnic ceasefires could break down. Negotiations with armed groups and an improved future for long-marginalized ethnic populations is the only way that peace can be achieved.
Language: English
Source/publisher: Transnational Institute (TNI) & Burma Centrum Nederland (BCN). Burma Policy Briefing Nr 6, May 2011
Format/size: pdf (352K - OBL version; 1.1MB - original)
Date of entry/update: 30 May 2011


Title: Dilemmas of Burma in transition
Date of publication: March 2011
Description/subject: "Until a government of Burma is able to accept the role of non-state armed groups as providers for civilian populations and affords them legitimacy within a legal framework, sustained conflict and mass displacement remain inevitable. Throughout decades of brutal conflict, which have seen thousands of villages destroyed and millions of people displaced, Burma’s ruling regime has made no effort to provide support for affected civilians. As a result, Burma’s ethnic non-state armed groups (NSAGs) – thought to hold territory covering a quarter of the country’s landmass – play a crucial role as protectors and providers of humanitarian aid. The approach to governance taken by different NSAGs varies greatly, as does the level of willing support given to them by their respective populations. In these traditional cultures, hierarchical leadership structures have evolved over time, often based largely on loyalty to those who provide support and protection. Leaders linked to or part of NSAGs are now firmly established as being responsible for the governance of millions of people in Burma. This situation poses a threat to the state which, in turn, has responded with brute force, perpetuating the cycle of conflict and protracted displacement..."
Author/creator: Kim Jolliffe
Language: English
Source/publisher: "Forced Migration Review" No. 37
Format/size: html, pdf (171K)
Alternate URLs: http://www.fmreview.org/non-state/Jolliffe.html
Date of entry/update: 13 October 2014


Title: Forget About the Sham Burmese Elections It's the growing risk of ethnic violence the world should worry about.
Date of publication: 05 November 2010
Description/subject: "As the world prepares to label this weekend's elections in Myanmar an undemocratic farce -- which of course they are -- a brewing potential crisis in the country's border regions is being ignored. While cease-fire agreements have tempered the civil wars that have raged for much of Myanmar's 62-year post-independence history, these conflicts have never been fully resolved. Fighting in the northeastern Kokang region in August 2009 forced more than 30,000 refugees to flee across the border to China. Now, the government's aggressive tactics are increasing tensions in a high-stakes game of ethnic politics, one that carries significant potential for violent conflict..."
Author/creator: Stephanie T. Kleine-Ahlbrandt
Language: English, Español, Spanish
Source/publisher: "Foreign Policy"
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2010/11/05/forget_about_the_burmese_elections
Date of entry/update: 11 November 2010


Title: Myanmar ceasefires on a tripwire
Date of publication: 30 April 2010
Description/subject: "Yet another deadline has passed for ethnic ceasefire groups in Myanmar to join the military as part of a new government-controlled Border Guard Force (BGF). With the rainy season approaching and a transition from military to civilian rule underway, opportunities are dwindling for the ruling junta to force the groups to agree before elections are held later this year..."
Author/creator: Brian McCartan
Language: English
Source/publisher: Asia Times Online
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 01 May 2010


Title: Neither War Nor Peace - The Future of the Ceasefire Agreements in Burma
Date of publication: July 2009
Description/subject: Introduction: "This year marks the twentieth anniversary of the first ceasefire agreements in Burma, which put a stop to decades of fighting between the military government and a wide range of ethnic armed opposition groups. These groups had taken up arms against the government in search of more autonomy and ethnic rights. The military government has so far failed to address the main grievances and aspirations of the cease-fire groups. The regime now wants them to disarm or become Border Guard Forces. It also wants them to form new political parties which would participate in the controversial 2010 elections. They are unlikely to do so unless some of their basic demands are met. This raises many serious questions about the future of the cease-fires. The international community has focused on the struggle of the democratic opposition led by Aung San Suu Kyi, who has become an international icon. The ethnic minority issue and the relevance of the cease-fire agreements have been almost completely ignored. Ethnic conflict needs to be resolved in order to bring about any lasting political solution. Without a political settlement that addresses ethnic minority needs and goals it is extremely unlikely there will be peace and democracy in Burma. Instead of isolating and demonising the cease-fire groups, all national and international actors concerned with peace and democracy in Burma should actively engage with them, and involve them in discussions about political change in the country. This paper explains how the cease-fire agreements came about, and analyses the goals and strategies of the ceasefire groups. It also discusses the weaknesses the groups face in implementing these goals, and the positive and negative consequences of the cease-fires, including their effect on the economy. The paper then examines the international responses to the cease-fires, and ends with an overview of the future prospects for the agreements"
Author/creator: Tom Kramer
Language: English
Source/publisher: Transnational Insititute
Format/size: pdf (1.74MB)
Alternate URLs: http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/ceasefire.pdf
Date of entry/update: 19 July 2009


