Foreign Relations
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Boundary and other bilateral treaties and agreements.
Individual Documents
| Title: | | Burma – India Boundary |
| Date of publication: | | 15 May 1968 |
| Description/subject: | | I. The Background...
II. Alignment...
III. Treaties and Other Acts:
A. Treaty of Peace…signed at Yandaboo,
February 24, 1826 (Aitcheson, C.U.,
A Collection of Treaties, Engagements and
Sanads…, vol. XII, Calcutta, 1931...
B. Agreement regarding the Kubo Valley,
negotiated at Sunnyachil Ghat January 9, 1834...
C. Government of India Act, 1935 (25 and 26
GEO. 5. Chap 42)
of the Republic of India and the Government
of the Union of Burma, signed at Rangoon on
March 10, 1967...
V. Summary. |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | US Govt.: International Boundary Study No. 80 |
| Format/size: | | pdf |
| Date of entry/update: | | 12 June 2005 |
|
| Title: | | Burma–Thailand Boundary |
| Date of publication: | | 01 February 1966 |
| Description/subject: | | I. Boundary Brief ...
II. Geographical Background:
A. Physical;
B.Historical:
C. Socio-economic...
III. Analysis of Boundary Alignment...
IV. Treaties and Other International Acts...
V. Summary
See map in Alternate URL |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | US Govt.: International Boundary Study No. 63 |
| Format/size: | | pdf |
| Alternate URLs: | | http://www.law.fsu.edu/library/collection/LimitsinSeas/maps/bs63small.php (map) |
| Date of entry/update: | | 12 June 2005 |
|
| Title: | | Burma-China boundary |
| Date of publication: | | 30 November 1964 |
| Description/subject: | | Geographic Background:
A. Physical;
B. Socio-economic;.
C. Historical;
D.Political...
Analysis of Boundary Alignment...
Treaties ...
Summary.
See separate links for maps |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | US Govt.: International Boundary Study No. 42 |
| Format/size: | | pdf |
| Date of entry/update: | | 12 June 2005 |
|
| Title: | | Burma – Laos Boundary |
| Date of publication: | | 18 June 1964 |
| Description/subject: | | Boundary Brief...
Background:
A. Geographical;
B. Ethnographical;
C. Historical...
III. Analysis of Boundary Alignment...
IV. Treaties...
A. Declaration relative to the delimitation of
French and English possessions along the
frontiers of the Kingdom of Siam made
January 15, 1896...
V. Summary. |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | US Govt.: International Boundary Study No. 33 |
| Format/size: | | pdf |
| Date of entry/update: | | 12 June 2005 |
|
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Constructive Engagement
Individual Documents
| Title: | | Wege aus der Isolation. Birmas nationaler und internationaler Aussöhnungsprozess |
| Date of publication: | | August 2003 |
| Description/subject: | | Zu Beginn der neunziger Jahre reagierten die EU und die USA auf die 1988 erfolgte Machtübernahme des Militärs in Birma und die Nichtanerkennung des 1990 errungenen Wahlsiegs der Opposition mit der öffentlichen Verurteilung dieses Regimes und einer Reihe wirtschaftlicher und politischer Sanktionen. Die ASEAN-Staaten wie auch UNO-Generalsekretär Kofi Annan setzten hingegen auf eine Strategie des »konstruktiven Engagements«, die durch einen intensiven Dialog mit der Regierung in Rangun den Weg zu politischen Reformen zu ebnen versuchte. Beide Strategien haben bislang nicht zu den beabsichtigten Ergebnissen geführt.
Ausgangspunkt dieser Studie ist daher die Frage, welche Faktoren zu jener fast unauflöslich erscheinenden Konfrontation zwischen der Militärregierung einerseits und der birmanischen Opposition sowie den westlich orientierten Staaten andererseits geführt haben und welche Strategie von außen, vor allem von der EU, entwickelt werden sollte, um eine Neugestaltung der politischen Machtverhältnisse und eine Verbesserung der mehr als desolaten Lebensverhältnisse vieler Einwohner Birmas zu erzielen.
Die Studie kommt zu dem Schluß, daß die politische und wirtschaftliche Krise Birmas nur durch einen langfristigen und umfassenden Transformationsprozeß bewältigt werden kann, in dem Veränderungen der sozioökonomischen Basis und der politischen Strukturen eng miteinander zu verknüpfen sind. Von Seiten des Auslands - nicht zuletzt der EU - kann und sollte dieser Transformationsprozeß nach Kräften und in den unterschiedlichsten Bereichen gefördert werden. Hierbei müssen positive Anreize und Druck einander nicht ausschließen, sondern es wäre im jeweiligen Einzelfall zu prüfen, ob eine Zusammenarbeit möglich und nützlich erscheint oder aber verweigert werden muß.
