Peace Processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (general reports and studies)
Websites/Multiple Documents
| Title: | | Myanmar Peace Monitor |
| Description/subject: | | "Myanmar Peace Monitor is a project run by the Burma News International that works to support communication and understanding in the current efforts for peace and reconciliation in Myanmar. It aims to centralize information, track and make sense of the many events and stakeholders involved in the complex and multifaceted peace process..."
|
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Burma News International |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 15 May 2013 |
|
Individual Documents
| Title: | | Ongoing struggles |
| Date of publication: | | May 2013 |
| Description/subject: | | Key Points:
• Myanmar's central democratic reforms have received broad backing,
enabling it to boost its legitimacy and consolidate its hold on power.
• Although tentative ceasefires have been concluded with most of the
ethno-nationalist armed groups, there is no clear timeline or plan to
address longstanding demands for self-rule and the protection of
cultural identities.
• Meanwhile, the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO), the principal
protagonist in the struggle for ethnic rights, has been the focus of
sustained military offensives.
As Myanmar's democratic reform process rumbles on, military offensives
continue despite ceasefires between most of the ethno-nationalist rebel
armies and the government. Curtis W Lambrecht examines the road to peace
in the country. |
| Author/creator: | | Curtis W Lambrecht |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Jane's Terrorism and Security Monitor, May 2013, |
| Format/size: | | pdf (95K) |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 May 2013 |
|
| Title: | | Powers Seek Influence in Burma’s Conflict |
| Date of publication: | | 18 March 2013 |
| Description/subject: | | "Burma’s President Thein Sein, while visiting Europe, announced that the government’s fighting against ethnic resistance forces has ended – even as the government moves more troops into the troubled areas. Meanwhile, the United States and China are scrambling for influence by brokering peace to end the ethnic conflicts. Dozens of think tanks and NGOs from the West are attracting donor funds and pouring into the country. “The outcome has been overlapping initiatives, rivalry among organizations – and, more often than not, a lack of understanding by inexperienced ‘peacemakers’ of the conflicts’ root causes,” explains journalist and author Bertil Lintner. China, unhappy with Burma’s embrace of the West, has been actively leading peace talks since January. Lintner points out that China’s Yunnan Province has more than 130,000 ethnic Kachin who sympathize with their fellow Burmese Kachin. Motivations may differ, but China and the US both want the conflicts to end. Burma’s leaders may find it difficult to pursue military solutions, continuing sending troops north, while playing China and the United States off each other..." |
| Author/creator: | | Bertil Lintner |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Yale Global Online -Yale Center for the Study of Globalization |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 23 March 2013 |
|
| Title: | | Finally, a Window for Peace in Burma |
| Date of publication: | | 09 March 2013 |
| Description/subject: | | "Civil war has plagued Burma for over 60 years now. At a number of times throughout that period, the ethnic rebel groups fighting for autonomy from the central government attempted to join forces. But their common foe, the Burmese military, consistently refused to have any dealings with alliances that tried to bring together all the restive minorities into a common front. The reason for this was simple: The generals always understood that ethnic rebels tend to be a fractious bunch, and that it’s only too easy to incite defections by playing to a particular group’s sectional interests (whether it be the offer of a favorable deal or the threat of a harsh crackdown). As a result, the Burmese army developed considerable expertise in the subtleties of divide and rule.
On Feb. 20, this well-established scenario finally collapsed. For the first time, the Burmese government’s senior ministers met with the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), an alliance of 11 ethnic armed groups, in Chiang Mai, Thailand. According to a joint statement released after the meeting, the discussion focused on establishing an agenda for future political dialogue between the government and the ethnic council..." |
| Author/creator: | | Min Zin |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy" |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 11 March 2013 |
|
| Title: | | Investing in peace: the role of business in Myanmar’s peace process |
| Date of publication: | | 08 March 2013 |
| Description/subject: | | "As the peace negotiations in Myanmar continue at an ever-increasing pace, the necessity for regulated, transparent, and ethical business opportunities increases.
While there has been much negative criticism of business’s role in the peace process, with government talks often being attended and in some cases financed by businessmen, the need for development in ethnic states should not be overshadowed by political short-sightedness and worries over the inclusion of the private sector.
It is essential that ethnic armed groups, in a time of peace, should move away from their current main sources of income, which include taxing the local communities, logging and mining, to less socially and environmentally destructive forms of supporting themselves. And the private sector can facilitate this. While environmental activists will argue that the inclusion of business is detrimental to the peace process, it is essential in areas that have been underdeveloped for decades..." |
| Author/creator: | | Paul Keenan |
| Source/publisher: | | Mizzima |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 12 March 2013 |
|
| Title: | | Mapping of Myanmar Peacebuilding Civil Society |
| Date of publication: | | 07 March 2013 |
| Description/subject: | | This paper was prepared in the framework of the Civil Society Dialogue Network (CSDN) http://www.eplo.org/civil-society-dialogue-network.html
The paper was produced as background for the CSDN meeting entitled ‘Supporting Myanmar’s Evolving Peace Processes: What Roles for Civil Society and the EU?’ which took place in Brussels on 7 March 2013...."The peace process currently underway in Myanmar represents the best opportunity in half a century to resolve ethnic and state-society conflicts. The most significant challenges facing the peace process are: to initiate substantial political dialogue between the government and NSAGs (broaden the peace process); to include participation of civil society and affected communities (deepen the peace process); to demonstrate the Myanmar Army’s willingness to support the peace agenda.
Communities in many parts of the country are already experiencing benefits, particularly in terms of freedom of movement and reduction in more serious human rights abuses. Nevertheless, communities have serious concerns regarding the peace process, including in the incursion of business interests (e.g. natural resource extraction projects) into previously inaccessible, conflict-affected areas. Concerns also relate to the exclusion thus far of most local actors from meaningful participation in the peace process. Indeed, many civil society actors and political parties express growing resentment at being excluded from the peace process..." |
| Author/creator: | | Charles Petrie, Ashley South |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Civil Society Dialogue Network |
| Format/size: | | pdf (266K) |
| Alternate URLs: | | http://eplo.org/geographic-meetings.html (This EPLO page has links to related studies and papers) |
| Date of entry/update: | | 16 April 2013 |
|
| Title: | | Joint Statement by the UPWC and UNFC |
| Date of publication: | | 20 February 2013 |
| Description/subject: | | "...The eleven-member Union Peace Working Committee delegation, led by its Vice Chairman H.E. U Aung Min, and including Union Ministers H.E. U Khin Yi, H.E. U Ohn Myint, and Deputy Attorney General U Htun Htun Oo met with a United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) twelve-member political negotiation team led by Nai Hong Sar and Dr. La Ja to discuss the Framework for Political Dialogue between 9:00 am to 17:00 pm on February 20, 2013 in Chiang Mai, Thailand..." |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Thailand-Burma Border |
| Format/size: | | pdf (65K) |
| Alternate URLs: | | http://www.thailandburmaborder.org/joint-statement-by-the-upwc-and-unfc/ |
| Date of entry/update: | | 11 March 2013 |
|
| Title: | | ALLIED IN WAR , DIVIDED IN PEACE - The Future of Ethnic Unity in Burma |
| Date of publication: | | February 2013 |
| Description/subject: | | "On 20 February 2013,
the United
Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) an
11
member ethnic alliance
met with the
Burmese Government’s
Union Peace
Working Committee
(UPWC) at the Holiday
Inn, Chiang Mai, Thailand. The meeting
,
supported by the Nippon Foundation,
was
an attempt by Government negotiators to
include all relevant actor
s in the peace
process.
The UNFC
is seen as
one of the
last
remaining
actors to represent the
various armed ethnic groups in the country
(for more information see BP No.6 Establishing a Common Framework)
and has frequently sought
to
negotiate
terms as an
inclusive ethnic alliance...According to peace negotiator
Nyo Ohn Myint
, discussing
the most recent meeting, in February 2013: Primarily they will discuss framework for starting the peace process, beginning with: addressing ways
to advance political dialogue; the division of rev
enue and resources between the central government
and the ethnic states; and how to maintain communica
tion channels for further talks.