Title: Burma/ Myanmar: Challenges of a Ceasefire Accord in Karen State
Date of publication: 2009
Description/subject: Abstract: "Burma (Myanmar) has seen some of the longest-running insurgencies in the world, which have had a devastating effect on local populations and the country as a whole. While the Karen National Union (KNU), which has fought successive Burmese governments since 1949, is in a critical phase of its life, the KNU/KNLA Peace Council (KPC) is experiencing life under a ceasefire accord with the Burmese government, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). Major challenges have occurred since the ceasefire and future developments are uncertain. Like all ceasefire groups in the country, the KPC has come under immense pressure to follow the government’s “seven-step road map” to democracy, compete in the 2010 elections, and transform its troops into a border guard force under the control of the Burmese military or face disarmament. This article seeks to provide some insights into a ceasefire group, to analyse the failures and successes of the ceasefire accord, and to outline future challenges to the country.... Keywords: Burma/ Myanmar, Karen, ceasefire groups, ethnic politics.... ISSN: 1868-4882 (online), ISSN: 1868-1034 (print)
Author/creator: Paul Core
Language: English
Source/publisher: Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 28, 3, 95-105
Format/size: pdf (174K)
Date of entry/update: 21 August 2011


Title: The "Balkanization’ of Burma?" - a review of "Political Authority in Burma’s Ethnic Minority States: Devolution, Occupation, and Coexistence", by Mary P. Callahan, and "Assessing Burma’s Ceasefire Accords",
Date of publication: May 2008
Description/subject: "Political Authority in Burma’s Ethnic Minority States: Devolution, Occupation, and Coexistence", by Mary P. Callahan, Policy Studies 31, East-West Center, Washington, 2007, P 94; "Assessing Burma’s Ceasefire Accords", by Zaw Oo and Win Min, Policy Studies 39, East-West Center, Washington, 2007, P 91.... Two studies draw a landscape of a fragmented country.... "IT has become fashionable to call up the specter of “balkanization” in Burma. The term, which means the fragmentation of large regions into smaller, violently competitive or antagonistic entities, as occurred in the Balkan wars of the late 19th century and in the breakup of Yugoslavia less than 20 years ago, also invokes images of ethnic cleansing and chaos. Anyone with a grasp of history and geography knows that Burma has actually been fragmented for decades. A study of the map, a tally of the ethnic minorities of Burma and neighboring countries, and an understanding of the effects of 60 years of colonialism and of the following six decades of war—all confirm this conclusion. For those not much interested in human development and human rights, things in Burma are in some ways better now than they ever were. As these two academic monographs by notable Burma experts contend, the country now is arguably at its most stable, peaceful, geographically united and developed juncture since 1948. That doesn’t mean things are good, however.... Callahan argues that the process has produced three broad forms of government in border areas. The first of these, devolution, admits that non-state entities (such as warlords and resistance forces) control the area. The second, occupation, entails government forces establishing uncontested control over a patch of territory. The third, coexistence, involves the cooperation of state and non-state authorities (often uneasily) to control an area. This latter arrangement is hardly ideal, but it supports the contention of Zaw Oo and Win Min that a peace of sorts has been reached.
Author/creator: David Scott Mathieson
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 16, No. 5
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 01 May 2008