Ways out of isolation, Burma's national and international reconciliation process, transition and democratisation |
| Author/creator: | | Gerhard Will |
| Language: | | Deutsch, German |
| Source/publisher: | | Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik |
| Format/size: | | pdf |
| Date of entry/update: | | 18 July 2005 |
|
| Title: | | Constructive Engagement: A Critical Evaluation |
| Date of publication: | | December 2000 |
| Description/subject: | | "“Constructive Engagement is a euphemism for doing business with thugs,” so proclaimed former Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan
in referring to the US policy towards China. While this may be the view of its outspoken opponents, the proponents of
Constructive Engagement defend it with equal fervor as an enlightened approach, and one that is frequently the only realistic
option, in dealing with rouge states in the post-Cold War era of globalization...." |
| Author/creator: | | Minn Naing Oo |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Legal Issues on Burma Journal No. 7 (Burma Lawyers' Council) |
| Alternate URLs: | | The original (and authoritative) version of this article may be found on http://www.ibiblio.org/obl/docs/Legal%20Issues%20on%20Burma%20Journal%207.pdf |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | Don't Expect Junta to Respect Human Rights |
| Date of publication: | | 22 August 2000 |
| Description/subject: | | Will Australia's approach to the human rights problems in Burma succeed where others have failed? No, writes Josef Silverstein. |
| Author/creator: | | Josef Silverstein |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Australian" |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
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Sanctions
See also under Economy
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De Facto Sanctions
Individual Documents
| Title: | | Can sanctions bring democracy to Burma? |
| Date of publication: | | April 1998 |
| Description/subject: | | When the U.S government announced its plans to impose sanctions oÂn Burma, opposition groups both inside the country and abroad hailed the decision. In April 1997 the US administration moved to outlaw new investments by American businesses in military-ruled Burma.
But after almost a year some anti-sanctions critics in Rangoon are speaking out. |
| Author/creator: | | By FEER, IHT, BurmaNet |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 6. No. 2 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | Sanctions impact |
| Date of publication: | | April 1998 |
| Description/subject: | | It is hard to measure the direct economic impact of the U.S. investment ban. Apart from some natural gas ventures and a few high profile manufacturers, the country has not attracted many U.S. businesses. For oÂne thing, Burma’s consumers earn oÂn average less than $300 per year and pay with a currency that is not easily convertible. |
| Author/creator: | | IHT |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 6. No. 2 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
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Sanctions - general
Individual Documents
| Title: | | European sanctions against Myanmar |
| Date of publication: | | 20 January 2010 |
| Description/subject: | | "The European Union's Myanmar policy has been paved with good intentions. The intention has been to help establish a legitimate, democratically elected civilian government in Myanmar. This would end repression, violation of fundamental freedoms and lead to prosperity. These are no small objectives and they are all published in the Council Conclusions and Presidency Statements. In addition to this, the personal interest of political leaders and the impact of European advocacy groups have lead to the perception that they are on "the right side of history"...
One part of the positively-intended EU policy has been the imposition of sanctions. The existing ar-ray of sanctions are 1) unilaterally imposed as a result of the EU Common Policy; 2) unilaterally imposed by the EU through statutory regulations; and 3) informal sanctions applied by individual EU countries. All EU sanc-tions against Myanmar are autonomous measures, i.e. not endorsed by the UN. Apart from the US and Canada, whose sanctions are similar, there is no state or region that has the same comprehensive sanctions regime as the EU.
EU sanctions against Myanmar have been a long line of failures, as most sanctions are. What we see today in Myanmar is not a weakened government and political change, but stronger governmental control of resources and people, and increased interaction with, and influence of primarily China, but also India, Thailand, Russia and other actors, with the marginalization of European inter-action and influence. This was not what the EU sought. An open-minded analysis needs to be made by the EU regarding the continuation of the its sanctions policy..." |
| Author/creator: | | Agnes Frittin and Niklas Swanstrom |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Institute for Security and Development Policy (Sweden) |
| Format/size: | | pdf (299K) |
| Date of entry/update: | | 19 February 2010 |
|
| Title: | | Towards Resolution: China in the Myanmar Issue |
| Date of publication: | | March 2007 |
| Description/subject: | | Executive Summary:
The issue of Myanmar has been in the limelight of international affairs for
almost two decades now. Economic sanctions and political isolation have
consistently been the principal policies of the international community in
dealing with the incumbent government in Myanmar. Despite the mounting
pressure, the country’s military rulers have so far chosen to defy the
international outcry, and as a result, a political stalemate has persisted, while
the population of the country continues to struggle to make ends meet.