Khun Okker, who attended the meeting, suggested that the February meeting was primarily a trust building
exercise for th
e UNFC and the Government. While individual armed groups had spoken to U Aung Min
throughout their negotiation processes
and some had already built up trust with the negotiation team. He
believed that the UNFC would be more cautious in its approach in relation to the peace process, especially
considering the continuing clashes with UNFC members including the KIO and SSPP/SSA..." |
| Author/creator: | | Paul Keenan, Editor: Lian H. Sakhong |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Burma Centre for Ethnic Studies (Briefing Paper No. 12, February 2013) |
| Format/size: | | pdf (215K) |
| Date of entry/update: | | 11 March 2013 |
|
| Title: | | Deciphering Myanmar’s Peace Process - A Reference Guide, 2013 |
| Date of publication: | | January 2013 |
| Description/subject: | | Executive Summary:
"The new nominally civilian government is making serious efforts to achieve peace in Myanmar
after more than 60 years of civil war. Peace is critical for ending human suffering and
achieving stability; a precondition for overcoming poverty, ensuring long term development
and protecting human rights. Most importantly, peace is essential for implementing a stable
democracy. In 2015, Myanmar will become a full member of the ASEAN community in
which it is responsible to meet the standards outlined in the ASEAN charter.
Although all sides want the confl ict to end, achieving peace is no easy task. The protracted
civil war in Myanmar is complicated not only by the sheer number of ethnic armed groups
who are competing for regional and domestic interests, but also from the lack of trust and
misunderstandings resulting from poor communication and transparency on all sides.
Therefore it is crucial to carefully monitor the peace process to improve understanding and
clarity necessary for establishing lasting peace.
This book serves as a reference guide for media outlets and stakeholders involved in the peace
process. It provides an overall picture of the problems resulting from the ongoing confl icts,
identifi es the root causes that need to be addressed and maps out the entire structure of the
peace plan. By identifying all the key actors, their interests and activities for peace, it becomes
possible to make sense of the complicated relationships, as well as points of convergence and
confl ict related to their activities. In this sense, the information compiled in this book will
help readers locate actors and events that form the larger picture to understand how they are
interconnected in the peace process.
By both clarifying and tracking the developments, this book has identifi ed some important issues
that need to be addressed. One of these includes transparency; confusion and contradicting
information about all of the activities is hindering the peace process. Transparency is not
only key to effective policy planning and implementation, but also for overcoming distrust
and building confi dence between the various actors. An immediate end to the confl icts in
Kachin and northern Shan state is also crucial to prevent the crisis from further spiraling out
of control. At present there is a divergence between the government and ethnic road map to
peace. A political settlement that details power sharing, fair distribution of natural resources
and an alternative to the government’s Border Guard Force (BGF) scheme that could unify all
ethnic armed groups within the Union would help to bridge this current gap.
Burma News International (BNI) is a unique alliance of 11 independent media organizations,
9 of which represent different ethnic groups from Myanmar. BNI’s bases of operation include
Yangon and many of the countries bordering with Myanmar. Our members’ extensive networks
provided the means to an end to access all of the detailed information about the various
viii Deciphering Myanmar’s Peace Process
ethnic armed groups, community groups and the government that is compiled in this book.
As Myanmar undergoes one of the most signifi cant political transformations in the country’s
history, BNI will continue to monitor and advocate for both media freedom and transparency
leading towards democracy and sustainable peace." |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Burma News International |
| Format/size: | | pdf (2MB-OBL version; 21.2MB-original) |
| Alternate URLs: | | http://www.bnionline.net/images/2013/pdf/Deciphering-Myanmar%E2%80%99s-Peace-Process-For-Web.pdf |
| Date of entry/update: | | 22 February 2013 |
|
| Title: | | Prospects for Peace in Myanmar: Opportunities and Threats |
| Date of publication: | | 12 December 2012 |
| Description/subject: | | ABSTRACT:
"This paper examines the peace process in Myanmar from the perspectives of the Myanmar government and Army, and non-state armed groups, as well as ethnic nationality political and civil society actors and conflict affected communities. It argues that this is the best opportunity to resolve ethnic conflicts in the country since the military coup of 1962. However, the peace process will not ultimately succeed unless the government demonstrates a commitment to engage on the political issues which have long structured armed conflicts in Myanmar, and can also bring fighting to an end in Kachin and Shan States.
On the political front, important progress was made in October-November 2012 in the relationship between government peace envoys and non-state armed groups. The government seems committed to political talks, although it is not yet clear how and when these will begin in earnest. In some ways, it will be easier for the government to initiate political talks with opposition groups, than to ensure that the Myanmar Army follows the peace agenda. Recent negotiations with the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) have made little progress, resulting in a worrying continuation of armed conflict in northern Myanmar.
This paper sketches different - sometimes contested - positions regarding the peace process in Myanmar, on the part of different ethnic actors, and analyses their strategies. It goes on to describe and discuss some of the winners and losers in the peace process. The paper argues that, in order to build a sustainable and deep-rooted peace process, it is necessary to involve conflict-affected communities and civil society organisations and above-ground ethnic political parties; it is also necessary to re-imagine peace and conflict in Myanmar as issues affecting the whole of society, including the Burman majority. The paper concludes by sketching a ‘framework agreement’, by which the government and representatives of minority communities could move onto a substantial political discourse.".....CONTENTS:
1. Abstract;
2. Introduction;
3. Key Challenges;
4. Background;
5. 2012: Prospects for Peace;
6. The Myanmar Government and Army;
7. Ethnic Actors;
8. Potential Spoilers;
9. Supporting the Peace Process, Doing No Harm;
10. Ways Forward;
11. References;
12. List of Non State Armed Groups (NSAGs) |
| Author/creator: | | Ashley South |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Peace Reserch Institute, Oslo (PRIO) |
| Format/size: | | pdf (706K) |
| Date of entry/update: | | 12 December 2012 |
|
| Title: | | Myanmar’s current peace processes : a new role for women? |
| Date of publication: | | December 2012 |
| Description/subject: | | Introduction: "Myanmar has experienced one of the most complex and long
lasting armed conflicts in the world. Since 1948, successive military
governments have come to power under the guise of managing
diverse ethnic armed groups with demands for self-determination
and the granting of equal rights to ethnic nationalities. While a lack
of democracy has often been seen as Myanmar’s main challenge, in
fact the most influential factor in the country’s ethnic conflict is the
militarisation of the government. On the one hand the newly elected
government is pushing democratic reforms, and on the other, the
emergence of a sustainable and just state of peace remains an issue
of concern, especially among the general population. The inclusion of
women in the peace processes in Myanmar is minimal but awareness
among women in civil society of the importance of inclusion is high.
This Opinion Piece will endeavor to assess the roles of women and
their contributions in the current complex dynamics in Myanmar, and
suggest ways in which they could be developed in the interests of a
just, sustainable peace in the country."