Title: Myanmars Waffenstillstände und die Rolle der internationalen Gemeinschaft
Date of publication: August 2007
Description/subject: Ein interessanter Artikel zu dem Zusammenhang von Waffenstillständen, der Nationalversammlung und der Roadmap to Democracy. Weiterhin werde die Interesssen der einzelnen Parteien (ethnsiche Minderheiten, Regierung, internationale Gemeinschaft) dargelegt und Handlungsempfehlungen für die internationale Gemeinschaft abgeleitet; ceasefires, national convention and roadmap to democracy; interests of ethnic minorities, government and international community; recommendations for the international community
Author/creator: Jasmin Lorch; Dr. Paul Pasch
Language: German, Deutsch
Source/publisher: FES
Format/size: PDF
Date of entry/update: 06 May 2008


Title: The Politics of Peace
Date of publication: November 2005
Description/subject: The Burmese junta’s failure to honor the spirit and letter of ceasefire agreements could be a roadmap to disaster... "Since seizing power in 1988, Burma’s State Law and Order Restoration Council—now the State Peace and Development Council—has brokered numerous ceasefire agreements with some of the country’s strongest armed ethnic minority groups. These groups have signed on with the regime in the interests of peace and reconciliation, while other groups have resisted the temptation to think that Burma’s ruling junta would ever keep its word. Recent developments suggest that such suspicions are certainly not misplaced. Burma’s ceasefire groups today face an increasingly untenable position. Mixed signals from Rangoon have left them in disarray as the junta makes gestures of peace with one hand and tightens its grip with the other. Government forces have increased their numbers in recent months in Karen, Kachin and Shan states and other ethnic areas. Despite proud claims of bringing peace to much of the country’s war-torn areas, it seems that Rangoon’s War Office has misrepresented the situation. An October 2005 report by the Human Security Centre, titled “Human Security Report: War and Peace in the 21st Century,” ranks Burma at the top of its list of “conflict-prone” countries, ahead of Israel, Iraq and several African nations. The report—three years in the making—covers the years between 1946 and 2003, in which Burma was engaged in 232 armed conflicts..."
Author/creator: Aung Zaw
Language: Engllish
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 13, No. 11
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 01 May 2006


Title: Uncertainty Reigns in Shan State
Date of publication: November 2005
Description/subject: Conflicting claims, suspicion and arrests create confusion... "Although the Rangoon regime insists that Shan State is stable, one armed opposition group, the Shan State Army (South), continues to hold out against government pressure to disarm. Relations between Shan groups and the regime are also strained because of the arrest in February of several ethnic leaders, including 82-year-old activist Shwe Ohn. Complicating the situation still further in Shan State is the status of the United Wa State Army, which maintains a de facto ceasefire with the regime while allegedly continuing to engage in a drugs trade protected by their own armed forces. The first ceasefire agreements between Shan ethnic groups and the regime were signed in 1989. The original agreements granted the groups business concessions, particularly in logging, and tax collection autonomy. They also allowed the groups to remain armed—but from early this year the regime has been pressing them to disarm under a program dubbed “Exchange Arms for Peace.”..."
Author/creator: Aung Lwin Oo
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 13, No. 11
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 01 May 2006


Title: Waiting Game
Date of publication: November 2005
Description/subject: Junta tightens control in Monland... "As in other ethnic regions of Burma, where ceasefire agreements have been a growing source of frustration and bitterness, Monland in southern Burma has also seen its share of broken promises and the increasing likelihood that lasting peace is still a long way off. The New Mon State Party—the region’s principal ethnic opposition group—entered a ceasefire agreement with Rangoon in 1995, at the urging of the country’s military leadership as well as members of Thailand’s political and business communities, who were eager to increase investments in the region. Foreign oil companies, such as France’s Total and Unocal in the US, saw peace in the region as good for business. Each had proposed a natural gas pipeline through contested areas of Mon State—a fact that caused the regime to exert greater pressure in the interest of increasing vital foreign investment. In 1996, the NMSP received 17 industrial concessions in areas such as logging, fishing, inland transportation, trade agreements with Malaysia and Singapore, and gold mining. The regime, however, had cancelled the majority of these contracts by 1998, leaving NMSP leaders with little in terms of economic support and weakening the opposition party..."
Author/creator: Louis Reh
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 13, No. 11
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 01 May 2006