Twenty years after 1987, Myanmar remains on the UN list of the world’s
Least Developed Countries. Yet, the government that stole the country’s
election is still in power. The impasse itself now becomes a problem, and the
practice, if not the concept, of intervention is open to scrutiny.
Whatever problems Myanmar has today and however severe they may be,
they did not just spring up overnight after the military took power — the
country’s history, beleaguered by violence and turmoil in the past two
centuries, tells us that. Recounting the country’s struggle for independence
and the political upheavals in the decades that followed allows us to gain
insights into the nature of the problems with which the country is grappling
today. Accountable for the problems that presently hinder the democratic
process in Myanmar is a combination of colonial legacy, multi-ethnicity, a
wide range of political interests across communities and, above all, a lack of
national identity that bonds the country together. Without the necessary step
of state building and a process of national reconciliation from within, a host
of political, economic, and ethnic problems cannot be solved.
In regard to the issue of Myanmar, China has all along spoken with a
different voice. The difference is rooted in regional identity and shared views
of history and development. Like many Asian countries, China has had
peaceful as well as troubled relations with Myanmar. The export of Mao’s
revolution and fervent support for ‘a people’s war’ to bring about regime
change in neighboring countries and beyond during the most radical period
of China’s modern history bears a striking resemblance to international
10
developments unfolding on the Indo-China Peninsula and elsewhere in the
world today. China’s current foreign policy and, in particular, China’s stance
on the issue of Myanmar, reflects lessons that China has drawn from its own
experience in the past. Economic reform that prospered and served to
stabilize China in the post-Mao era is now making its way to neighboring
Myanmar. This cross-border development (in part joined by ASEAN) has
brought significant changes to the war-torn country of Myanmar; and more
coordinated efforts from the international community along the same lines
would certainly benefit the country and its people in a meaningful way.
Intention and sincerity are crucial in the search for solutions, as indeed the
Six-Party Talks on North Korea demonstrate. |
| Author/creator: | | Xiaolin Guo |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program - Silk Road Paper, March 2007 |
| Format/size: | | pdf (2.23 MB) - 92 pages |
| Alternate URLs: | | http://www.silkroadstudies.org/new/ |
| Date of entry/update: | | 12 October 2010 |
|
| Title: | | Sanktionen zur Förderung von Frieden und Menschenrechten? Fallstudien zu Myanmar, Sudan und Südafrika |
| Date of publication: | | 2006 |
| Description/subject: | | Eine kontroverse Diskussion zur Wirksamkeit internationaler Sanktionen (UNO; USA; EU; ILO) in Burma/Myanmar nach den Aufständen von 1988; der Einfluss Aung San Suu Kyis; die Rolle westlicher NGOs; Fallstudien zu Burma/Myanmar, Sudan, Südafrika
A study on the efficacity of intnernational sanctions after the protests of 1988; the influence of Aung San Suu Kyi; the role of western NGOs; case studies of Burma/Myanmar, Sudan, South Africa |
| Author/creator: | | Sina Schüssler |
| Language: | | German, Deutsch |
| Source/publisher: | | Zentrum der Konfliktforschung der Philipps-Universität Marburg |
| Format/size: | | PDF (890k) |
| Date of entry/update: | | 21 September 2007 |
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Sanctions and/or engagement
Individual Documents
| Title: | | Considerations for Future Economic Engagement with Myanmar |
| Date of publication: | | 20 November 2010 |
| Description/subject: | | CONCLUSION:
"We have come to a critical juncture in international economic engagement
with Myanmar. We must recognize that this is an end to an era that has
been characterized by two decades of frustration and disappointment with a
lack of progress on national reconciliation, human rights, and a democratic
transition that is genuinely inclusive. Despite all the criticisms of the new
election laws, it seems inevitable the 2010 elections will usher in a new
era of national governance, and the next two years will be critical ones for
setting new directions for the future. Changes in economic policies and
management will matter greatly in this period to build confidence that
positive change can be real and sustainable.