....Conclusion:
"Despite cultural perceptions and the male-dominated political setting
which places constraints on acknowledging women’s leadership, the
changing political context is an open door to expand the participation
of women in peace processes. One should acknowledge that
the awareness-raising on gender mainstreaming and women’s
empowerment programmes, which has been supported by international
organisations, is contributing towards women’s ability to expand
their participation in the public domain. In addition, the commitment
to support Myanmar’s peace processes and the influence from the
international community encourage the leaders of all parties involved in
current peace processes to reflect on the inclusion of women. Though
there is some will and interest from male political leaders to include
women in peace processes, it does not come automatically. The
peace door is not locked for women but a strong and collective effort
is still needed to open the door for women’s participation in the peace
processes in Myanmar." |
| Author/creator: | | Ja Nan Lahtaw & Nang Raw |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | The Centre for Humanitaian Dialogue (The HD Centre) |
| Format/size: | | pdf (225K-OBL version; 435K-original) |
| Alternate URLs: | | http://www.hdcentre.org/files/Myanmar%20FINAL.pdf |
| Date of entry/update: | | 01 January 2013 |
|
| Title: | | Steps towards peace: Local participation in the Karen ceasefire process |
| Date of publication: | | 07 November 2012 |
| Description/subject: | | "This commentary considers Karen villagers' perspectives on impacts of the ceasefire between the Karen National Union (KNU) and the Government of the Union of Myanmar. In light of their concerns, this commentary makes workable recommendations about what the most effective next steps could be for negotiating parties and for stakeholders in the ceasefire process. Building on KHRG's previous analysis in Safeguarding human rights in a post-ceasefire in eastern Burma, published in January 2012, this commentary brings to light new evidence of villagers' perspectives. Documentation received since the ceasefire reveals some positive changes, but also raises concerns about ongoing human rights abuses in the post-conflict environment, as a result of ingrained abusive practices and a lack of accountability, particularly in areas where there has been an increase in business, development, natural resource extraction, accompanied by a continued military presence. KHRG believes that the perpetration of abuses is exacerbated, and villagers' options to respond effectively limited, both by the lack of opportunities for genuine local input and a dearth of information-sharing concerning new developments. Analysis for this commentary was prepared based on a collaborative workshop held between all staff members at KHRG's administrative office, as well as field documentation and oral testimony received since January 2012 from villagers in all KHRG research areas, which incorporate all or parts of Kayin and Mon States, and Bago and Tanintharyi Regions..." |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) |
| Format/size: | | pdf (66K) |
| Alternate URLs: | | http://www.khrg.org/khrg2012/khrg12c3.html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 07 November 2012 |
|
| Title: | | Changing Realities, Poverty and Displacement in South East Burma/Myanmar - 2012 Survey (TBC) |
| Date of publication: | | 31 October 2012 |
| Description/subject: | | "A significant decrease in forced displacement has been documented by community‐based
organisations in South East Myanmar after a series of ceasefire agreements were negotiated earlier this
year. While armed conflict continues in Kachin State and communal violence rages in Rakhine State, field
surveys indicate that that there has been a substantial decrease in hostilities affecting Karen, Karenni,
Shan and Mon communities.
In its annual survey of displacement and poverty released today, the Thailand Burma Border Consortium
(TBBC) estimates that 10,000 people were forced from their homes during the past year in comparison to
an average of 75,000 people displaced every year during the previous decade. While there remain at least
400,000 internally displaced persons in rural areas of South East Myanmar, the tentative return of 37,000
civilians to their villages or surrounding areas reflects hope for an end to displacement.
After supporting refugees and internally displaced persons for nearly three decades, TBBC’s Executive
Director Jack Dunford is optimistic about the possibility of forging a sustainable solution but conscious
that there are many obstacles still to come. “The challenge of transforming preliminary ceasefire
agreements into a substantive peace process is immense, but this is the best chance we have ever had to
create the conditions necessary to support voluntary and dignified return in safety”, said Mr Dunford.
Poverty assessments conducted by TBBC’s community‐based partners with over 4,000 households across
21 townships provide a sobering reminder about the impact of protracted conflict on civilian livelihoods.
The findings suggest that 59% of households in rural communities of South East Myanmar are
impoverished, with the indicators particularly severe in northern Karen areas where there have been
allegations of widespread and systematic human rights abuse.
The Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in Myanmar reported to the United Nations General Assembly
last month that truth, justice and accountability are integral to the process of securing peace and national
reconciliation. Mr Dunford commented that “after all the violence and abuse, inclusive planning processes
can help to rebuild trust by ensuring that the voices of those most affected are heard and that civil society
representatives are involved at all stages”." (TBC Press Release, 31 October 2012).....
9 documents: English full report (Zip-PDF: 22.5Mb); Burmese brochure (PDF: 8.25Mb); English brochure (PDF: 0.9Mb); English Exec Summ. (PDF: 270Kb); English-Chapter 1 (PDF: 800Kb); English-Chapter 2 (PDF: 7.9Mb); English-Chapter 3 (PDF: 9.7Mb); English-Chapter 4 (PDF: 5.6Mb); English-Appendices (PDF: 5.9Mb)..... |
| Language: | | English, Burmese |
| Source/publisher: | | The Border Consortium - TBC (formerly Thailand Burma Border Consortium - TBBC ) |
| Format/size: | | html, pdf |
| Alternate URLs: | | http://www.tbbc.org/idps/report-2012-idp-en-press-release.pdf (press release)
http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs14/report-2012-idp-full-en-op-red.pdf (slightly reduced version of the full report) |
| Date of entry/update: | | 02 November 2012 |
|
| Title: | | “We Have Seen This Before”: Burma’s Fragile Peace Process |
| Date of publication: | | 01 October 2012 |
| Description/subject: | | "Since President Thein Sein came to power, Burma has been undergoing some limited, yet reversible, democratic reforms. In tandem with these reforms are peace negotiation attempts that started in late 2011 resulting in preliminary ceasefires being signed with most major ethnic non-state armed groups. However, armed clashes continue between the Burma Army and the Kachin Independence Army, as well as with several groups that have signed preliminary ceasefires including the Shan State Army – North, Shan State Army – South, the Karen National Liberation Army and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army.
Due to the lack of political dialogue, little progress has been made in the peace process to date. The process has been one-sided, divisive and has failed to lay solid foundations for sustainable peace. From both civil society and ethnic non-state armed groups, however, the message has been clear: a development agenda cannot be a substitute for a political settlement.
This briefing paper looks at the different peace plans put forward by the government and ethnic non-state armed groups, the need for political dialogue, problematic negotiation processes and ceasefire agreements, continuing human rights violations and serious concerns about peace fund initiatives. It also includes recommendations to the Government of Burma, to ethnic non-state armed groups and to the international community" |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Burma Partnership |
| Format/size: | | pdf (171K-OBL version; 757K-original) |
| Alternate URLs: | | http://www.burmapartnership.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/10/We-Have-Seen-This-Before-Burmas-Fragile-... |
| Date of entry/update: | | 09 October 2012 |
|
| Title: | | No easy peace for Myanmar |
| Date of publication: | | 13 September 2012 |
| Description/subject: | | "A Norwegian government initiative in support of peace talks between the Myanmar government and ethnic armed groups fighting decades-old insurgencies has come under fire. New efforts to overhaul the so-called Myanmar Peace Support Initiative (MPSI) may or may not allay those concerns, let alone achieve lasting peace in Myanmar's long restive ethnic minority areas.
The Norwegian initiative was launched after a visit by then railways minister Aung Min, President Thein Sein's chief negotiator with armed ethnic groups and exiled pro-democracy organizations, to Oslo in January. MPSI has aimed to facilitate talks between the government and armed ethnic organizations through funding for consultations with local communities, needs assessments, and the establishment of liaison offices near conflict zones.
MPSI is bidding to address conflicts where ceasefires already exist and a peace process between the government and non-state armed groups has been established. Some of the insurgent groups, such as the New Mon State Party (NMSP), have previously held ceasefires with the government. Others, like the Karen National Union (KNU) and the Shan State Army-South (SSA-S), have only recently agreed to tentatively stop fighting.
A pilot project launched earlier this year with the KNU in Kyauk Kyi township of southern central Pegu Division provides emergency assistance to internally displaced villagers living in surrounding areas. Since then, MPSI has conducted consultations with ethnic-based organizations in Karen, Mon, Shan, Rakhine, and Chin States..." |
| Author/creator: | | Brian McCartan |
| Source/publisher: | | "Asia Times Online" |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 12 September 2012 |
|
| Title: | | New Mon State Party, gov’t sign preliminary agreement |
| Date of publication: | | 01 February 2012 |
| Description/subject: | | "The New Mon State Party (NMSP) peace delegation and the Burmese government agreed to a five-point state-level peace program on Wednesday.