Title: Junta serves notice to ceasefire groups
Date of publication: 14 November 2004
Description/subject: "A 13-point demand classified as terms of agreement reached between Rangoon and various armed opposition movements since 1989 had recently been doled out to the ceasefire groups by the Lashio-based Burma Army's Northeastern Region Commander, according to sources coming to the border: The typed demand in Burmese was handed out to their representatives during a series of briefings that took place in the wake of the sudden removal from office of Gen Khin Nyunt on 18 October, said the source who had brought a copy to S.H.A.N. yesterday. "The terms of agreement reached during the peace building period between the government and ethnic armed organizations" reads: ..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N.)
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: https://www.google.co.th/?client=firefox-a#q=Junta+serves+notice+to+ceasefire+groups&channel=rcs&gw...
http://www.shanland.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1098:junta-serves-notice-to-ce...
Date of entry/update: 20 July 2010


Title: Borderline Friends
Date of publication: February 2004
Description/subject: "The ethnic Karen rebel leader is considering making peace with his long-time enemy. But rather than ending the conflict, some think Rangoon’s ceasefire overtures are driven by other motives. By Aung Zaw and Shawn L. Nance/Mae Sot, Thailand At age 77 and in poor health, Gen Bo Mya walks rather slowly these days. But for many of his followers, the de facto leader of Burma’s largest ethnic insurgent group is moving too fast. On January 15, the Karen elder statesman led a 21-member delegation to Rangoon to negotiate a truce to end Burma’s longest running ethnic conflict. A week later, Bo Mya returned to his home near the Thai-Burma border with a verbal agreement to halt the fighting. A ceasefire agreement would notch an important publicity victory for the military junta and could finally bring peace to embattled Karen State. But the decision to quit fighting is sowing discord in the Karen National Union, or KNU, particularly among senior military commanders, and many fear the move could lead a split in their ranks..."
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 12, No. 2
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 09 June 2004


Title: Brothers-In-Peace
Date of publication: February 2004
Description/subject: "Here’s a look at the people who have helped broker ceasefire agreements over the past 15 years between Burma’s ethnic insurgent groups and the military junta, reports Naw Seng...: Reverend Saboi Jum; Khun Myat; La Wawm; Dr Saw Simon Thar; Andrew Mya Han; Saw Mar Gay Gyi; Tun Aung Chein; A Soe Myint; Lo Hsing-han; Sere Hla Pe..."
Author/creator: Naw Seng
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 12, No. 2
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 09 June 2004


Title: Myanmar: Militärregime geht auf Schmusekurs
Date of publication: 22 January 2004
Description/subject: Rangun hofiert Karen-Kommandeur. Verhandlungen mit Rebellen über Waffenruhe. cease fire talks with karen rebells.
Author/creator: Thomas Berger
Language: Deutsch, German
Source/publisher: AG Friedensforschung an der Uni Kassel
Format/size: html (6,3k)
Date of entry/update: 01 March 2005


Title: List of Cease-Fire Agreements With the Junta
Date of publication: 01 January 2004
Description/subject: Lists only dates when the agreements (between various ethnic armies and the Burmese military) were made, not current status...
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Research Pages
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 03 June 2003


Title: Burma’s Ceasefires: More Trouble Than They’re Worth?
Date of publication: March 2002
Description/subject: "Supreme excellence consists in breaking the enemy’s resistance without fighting." This famous maxim from Sun Tzu’s treatise on military strategy, "The Art of War", is said to be the personal motto of Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, Burma’s intelligence chief and third most powerful general. True to this credo, the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) has defeated many of its enemies without firing a single shot. The regime won its first ceasefire trophy in 1989, when it reached an agreement with former Communist Party of Burma (CPB) troops based along Burma’s northern border with China. This deal, which followed the fortuitous collapse of the CPB, enabled the regime to mobilize its frontline troops to other areas where insurgencies had raged for decades. Thus the small and ill-equipped ethnic armies of the Karen, Shan, and Mon, among others, came under increased pressure. Gradually, more and more were forced to cut deals of their own, leaving only a dwindling number of diehard groups to continue fighting..." This article has links to related pieces in the same issue.
Author/creator: Aung Zaw
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 10, No. 2
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 03 June 2003