The international community faces a choice of maintaining distance
from the new government by continuing existing “sticks-based” economic
engagement policies, or of seeking to make a positive contribution to
domestic efforts to implement the new constitution, which does contain
elements of economic policy principles that we can broadly endorse and
support. The time has come to make a bet on the younger generation and
seek to engage in ways that can help move Myanmar in a positive direction
in economic policy, in governance, and in the pursuit of broadly-held
national aspirations." |
| Author/creator: | | Bradley O. Babson |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C. |
| Format/size: | | pdf (112K) |
| Date of entry/update: | | 20 November 2010 |
|
| Title: | | Burma, the International Community, and Human Rights (with Particular Attention to the Role of Foreign Aid) |
| Date of publication: | | November 2010 |
| Description/subject: | | There is a need, generally, in the international community for more honest
assessments of the consequences of existing policies on Burma and
clearer thinking about how change can be brought about. The paradigm
of change favored by many democracy activists, envisioning the defeat of
the incumbent regime followed by wholesale reform by new elected leaders,
is entirely unrealistic, given the distribution of power and interests in
Burma today and the deep-rooted structural obstacles to democracy, peace,
development, and human rights. The expectation that authoritarian leaders
will eventually come to respect universal human rights and “do the right
thing” is equally unrealistic and too often, little more than a cover for the
naked pursuit of national interests. Principled engagement may be neither
politically nor economically attractive to foreign policymakers, but it is a
practical approach, which puts human rights, humanitarianism, and the
welfare of the Burmese people at the center and is true to the spirit of the
International Bill of Human Rights, which holds that all human rights are
inalienable and indivisible.
Burma, the International Community, and Human Rights
(with Particular Attention to the Role of Foreign Aid)
| 127 |
This not to say that principled engagement provides the answer to all
of Burma’s human rights problems, or that it is the optimal approach to
every issue all the time. In some areas, stronger international pressure may
be necessary to induce the government to cooperate, possibly including
carefully targeted and calibrated sanctions. Also, it must be acknowledged
that the impact of foreign aid on development and poverty reduction in any
country is secondary to that of other capital flows such as trade, investment,
and remittances. These caveats underscore the need for a comprehensive
international approach that exploits synergies between different tools and
influence mechanisms.
Yet, rather than the “poor cousin” to sanctions (or trade and investment)
that principled engagement is often portrayed as, the evidence suggests
that it must be the linchpin for any effective human rights strategy.
While well-targeted, coercive pressure may create incentives for
change, the net effect is likely to be counterproductive unless others are
willing and able to engage with the government to help reduce the nationalistic
backlash, co-opt local reformers, and identify compromise solutions.
In a similar vein, principled engagement holds the key to promoting
economic reforms and capacity-building, which can enhance
the benefits of international trade and investment, both nationally and at
the grassroots. |
| Author/creator: | | Morten B. Pedersen |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C. |
| Format/size: | | pdf (148K) |
| Date of entry/update: | | 20 November 2010 |
|
| Title: | | US engagement with Myanmar falters |
| Date of publication: | | 17 May 2010 |
| Description/subject: | | BANGKOK - After the only outcomes of a visit to Myanmar by a high-level United States diplomat were "profound" disappointment over its election preparations and a stronger line over its nuclear links with North Korea, President Barack Obama on Friday formally extended sanctions against the country.
Washington's extension of the sanctions followed the visit of US Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia and the Pacific Kurt Campbell to Naypyidaw, the capital, on May 9 for a two-day visit. Campbell met top officials such as Foreign Minister Nyan Win, Information Minister Kyaw Hsan, Science and Technology Minister U Thaung - the point man for US-Myanmar engagement - and Labor Minister U Aung Kyi |
| Author/creator: | | Brian McCartan |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Asia Times Online |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 18 October 2010 |
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| Title: | | First Do No Harm: Myanmar Trade Sanctions and Human Rights |
| Date of publication: | | July 2007 |
| Description/subject: | | I. Introduction
¶ 1 One problem that has plagued international law has been the enforcement of human rights. There is no global supranational body to hold a state in breach of international human rights accountable for its action. Short of using force to initiate a regime change, the common options taken by international actors have been to either impose trade sanctions or to participate in engagement. Both these options have significant drawbacks.