The New Mon State Party and Burmese government agreed to a five-point peace program on Wednesday, February 1, 2012.
The New Mon State Party and Burmese government agreed to a five-point peace program on Wednesday, February 1, 2012. Photo: Mizzima
The NMSP delegation will submit the five-point preliminary agreement to the NMSP central committee and if it its accepted, Mon officials will sign a cease-fire agreement in the third week of February.
The peace talk was held in the Strand Hotel in Mawlamyine in Mon State.
The agreement covers a halt to fighting, the formation of peace delegations to conduct national-level peace talks, the selection of liaison offices, an agreement not to travel with weapons except in designated areas, and to stay in agreed upon control areas..." |
| Author/creator: | | Nyi Thit |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Mizzima |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 02 February 2012 |
|
| Title: | | Ending Burma’s Conflict Cycle? Prospects for Ethnic Peace |
| Date of publication: | | February 2012 |
| Description/subject: | | Conclusions and Recommendations:
* The new cease-fire talks initiated by the
Thein Sein government are a significant
break with the failed ethnic policies of the
past and should be welcomed. However,
the legacy of decades of war and oppression
has created deep mistrust among different
ethnic nationality communities, and ethnic
conflict cannot be solved overnight.
* A halt to all offensive military operations
and human rights abuses against local civilians
must be introduced and maintained.
* The government has promised ethnic
peace talks at the national level, but has yet
to provide details on the process or set out
a timetable. In order to end the conflict and
to achieve true ethnic peace, the current
talks must move beyond simply establishing
new cease-fires.
* It is vital that the process towards ethnic
peace and justice is sustained by political
dialogue at the national level, and that key
ethnic grievances and aspirations are
addressed.
* There are concerns about economic development
in the conflict zones and ethnic
borderlands as a follow-up to the peace
agreements, as events and models in the
past caused damage to the environment
and local livelihoods, generating further
grievances. Failures from the past must be
identified and addressed.
* Peace must be understood as an overarching
national issue, which concerns
citizens of all ethnic groups in the country,
including the Burman majority. |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Transnational Institute, Burma Centrum Nederland (Burma Policy Briefing Nr 8) |
| Format/size: | | pdf (272K - OBL version; 457K - original) |
| Alternate URLs: | | http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/bpb8.pdf |
| Date of entry/update: | | 21 February 2012 |
|
| Title: | | Burma's Ethnic Ceasefire Agreements (Burmese) |
| Date of publication: | | 31 January 2012 |
| Description/subject: | | "Since implementing recent political reforms, the Thein Sein government has attempted to make a number of state level ceasefire agreements with both previous ceasefire groups and other anti-government forces. On the 13 January 2012, the Burmese government signed an intial peace agreement with the Karen National Union. The agreement, the third such agreement with ethnic opposition forces within two month, signals a radical change in how previous Burmese governments have dealt with ethnic grievences. Up until the recent negotiations and the outbreak of hostilities in Kachin State, there had been three main ethnic groups with armies fighting against the government. These armies are the Karen National Liberation Army, which has between three and four thousand troops, the Shan State Army – South, which has between six and seven thousand troops, and the Karenni Army, fielding between eight hundred to fifteen hundred troops. In addition to the three main groups there are also the Chin National Front (Chin National Army) with approximately two hundred troops3 and the Arakan Liberation Army with roughly one hundred troops.4 Under previous military regimes, the ethnic question had been dealt with as a military matter and not as a political or constitutional issue. Consequently, the failure of the Burmese government to recognize the true nature of the ethnic struggle resulted in constant civil war. As a result, over a hundred and fifty thousand refugees have been forced to shelter in neighbouring countries due to a conflict that has been charecterized by it myriad human rights abuses. Recent negotiations have changed significantly due to the fact that the Thein Sein government has dropped a number of requirements that previous regimes had made in relation to setting conditions for talks. One of the most important was the fact that a ceasefire must be agreed to prior to discussions taking place. Recent talks have taken place without this condition and unlike previous attempts at peace the Burmese authorities have not demanded weapons to be surrendered first. Another previous condition was the insistence that all talks must take place inside Burma. This was also recently negated with exploratory talks taking place in Thailand with the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army – South (RCSS/SSA), The Chin National Front (CNF) and the Karen National Union (KNU) and also in China with the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO). According to media reports5 the Burmese government has set the following conditions in relation to conducting agreements with the ethnic groups:..." |
| Author/creator: | | Paul Keenan |
| Language: | | Burmese |
| Source/publisher: | | Burma Centre for Ethnic Studies (Briefing Paper No. 1) |
| Format/size: | | pdf (184K) |
| Date of entry/update: | | 07 February 2012 |
|
| Title: | | Burma’s Ethnic Ceasefire Agreements (English) |
| Date of publication: | | 31 January 2012 |
| Description/subject: | | "Since implementing recent political reforms, the Thein Sein government has attempted to make a number of state level ceasefire agreements with both previous ceasefire groups and other anti-government forces. On the 13 January 2012, the Burmese government signed an intial peace agreement with the Karen National Union. The agreement, the third such agreement with ethnic opposition forces within two month, signals a radical change in how previous Burmese governments have dealt with ethnic grievences.
Up until the recent negotiations and the outbreak of hostilities in Kachin State, there had been three main ethnic groups with armies fighting against the government. These armies are the Karen National Liberation Army, which has between three and four thousand troops, the Shan State Army – South, which has between six and seven thousand troops, and the Karenni Army, fielding between eight hundred to fifteen hundred troops. In addition to the three main groups there are also the Chin National Front (Chin National Army) with approximately two hundred troops3 and the Arakan Liberation Army with roughly one hundred troops.4
Under previous military regimes, the ethnic question had been dealt with as a military matter and not as a political or constitutional issue. Consequently, the failure of the Burmese government to recognize the true nature of the ethnic struggle resulted in constant civil war. As a result, over a hundred and fifty thousand refugees have been forced to shelter in neighbouring countries due to a conflict that has been charecterized by it myriad human rights abuses. Recent negotiations have changed significantly due to the fact that the Thein Sein government has dropped a number of requirements that previous regimes had made in relation to setting conditions for talks. One of the most important was the fact that a ceasefire must be agreed to prior to discussions taking place. Recent talks have taken place without this condition and unlike previous attempts at peace the Burmese authorities have not demanded weapons to be surrendered first.
Another previous condition was the insistence that all talks must take place inside Burma. This was also recently negated with exploratory talks taking place in Thailand with the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army – South (RCSS/SSA), The Chin National Front (CNF) and the Karen National Union (KNU) and also in China with the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO).
According to media reports5 the Burmese government has set the following conditions in relation to conducting agreements with the ethnic groups:..." |
| Author/creator: | | Paul Keenan |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Burma Centre for Peace and Reconciliation (Briefing Paper No. 1 January 2012) |
| Format/size: | | pdf (558K) |
| Date of entry/update: | | 31 January 2012 |
|
| Title: | | Safeguarding human rights in a post-ceasefire eastern Burma |
| Date of publication: | | 26 January 2012 |
| Description/subject: | | "The ongoing ceasefire negotiations between the Government of Myanmar and the Karen National Union present an important opportunity for bringing lasting peace and improved human rights conditions to local people in eastern Burma. If the ceasefire can end fighting between the two parties, it should end human rights abuses associated with armed conflict. Human rights abuses, however, do not stem only from armed conflict but also from ingrained abusive practices and lack of accountability for perpetrators. In the absence of armed conflict, abuses related to extracting labour, money and resources from villagers and consolidating state control can be expected to continue or even worsen, particularly where there is a correlative increase in industrial, business or development initiatives undertaken without opportunities for genuine local input. Given these concerns, this commentary concludes by presenting recommendations for using the ceasefire negotiations to define monitoring processes that can offer new options for communities already attempting to protect their human rights. Analysis for this commentary was developed in workshops held with staff at KHRG's administrative office in Thailand and with villagers working with KHRG to document human rights abuses in Mon and Karen states and Bago and Tennaserim divisions" |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) |
| Format/size: | | pdf (58K), html |
| Alternate URLs: | | http://www.khrg.org/khrg2012/khrg12c1.html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 29 January 2012 |
|
| Title: | | Statement on Initial Agreement between KNU and Burmese Government |
| Date of publication: | | 14 January 2012 |
| Description/subject: | | "• The 19-member KNU delegation held talks with Railways Minister, U Aung Min, and other
representatives of the Burmese government on 12-1-2012, in Pa-an.