Title: No Peace Dividend for Divided Karenni
Date of publication: March 2002
Description/subject: "Rangoon’s "pay for peace" policy has produced numerous ceasefire deals in Karenni State, but the region is more fractious than ever. As Burma’s smallest state, Karenni State has seen more than its fair share of conflict. It has also seen an extraordinary number of ceasefire agreements signed in the past decade—eight since 1994, including three in 1999 alone. But none of this has added up to anything even remotely resembling peace..."
Author/creator: Neil Lawrence
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 10, No. 2
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 03 June 2003


Title: Precarious Peace in Monland
Date of publication: March 2002
Description/subject: "A seven-year-old ceasefire in Mon State is still holding, but just barely. Recent violence could signal a return to civil war in Burma’s southernmost state. By Tony Broadmoor Villagers should have had nothing to fear when Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 550 from the Burmese Army entered the remote village of Kyon Kwee on Jan 28 of this year. A ceasefire agreement had been in place for seven years, the conflict between the Rangoon government and the Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA) was supposedly over and the village was theoretically at peace..." Instead, troops arrested, tortured and disrobed a monk and blocked all paths out of the camp before accusing the villagers of being rebel sympathizers. Sadly, this is not an isolated incident, as rape, forced labor and food confiscations have all increased, say Mon human rights workers.
Author/creator: Tony Broadmoor
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 10, No. 2
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 03 June 2003


Title: Shan Struggle Set to Continue
Date of publication: March 2002
Description/subject: "With Rangoon refusing to consider a ceasefire, and Bangkok keen to have a buffer against the Wa, Shan rebels seem likely to continue their struggle. At last May’s Shan Resistance Day celebrations held in the mountaintop stronghold of Loi Tai Lang near the Thai border, Shan State Army-South commander Yord Serk pledged to his people: "I promise I’m not going to surrender." Despite being heavily outgunned and outnumbered, the Shan State Army (SSA)-South, formerly known as the Shan United Revolutionary Army (SURA), remains the only Shan army resisting the Burmese government. The Burmese government has responded with a brutal military campaign to rout the SSA-South by targeting civilians as well as soldiers, forcing hundreds of thousands of people from their homes, according to interviews and reports from human rights groups. The SSA-South has adopted an anti-drug policy targeting heroin and amphetamine producers in an effort to gain international support. Despite the SSA-South’s support for a ceasefire with Rangoon, the junta’s troops continue to wage their destructive counter-insurgency campaign..."
Author/creator: John S. Moncreif
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 10, No. 2
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 03 June 2003


Title: Thais Tired of Paying for Burmese "Peace"
Date of publication: March 2002
Description/subject: "Some in Thailand are talking about getting tough with the Wa, Rangoon’s "partners in peace", whose drug-dealing ways have become a bane to Burma’s neighbors.
Author/creator: Don Pathan
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 10, No. 2
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 03 June 2003


Title: The KNU: To Cease Fire, or Not to Cease Fire?
Date of publication: March 2002
Description/subject: "After more than half a century of struggle and nearly a decade of major setbacks, the Karen National Union remains defiant in the face of calls to lay down its arms. By Aung Zaw After 53 years of resistance against Rangoon, the aging leadership of the Karen National Union (KNU) is nothing if not defiant. Arguably weaker now than at any other point in its half-century-long struggle, the KNU and its military wing, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), have faced numerous setbacks in the past decade. But asked about the prospects of the KNU entering the dubious embrace of Rangoon’s "legal fold", Padoh Mahn Sha, the KNU’s general secretary, did not mince words: "Surrender is out of the question," he told The Irrawaddy recently..."
Author/creator: Aung Zaw
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 10, No. 2
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 03 June 2003


Title: Resignation Rumors Fuel Ceasefire Concerns
Date of publication: June 2000
Description/subject: Rumors that Sr Gen Than Shwe may soon step down as head of Burma's ruling junta have raised questions about the possible implications for a number of shaky ceasefire agreements with ethnic insurgent groups.
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 8. No .6
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: http://www.irrawaddy.org/print_article.php?art_id=698
Date of entry/update: 03 June 2003