• The KNU delegation reached an initial agreement with the Burmese government's representatives
towards a ceasefire agreement. When the delegation returns to our headquarters, the KNU leadership
will discuss about subsequent steps required in this dialogue with the Burmese government.
• The KNU welcomes the report by its delegation that the Burmese government's representatives agreed,
in principle, to the eleven-point proposal, which the KNU presented in the talks. The KNU leadership will
take further steps to continue concrete discussions on how the terms and conditions of the proposal will
be materialized on the ground, in detail, before both sides can agree on the final ceasefire agreement.
• The eleven points of the KNU proposal are:..." |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Karen National Union |
| Format/size: | | pdf (75K) |
| Date of entry/update: | | 14 January 2012 |
|
| Title: | | KNU and Burma government agree to further talks |
| Date of publication: | | 13 January 2012 |
| Description/subject: | | "Yesterday, a 19-member Karen National Union delegation held talks with Burma government representatives, led by Railways Minister, Aung Min, in Pa-an, Karen State to discuss a ceasefire agreement. A KNU spokesperson confirmed to Karen News what the talks had achieved.
“The KNU delegation reached an initial agreement with the Burma government’s representatives towards a ceasefire agreement. When the delegation returns to our headquarters, the KNU will continue to discuss about subsequent steps in this negotiation with the Burmese government.”
The KNU spokesperson said the KNU welcomed the Burma delegation’s agreement-in-principle to the 11 key points they presented at the Pa-an talks..." |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Karen News |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 14 January 2012 |
|
| Title: | | Text of the Unofficial Translation of CNF Ceasefire Agreement |
| Date of publication: | | 07 January 2012 |
| Description/subject: | | "07 January 2012: Chinland Guardian is pleased to present the unofficial translation of the preliminary peace agreement between the Chin National Front and the Chin State Government following the two-days peace talks in Hakha this week..." |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Chinland Guardian |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 12 January 2012 |
|
| Title: | | Breakthrough: CNF Signed Ceasefire Deal with Govt. |
| Date of publication: | | 06 January 2012 |
| Description/subject: | | "06 January 2012: In an historic development, the Chin National Front (CNF) has signed a ceasefire agreement with the new Burmese government at the end of a two-day peace negotiation in Chin State capital Hakha.
A source present in the negotiation has confirmed to Chinland Guardian that leaders of both sides of the official delegations have entered their signatures on a document containing the official ceasefire agreement..." |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "Chinland Guardian" |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 12 January 2012 |
|
| Title: | | Initial Agreement Towards Peace (RCSS/SSA + RUM) |
| Date of publication: | | 07 December 2011 |
| Description/subject: | | Initial Agreement Towards Peace between RCSS/SSA + RUM [Republic of the Union of Myanma]...
(Unofficial translation)...
The RCSS/SSA and state level peacemaking bodies agree to observe the following subjects: |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Shanland.org |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 12 January 2012 |
|
| Title: | | Naypyidaw Signs Peace Agreement with SSA-South |
| Date of publication: | | 02 December 2011 |
| Description/subject: | | "The Burmese government on Friday signed a ceasefire agreement at state level with the Shan State Army-South (SSA-South), one of the major ethnic militias in Burma's restive border regions, while its military operations show no sign of abating in Kachin State.
According to official sources at the meeting in Taunggyi between representatives of the Shan State administration and the SSA-South, led by Brig-Gen Sai Lu, the agreement included not only a ceasefire, but government assurances of economic development, a joint-task force working against illegal drugs in Shan State, and the opening of liaison offices.
Sources say the next step in the truce is to hold a series of negotiations between a Union-level peace committee and the SSA-South..." |
| Author/creator: | | Wai Moe |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy" |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 12 January 2012 |
|
| Title: | | MYANMAR: A NEW PEACE INITIATIVE |
| Date of publication: | | 30 November 2011 |
| Description/subject: | | Conclusion: "Myanmar has faced ethnic turmoil and armed conflicts since
the early days of its independence. Today this remains probably
the single most important issue facing the country. In
the last few months, the new government has begun implementing
an extraordinary series of social, economic and
political reforms and a peace initiative that offers steps no
previous government has been willing to take. This has
convinced most of the armed groups to agree new ceasefires
or enter into peace talks.
While serious clashes continue in Kachin State and parts
of Shan State, momentum is clearly building behind the
government’s initiative. It may offer the best chance in
over 60 years for resolving these conflicts. Finding a sustainable
end to some of the longest-running armed conflicts
in the world would be a historic achievement. But lasting
peace is by no means assured. Ethnic minority grievances
run deep, and bringing peace will take more than reaching
ceasefire agreements with the armed groups. It requires
addressing the grievances and aspirations of all minority
populations and building trust between communities. The
way the country deals with its enormous diversity would
need to be fundamentally rethought. This is an issue in
which every person in the country has a stake.
The international community has an important role to play
in support of peace and development in Myanmar. It is
crucial first to understand the complexities. No one party
to the conflict, including the government, can solve the
problem by itself; and pressuring one party to a conflict is
never likely to be effective. In particular, resolving once
and for all the conflict should not become another benchmark
that the government must meet in order to achieve
improved relations with the West or have sanctions lifted.
With respect to a government that has demonstrated a
commitment to major reform and closer ties with the West,
there are far better diplomatic tools available to keep a
focus on the ethnic conflict. The same is true of the serious
human rights abuses associated with that conflict. These
will only be ended definitively by reforming the institutional
culture of the armed forces, changing key military
policies that lead to such abuses, strengthening domestic
accountability mechanisms to ensure that the prevailing
sense of impunity among soldiers in operational areas is
addressed – and by peace.
The international community must be ready to move quickly
to support emerging peace deals with political and development
support. Many of the grievances of ethnic minority
communities relate to socio-economic and minority rights,
and it is important that there be an immediate dividend for
any ceasefires, in order to build the constituency for peace.
Supporting socio-economic development, greater regional
autonomy and peacebuilding and contributing to greater
understanding and trust between communities is vital." |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | International Crisis Group (ICG) |
| Format/size: | | pdf (454K - OBL version; 3.17MB - original) |
| Alternate URLs: | | http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/asia/south-east-asia/burma-myanmar/214%20Myanmar%20-%20A%2... |
| Date of entry/update: | | 01 December 2011 |
|
| Title: | | Conflict or Peace? Ethnic Unrest Intensifies in Burma |
| Date of publication: | | June 2011 |
| Description/subject: | | "...The breakdown in the ceasefire of the Kachin
Independence Organisation (KIO) with the
central government represents a major failure
in national politics and threatens a serious
humanitarian crisis if not immediately addressed.
Over 11,000 refugees have been displaced
and dozens of casualties reported during
two weeks of fighting between government
forces and the KIO. Thousands of troops have
been mobilized, bridges destroyed and communications
disrupted, bringing hardship to communities
across northeast Burma/Myanmar.1
There is now a real potential for ethnic conflict to
further spread. In recent months, ceasefires
have broken down with Karen and Shan
opposition forces, and the ceasefire of the New
Mon State Party (NMSP) in south Burma is
under threat. Tensions between the government
and United Wa State Army (UWSA) also
continue.
It is essential that peace talks are initiated and
grievances addressed so that ethnic conflict in
Burma does not spiral into a new generation of
militarised violence and human rights abuse..." |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Transnational Institute (TNI) & Burma Centrum Nederland (BCN). Burma Policy Briefing Nr 7, June 2011 |
| Format/size: | | pdf (407K) |
| Date of entry/update: | | 25 June 2011 |
|
| Title: | | Burma's New Government: Prospects for Governance and Peace in Ethnic States |
| Date of publication: | | 29 May 2011 |
| Description/subject: | | Conclusions and Recommendations:
* Two months after a new government took
over the reins of power in Burma, it is too
early to make any definitive assessment of
the prospects for improved governance
and peace in ethnic areas. Initial signs
give some reason for optimism, but the
difficulty of overcoming sixty years of
conflict and strongly-felt grievances and
deep suspicions should not be underestimated...
* The economic and geostrategic realities
are changing fast, and they will have a
fundamental impact – positive and
negative – on Burma’s borderlands. But
unless ethnic communities are able to
have much greater say in the governance
of their affairs, and begin to see tangible
benefits from the massive development
projects in their areas, peace and broadbased
development will remain elusive...
* The new decentralized governance structures
have the potential to make a positive
contribution in this regard, but it is
unclear if they can evolve into sufficiently
powerful and genuinely representative
bodies quickly enough to satisfy ethnic
* There has been renewed fighting in Shan
State, and there are warning signs that
more ethnic ceasefires could break down.
Negotiations with armed groups and an
improved future for long-marginalized
ethnic populations is the only way that
peace can be achieved. |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Transnational Institute (TNI) & Burma Centrum Nederland (BCN). Burma Policy Briefing Nr 6, May 2011 |
| Format/size: | | pdf (352K - OBL version; 1.1MB - original) |
| Alternate URLs: | | http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/bpb6.pdf |
| Date of entry/update: | | 30 May 2011 |
|
| Title: | | Forget About the Sham Burmese Elections It's the growing risk of ethnic violence the world should worry about. |
| Date of publication: | | 05 November 2010 |
| Description/subject: | | "As the world prepares to label this weekend's elections in Myanmar an undemocratic farce -- which of course they are -- a brewing potential crisis in the country's border regions is being ignored. While cease-fire agreements have tempered the civil wars that have raged for much of Myanmar's 62-year post-independence history, these conflicts have never been fully resolved. Fighting in the northeastern Kokang region in August 2009 forced more than 30,000 refugees to flee across the border to China. Now, the government's aggressive tactics are increasing tensions in a high-stakes game of ethnic politics, one that carries significant potential for violent conflict..." |
| Author/creator: | | Stephanie T. Kleine-Ahlbrandt |
| Language: | | English, Español, Spanish |
| Source/publisher: | | "Foreign Policy" |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Alternate URLs: | | http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/south-east-asia/burma-myanmar/Kleine-ahlbrandt-Forget-Ab... |
| Date of entry/update: | | 11 November 2010 |
|
| Title: | | Myanmar ceasefires on a tripwire |
| Date of publication: | | 30 April 2010 |
| Description/subject: | | "Yet another deadline has passed for ethnic ceasefire groups in Myanmar to join the military as part of a new government-controlled Border Guard Force (BGF). With the rainy season approaching and a transition from military to civilian rule underway, opportunities are dwindling for the ruling junta to force the groups to agree before elections are held later this year..." |
| Author/creator: | | Brian McCartan |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Asia Times Online |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 01 May 2010 |
|
| Title: | | Neither War Nor Peace - The Future of the Ceasefire Agreements in Burma |
| Date of publication: | | July 2009 |
| Description/subject: | | Introduction:
"This year marks the twentieth anniversary of the first ceasefire
agreements in Burma, which put a stop to decades of
fighting between the military government and a wide range
of ethnic armed opposition groups. These groups had
taken up arms against the government in search of more
autonomy and ethnic rights.
The military government has so far failed to address the
main grievances and aspirations of the cease-fire groups.
The regime now wants them to disarm or become Border
Guard Forces. It also wants them to form new political
parties which would participate in the controversial 2010
elections. They are unlikely to do so unless some of their
basic demands are met. This raises many serious questions
about the future of the cease-fires.
The international community has focused on the
struggle of the democratic opposition led by Aung San
Suu Kyi, who has become an international icon. The ethnic
minority issue and the relevance of the cease-fire agreements
have been almost completely ignored.
Ethnic conflict needs to be resolved in order to bring about
any lasting political solution. Without a political settlement
that addresses ethnic minority needs and goals it is
extremely unlikely there will be peace and democracy in
Burma. Instead of isolating and demonising the cease-fire
groups, all national and international actors concerned
with peace and democracy in Burma should actively
engage with them, and involve them in discussions about
political change in the country.
This paper explains how the cease-fire agreements came
about, and analyses the goals and strategies of the ceasefire
groups. It also discusses the weaknesses the groups face
in implementing these goals, and the positive and negative
consequences of the cease-fires, including their effect on
the economy. The paper then examines the international
responses to the cease-fires, and ends with an overview of
the future prospects for the agreements" |
| Author/creator: | | Tom Kramer |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Transnational Insititute |
| Format/size: | | pdf (1.74MB) |
| Alternate URLs: | | http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs07/TNIceasefires.pdf |
| Date of entry/update: | | 19 July 2009 |
|
| Title: | | Burma/ Myanmar: Challenges of a Ceasefire Accord in Karen State |
| Date of publication: | | 2009 |
| Description/subject: | | Abstract: "Burma (Myanmar) has seen some of the longest-running insurgencies
in the world, which have had a devastating effect on local populations
and the country as a whole. While the Karen National Union (KNU),
which has fought successive Burmese governments since 1949, is in a critical
phase of its life, the KNU/KNLA Peace Council (KPC) is experiencing life
under a ceasefire accord with the Burmese government, the State Peace and
Development Council (SPDC). Major challenges have occurred since the
ceasefire and future developments are uncertain. Like all ceasefire groups in
the country, the KPC has come under immense pressure to follow the
government’s “seven-step road map” to democracy, compete in the 2010
elections, and transform its troops into a border guard force under the control
of the Burmese military or face disarmament. This article seeks to provide
some insights into a ceasefire group, to analyse the failures and successes
of the ceasefire accord, and to outline future challenges to the country....
Keywords: Burma/ Myanmar, Karen, ceasefire groups, ethnic politics....
ISSN: 1868-4882 (online), ISSN: 1868-1034 (print) |
| Author/creator: | | Paul Core |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 28, 3, 95-105 |
| Format/size: | | pdf (174K) |
| Date of entry/update: | | 21 August 2011 |
|
| Title: | | The "Balkanization’ of Burma?" - a review of "Political Authority in Burma’s Ethnic Minority States: Devolution, Occupation, and Coexistence", by Mary P. Callahan, and "Assessing Burma’s Ceasefire Accords", |
| Date of publication: | | May 2008 |
| Description/subject: | | "Political Authority in Burma’s Ethnic Minority States: Devolution, Occupation, and Coexistence", by Mary P. Callahan, Policy Studies 31, East-West Center, Washington, 2007, P 94; "Assessing Burma’s Ceasefire Accords", by Zaw Oo and Win Min, Policy Studies 39, East-West Center, Washington, 2007, P 91....
Two studies draw a landscape of a fragmented country....
"IT has become fashionable to call up the specter of “balkanization” in Burma. The term, which means the fragmentation of large regions into smaller, violently competitive or antagonistic entities, as occurred in the Balkan wars of the late 19th century and in the breakup of Yugoslavia less than 20 years ago, also invokes images of ethnic cleansing and chaos.
Anyone with a grasp of history and geography knows that Burma has actually been fragmented for decades. A study of the map, a tally of the ethnic minorities of Burma and neighboring countries, and an understanding of the effects of 60 years of colonialism and of the following six decades of war—all confirm this conclusion.