Title: Endeavours of the Myanmar Armed Forces Government for National Reconsolidation
Date of publication: 2000
Description/subject: Profiles of the main armed groups opposed to the military government...CONCLUSION: "The Armed Forces was obliged to form the State Law and Order Restoration Council and assume State Power on 18th September 1988. But from the time it assumed power the Government has made unceasing endeavors to end the internal armed conflict that had erupted together with independence, and to establish peace and stability in the country. Previously, successive governments had also made efforts to bring about peace, but to no avail. The State Law and Order Restoration Council however, laid down a National Policy comprised of Three National Tasks as well as political, economic and social objectives as guidelines for implementation. Of all the political objectives "national reconciliation" was considered a primary concern and a vital necessity for perpetuation of the Union. It therefore, invited the armed ethnic groups to return to the legal fold. It gave the groups time without limit to hold thorough discussions on the Government's peace initiatives and with infinite patience awaited their decisions. In the meanwhile the government drew up and began to implement comprehensive development programmes and projects in the border regions where the national races well and which had lagged far behind in development. Due to the correctness of this national political policy and the sincere good will demonstrated by the Government, the armed insurrections have ended in nearly all the regions of the country..."
Author/creator: Yan Nyein Aye
Language: English
Source/publisher: SPDC via Archive.org
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: http://web.archive.org/web/20030201165501/http://www.myanmar.com/Arm_Peace/arm_peace.html
Date of entry/update: 03 June 2003


Title: Exchanging Arms for Peace
Date of publication: 2000
Description/subject: Images and text on "returns to the legal fold" of various armed groups or members of the groups. Groups include: MNSP NDAA SSA NDA KDA PNO PSLA KNG KIO KNLP KNPLF SNPLO KNPP NMSP BCP
Language: English
Source/publisher: SPDC via Archive.org
Format/size: html
Alternate URLs: http://web.archive.org/web/20000608213838/http://www.myanmar.com/peace/peace.html
Date of entry/update: 03 June 2003


Title: Fireworks of Peace
Date of publication: October 1999
Description/subject: The military's attempts at ethnic reconciliation have been all show and no substance, writes Thar Nyunt Oo
Author/creator: Thar Nyunt Oo
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 7, No. 8
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 03 June 2003


Title: Listening to Communities – Karen (Kayin) State (Chinese - တရုတ္ဘာသာ)
Language: Chinese (တရုတ္ဘာသာ)
Source/publisher: Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
Format/size: pdf (8.3MB-reduced version; 14.4MB-original)
Alternate URLs: http://www.centrepeaceconflictstudies.org/publications/browse/
http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs21/CPCS-2014-11-Listening_to_Communities%20%96%20Karen-Kayin-State-...
http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs21/CPCS-2014-11-Listening_to_Communities%20%96%20Karen-Kayin-State-...
Date of entry/update: 27 September 2015


Title: Talks between Burmese Military Government and the Karen National Union
Description/subject: Four rounds of talks in 1995 and 1996. Date, place, negotiators
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Research Pages
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 03 June 2003


Title: Top Ethnic Leaders, Burma Army Reps Absent From Ceasefire Talks
Description/subject: "RANGOON — Burma Army representatives and top leaders of ethnic armed groups are not attending the two-day nationwide ceasefire talks in Rangoon this week, a situation that indicates just how much the negotiations have suffered following the army’s surprise attack on a rebel training school last month. The government’s chief negotiator, Minister Aung Min, led a delegation that included Border Affairs Minister Lt-Gen. Htet Naing Win and Immigration Minister Khin Ye, but Burma Army representatives were conspicuously absent as the sides convened at the Myanmar Peace Center (MPC) in Rangoon on Monday morning. The National Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), an alliance representing 16 ethnic groups, sent NCCT representatives Khun Okkar and Kwe Htoo Win to the meeting, but NCCT Chairman Nai Hong Sar and Gen. Gun Maw, the influential deputy commander-in-chief of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), did not attend. Neither did leaders from the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA)..."
Author/creator: Lawi Weng
Language: English
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
Format/size: html
Date of entry/update: 05 January 2015