For those not much interested in human development and human rights, things in Burma are in some ways better now than they ever were. As these two academic monographs by notable Burma experts contend, the country now is arguably at its most stable, peaceful, geographically united and developed juncture since 1948. That doesn’t mean things are good, however.... Callahan argues that the process has produced three broad forms of government in border areas. The first of these, devolution, admits that non-state entities (such as warlords and resistance forces) control the area. The second, occupation, entails government forces establishing uncontested control over a patch of territory. The third, coexistence, involves the cooperation of state and non-state authorities (often uneasily) to control an area. This latter arrangement is hardly ideal, but it supports the contention of Zaw Oo and Win Min that a peace of sorts has been reached. |
| Author/creator: | | David Scott Mathieson |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 16, No. 5 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 01 May 2008 |
|
| Title: | | Myanmars Waffenstillstände und die Rolle der internationalen Gemeinschaft |
| Date of publication: | | August 2007 |
| Description/subject: | | Ein interessanter Artikel zu dem Zusammenhang von Waffenstillständen, der Nationalversammlung und der Roadmap to Democracy. Weiterhin werde die Interesssen der einzelnen Parteien (ethnsiche Minderheiten, Regierung, internationale Gemeinschaft) dargelegt und Handlungsempfehlungen für die internationale Gemeinschaft abgeleitet; ceasefires, national convention and roadmap to democracy; interests of ethnic minorities, government and international community; recommendations for the international community |
| Author/creator: | | Jasmin Lorch; Dr. Paul Pasch |
| Language: | | German, Deutsch |
| Source/publisher: | | FES |
| Format/size: | | PDF |
| Date of entry/update: | | 06 May 2008 |
|
| Title: | | The Politics of Peace |
| Date of publication: | | November 2005 |
| Description/subject: | | The Burmese junta’s failure to honor the spirit and letter of ceasefire agreements could be a roadmap to disaster...
"Since seizing power in 1988, Burma’s State Law and Order Restoration Council—now the State Peace and Development Council—has brokered numerous ceasefire agreements with some of the country’s strongest armed ethnic minority groups. These groups have signed on with the regime in the interests of peace and reconciliation, while other groups have resisted the temptation to think that Burma’s ruling junta would ever keep its word. Recent developments suggest that such suspicions are certainly not misplaced.
Burma’s ceasefire groups today face an increasingly untenable position. Mixed signals from Rangoon have left them in disarray as the junta makes gestures of peace with one hand and tightens its grip with the other. Government forces have increased their numbers in recent months in Karen, Kachin and Shan states and other ethnic areas.
Despite proud claims of bringing peace to much of the country’s war-torn areas, it seems that Rangoon’s War Office has misrepresented the situation. An October 2005 report by the Human Security Centre, titled “Human Security Report: War and Peace in the 21st Century,” ranks Burma at the top of its list of “conflict-prone” countries, ahead of Israel, Iraq and several African nations. The report—three years in the making—covers the years between 1946 and 2003, in which Burma was engaged in 232 armed conflicts..." |
| Author/creator: | | Aung Zaw |
| Language: | | Engllish |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 13, No. 11 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 01 May 2006 |
|
| Title: | | Uncertainty Reigns in Shan State |
| Date of publication: | | November 2005 |
| Description/subject: | | Conflicting claims, suspicion and arrests create confusion...
"Although the Rangoon regime insists that Shan State is stable, one armed opposition group, the Shan State Army (South), continues to hold out against government pressure to disarm. Relations between Shan groups and the regime are also strained because of the arrest in February of several ethnic leaders, including 82-year-old activist Shwe Ohn.
Complicating the situation still further in Shan State is the status of the United Wa State Army, which maintains a de facto ceasefire with the regime while allegedly continuing to engage in a drugs trade protected by their own armed forces.
The first ceasefire agreements between Shan ethnic groups and the regime were signed in 1989. The original agreements granted the groups business concessions, particularly in logging, and tax collection autonomy. They also allowed the groups to remain armed—but from early this year the regime has been pressing them to disarm under a program dubbed “Exchange Arms for Peace.”..." |
| Author/creator: | | Aung Lwin Oo |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 13, No. 11 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 01 May 2006 |
|
| Title: | | Waiting Game |
| Date of publication: | | November 2005 |
| Description/subject: | | Junta tightens control in Monland...
"As in other ethnic regions of Burma, where ceasefire agreements have been a growing source of frustration and bitterness, Monland in southern Burma has also seen its share of broken promises and the increasing likelihood that lasting peace is still a long way off.
The New Mon State Party—the region’s principal ethnic opposition group—entered a ceasefire agreement with Rangoon in 1995, at the urging of the country’s military leadership as well as members of Thailand’s political and business communities, who were eager to increase investments in the region. Foreign oil companies, such as France’s Total and Unocal in the US, saw peace in the region as good for business. Each had proposed a natural gas pipeline through contested areas of Mon State—a fact that caused the regime to exert greater pressure in the interest of increasing vital foreign investment.
In 1996, the NMSP received 17 industrial concessions in areas such as logging, fishing, inland transportation, trade agreements with Malaysia and Singapore, and gold mining. The regime, however, had cancelled the majority of these contracts by 1998, leaving NMSP leaders with little in terms of economic support and weakening the opposition party..." |
| Author/creator: | | Louis Reh |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 13, No. 11 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 01 May 2006 |
|
| Title: | | Borderline Friends |
| Date of publication: | | February 2004 |
| Description/subject: | | "The ethnic Karen rebel leader is considering making peace with his long-time enemy. But rather than ending the conflict, some think Rangoon’s ceasefire overtures are driven by other motives.
By Aung Zaw and Shawn L. Nance/Mae Sot, Thailand
At age 77 and in poor health, Gen Bo Mya walks rather slowly these days. But for many of his followers, the de facto leader of Burma’s largest ethnic insurgent group is moving too fast. On January 15, the Karen elder statesman led a 21-member delegation to Rangoon to negotiate a truce to end Burma’s longest running ethnic conflict.
A week later, Bo Mya returned to his home near the Thai-Burma border with a verbal agreement to halt the fighting. A ceasefire agreement would notch an important publicity victory for the military junta and could finally bring peace to embattled Karen State. But the decision to quit fighting is sowing discord in the Karen National Union, or KNU, particularly among senior military commanders, and many fear the move could lead a split in their ranks..." |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 12, No. 2 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 09 June 2004 |
|
| Title: | | Brothers-In-Peace |
| Date of publication: | | February 2004 |
| Description/subject: | | "Here’s a look at the people who have helped broker ceasefire agreements over the past 15 years between Burma’s ethnic insurgent groups and the military junta, reports Naw Seng...:
Reverend Saboi Jum; Khun Myat; La Wawm; Dr Saw Simon Thar; Andrew Mya Han; Saw Mar Gay Gyi; Tun Aung Chein; A Soe Myint; Lo Hsing-han; Sere Hla Pe..." |
| Author/creator: | | Naw Seng |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 12, No. 2 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 09 June 2004 |
|
| Title: | | Myanmar: Militärregime geht auf Schmusekurs |
| Date of publication: | | 22 January 2004 |
| Description/subject: | | Rangun hofiert Karen-Kommandeur. Verhandlungen mit Rebellen über Waffenruhe. cease fire talks with karen rebells. |
| Author/creator: | | Thomas Berger |
| Language: | | Deutsch, German |
| Source/publisher: | | AG Friedensforschung an der Uni Kassel |
| Format/size: | | html (6,3k) |
| Date of entry/update: | | 01 March 2005 |
|
| Title: | | List of Cease-Fire Agreements With the Junta |
| Date of publication: | | 01 January 2004 |
| Description/subject: | | Lists only dates when the agreements (between various ethnic armies and the Burmese military) were made, not current status... |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy" Research Pages |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | Burma’s Ceasefires: More Trouble Than They’re Worth? |
| Date of publication: | | March 2002 |
| Description/subject: | | "Supreme excellence consists in breaking the enemy’s resistance without fighting."
This famous maxim from Sun Tzu’s treatise on military strategy, "The Art of War", is said to be the personal motto of Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, Burma’s intelligence chief and third most powerful general. True to this credo, the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) has defeated many of its enemies without firing a single shot.
The regime won its first ceasefire trophy in 1989, when it reached an agreement with former Communist Party of Burma (CPB) troops based along Burma’s northern border with China. This deal, which followed the fortuitous collapse of the CPB, enabled the regime to mobilize its frontline troops to other areas where insurgencies had raged for decades. Thus the small and ill-equipped ethnic armies of the Karen, Shan, and Mon, among others, came under increased pressure. Gradually, more and more were forced to cut deals of their own, leaving only a dwindling number of diehard groups to continue fighting..." This article has links to related pieces in the same issue. |
| Author/creator: | | Aung Zaw |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 10, No. 2 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | No Peace Dividend for Divided Karenni |
| Date of publication: | | March 2002 |
| Description/subject: | | "Rangoon’s "pay for peace" policy has produced numerous ceasefire deals in Karenni State, but the region is more fractious than ever.
As Burma’s smallest state, Karenni State has seen more than its fair share of conflict. It has also seen an extraordinary number of ceasefire agreements signed in the past decade—eight since 1994, including three in 1999 alone. But none of this has added up to anything even remotely resembling peace..." |
| Author/creator: | | Neil Lawrence |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 10, No. 2 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | Precarious Peace in Monland |
| Date of publication: | | March 2002 |
| Description/subject: | | "A seven-year-old ceasefire in Mon State is still holding, but just barely. Recent violence could signal a return to civil war in Burma’s southernmost state.
By Tony Broadmoor
Villagers should have had nothing to fear when Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 550 from the Burmese Army entered the remote village of Kyon Kwee on Jan 28 of this year. A ceasefire agreement had been in place for seven years, the conflict between the Rangoon government and the Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA) was supposedly over and the village was theoretically at peace..."
Instead, troops arrested, tortured and disrobed a monk and blocked all paths out of the camp before accusing the villagers of being rebel sympathizers.
Sadly, this is not an isolated incident, as rape, forced labor and food confiscations have all increased, say Mon human rights workers. |
| Author/creator: | | Tony Broadmoor |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 10, No. 2 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | Shan Struggle Set to Continue |
| Date of publication: | | March 2002 |
| Description/subject: | | "With Rangoon refusing to consider a ceasefire, and Bangkok keen to have a buffer against the Wa, Shan rebels seem likely to continue their struggle.
At last May’s Shan Resistance Day celebrations held in the mountaintop stronghold of Loi Tai Lang near the Thai border, Shan State Army-South commander Yord Serk pledged to his people: "I promise I’m not going to surrender."
Despite being heavily outgunned and outnumbered, the Shan State Army (SSA)-South, formerly known as the Shan United Revolutionary Army (SURA), remains the only Shan army resisting the Burmese government. The Burmese government has responded with a brutal military campaign to rout the SSA-South by targeting civilians as well as soldiers, forcing hundreds of thousands of people from their homes, according to interviews and reports from human rights groups. The SSA-South has adopted an anti-drug policy targeting heroin and amphetamine producers in an effort to gain international support. Despite the SSA-South’s support for a ceasefire with Rangoon, the junta’s troops continue to wage their destructive counter-insurgency campaign..." |
| Author/creator: | | John S. Moncreif |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 10, No. 2 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | Thais Tired of Paying for Burmese "Peace" |
| Date of publication: | | March 2002 |
| Description/subject: | | "Some in Thailand are talking about getting tough with the Wa, Rangoon’s "partners in peace", whose drug-dealing ways have become a bane to Burma’s neighbors. |
| Author/creator: | | Don Pathan |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 10, No. 2 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | The KNU: To Cease Fire, or Not to Cease Fire? |
| Date of publication: | | March 2002 |
| Description/subject: | | "After more than half a century of struggle and nearly a decade of major setbacks, the Karen National Union remains defiant in the face of calls to lay down its arms.
By Aung Zaw
After 53 years of resistance against Rangoon, the aging leadership of the Karen National Union (KNU) is nothing if not defiant. Arguably weaker now than at any other point in its half-century-long struggle, the KNU and its military wing, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), have faced numerous setbacks in the past decade. But asked about the prospects of the KNU entering the dubious embrace of Rangoon’s "legal fold", Padoh Mahn Sha, the KNU’s general secretary, did not mince words: "Surrender is out of the question," he told The Irrawaddy recently..." |
| Author/creator: | | Aung Zaw |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 10, No. 2 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | Resignation Rumors Fuel Ceasefire Concerns |
| Date of publication: | | June 2000 |
| Description/subject: | | Rumors that Sr Gen Than Shwe may soon step down as head of Burma's ruling junta have raised questions about the possible implications for a number of shaky ceasefire agreements with ethnic insurgent groups. |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 8. No .6 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | Fireworks of Peace |
| Date of publication: | | October 1999 |
| Description/subject: | | The military's attempts at ethnic reconciliation have been all show and no substance, writes Thar Nyunt Oo |
| Author/creator: | | Thar Nyunt Oo |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 7, No. 8 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | Karen Human Rights Group Commentary #94, Feb 23 |
| Date of publication: | | 23 February 1994 |
| Description/subject: | | "...There has been a lot of attention given to the Karen National Union's recent statement that they are willing to hold talks with SLORC on their own. Despite the fact that the SLORC continues to refuse the most basic requirements to make these talks a reality, such as a neutral venue with foreign observers, many people worldwide are assuming that the talks will occur regardless, and that the SLORC has suddenly miraculously transformed into a responsible entity that wants peace and development. Many people also assume that with "peace talks" in the works, the SLORC must have stopped its human rights abuses. After all, that's what any sane regime would do.
But not the SLORC. And those who are inclined to think otherwise should remember the saying, "Those who do not remember the past are condemned to relive it." Anyone who believes that the SLORC's recent "peace" initiatives are sincere should remember past SLORC promises, like free and fair elections, a speedy transfer of power, the complete end of offensive action against the ethnic peoples, and the promises to abide by the Geneva Conventions and the International Declaration on Rights of the Child, among other signed documents now lying tattered, torn and ignored in Rangoon. The current approach some are taking, of increasingly trying to appease and befriend the SLORC because although it is illegitimate, it definitely appears to be entrenched, bears frightening similarity to the appeasement and befriending of Hitler by European nations during the 1930's. Like the SLORC, Hitler signed countless declarations of peace and was always full of talk about "peaceful solutions", and the European countries continued to accept these while ignoring his actions on the ground at a time when they could have stopped him. We all know the price they paid. This is not to say that the SLORC is about to invade the rest of Asia; but there is always a price to be paid for appeasing a gang of thugs, be they Nazis or Burmese Generals. Sadly, it is the innocent people of Burma who pay the heaviest price, now and in the future..." |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Karen Human Right Group (KHRG ) |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 22 November 2009 |
|
| Title: | | HISTORISCHE ENTWICKLUNG DER ETHNISCHEN KONFLIKTE IN MYANMAR / BURMA |
| Description/subject: | | Vor der Ankunft der britischen Kolonialmacht waren die burmanischen Königreiche zwar die dominierende politische Kraft, ihre Herrschaft über die Minderheiten blieb aber beschränkt. Zu keinem Zeitpunkt in der vorkolonialen Geschichte bemühten sich die Monarchen darum, die Minderheiten unter Zwang zu assimilieren. Politisch relevant wurde die ethnische Zugehörigkeit erst unter der britischen Kolonialherrschaft, als das Land in das direkt verwaltete Burma proper (Burma an sich) und in die indirekt verwalteten frontier areas (Grenzgebiete), das vornehmliche Siedlungsgebiet der Minderheiten, geteilt wurde. Karen (KNU); Panglong-Abkommen; Waffenstillstandsabkommen; History of ethnic conflicts in Burma; Karen (KNU); Panglong-Agreement; Ceasefire Agreements; |
| Author/creator: | | Heike Löschmann |
| Source/publisher: | | Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung |
| Format/size: | | Html (25k) |
| Date of entry/update: | | 19 October 2007 |
|
|