¶ 2 One influential study on sanctions concludes from an analysis of more than a hundred cases that economic sanctions have only worked to some extent about a third of the time.1 However, even this relatively positive assessment has been disputed on the grounds that the authors were overly generous in judging what were successful sanctions and in not properly separating the effects of sanctions from the impact of the threat or use of military force.2 The study also does not clearly differentiate between sanctions imposed to affect relatively modest behavior modifications in a friendly state and those imposed to cause regime change in a rogue state. It has been suggested that sanctions are usually more effective in the former and less effective in the latter due to conflict expectations.3 |
| Author/creator: | | Michael Ewing-Chow |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights/ Vol.5, Issue.2 |
| Format/size: | | html, pdf |
| Alternate URLs: | | http://www.law.northwestern.edu/journals/jihr/v5/n2/1/Ewing-Chow.pdf">http://www.law.northwestern.edu/journals/jihr/v5/n2/1/Ewing-Chow.pdf
http://www.law.northwestern.edu/journals/jihr/v5/n2/ |
| Date of entry/update: | | 18 October 2010 |
|
| Title: | | MYANMAR: Immune to Sanctions and Pressures |
| Date of publication: | | 02 August 2006 |
| Description/subject: | | "The Generals don't care because they are looking for the regional legitimacy, and they have it with China and India" (Newsweek March 21, 2005).
"One school of thought holds that its (Myanmar's) generals are indifferent to both carrots and sticks" (The Economist July 23, 2005).
Introduction"
Media reports keep appearing regularly on the mounting pressure over the military junta, raising hopes for some democratic reforms and release of the political prisoners including Aung San Suu Kyi. Every time hopes fade away till the next initiative is taken to pressurize the junta by some regional or international forum. Neither the sanctions imposed by the west nor the constructive engagement by ASEAN have had any impact on the military junta to initiate any meaningful reforms. The military junta has been shrewd enough to forego its turn for the chairmanship of ASEAN for the year 2006, so that the country does not come into limelight for the wrong reasons and thereby gained more time for its so called "roadmap to democracy". Though the anti-Myanmar lobby is growing by the day, the military junta is undeterred, thanks to the support of China, Japan, India and Thailand. |
| Author/creator: | | C. S. Kuppuswamy |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | South Asia Analysis Group: paper No.1696 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 18 October 2010 |
|
| Title: | | Myanmar and the Argument for Engagement: A Clash of Contending Moralities? |
| Date of publication: | | March 2006 |
| Description/subject: | | Abstract: The domestic environment of Myanmar, in the wake of half a century of civil war and instability, has not shown any sign of an improvement. The Generals remain in control; the health and education systems are collapsing; and the people in the borderlands live under some of the worst conditions of poverty imaginable. Meanwhile, a clash of contesting moralities has emerged through a growing fissure (at least until recently) between those in favour of engagement (ASEAN) and those wanting to isolate and sanction (the West). Of these contesting moralities the most damaging has been economic isolation. Today, Myanmar receives less Official Development Assistance (ODA) per capita than any other developing country in East Asia. Laos, by contrast, is arguably little better in terms of governance yet it receives nineteens times more ODA per capita. Nevertheless, during the course of the past two decades neither engagement nor isolation has produced a tangible shift towards better governance and/or democracy. Through an analysis of the consequences of isolation and instability in Myanmar this paper argues that the international community needs to overcome its policy divide by embracing a combination of diplomatic pressure and targeted engagement designed to enhance, in the long-term, the security and stability of Myanmar and its people. Given the dire nature of the economy in Myanmar, large scale aid packages designed to alleviate the humanitarian crisis and also build the capacity of the state need to be implemented. For the purpose of capacity building and engagement, broad sweeping sanctions targeting the economy in general should be abolished while targeted sanctions (directed at the leadership) should have clear benchmarks for their removal. While the idea of even limited engagement may be repugnant to some; the analysis will show that the 'middle path' advocated by this paper represents the best sustainable option to resolve the crisis in Myanmar. |
| Author/creator: | | Christopher B. Roberts |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies Singapore (Working Paper 108) |
| Format/size: | | pdf (540K - 47 pages) |
| Date of entry/update: | | 02 March 2009 |
|
| Title: | | Myanmar: Sanctions, Engagement or Another Way Forward? |
| Date of publication: | | 26 April 2004 |
| Description/subject: | | Myanmar's National Convention, dormant since the mid 1990s, is due to reconvene on 17 May 2004. If Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and National League for Democracy (NLD) Deputy Chairman Tin Oo are released before then (as it is now widely assumed they will be) and if the NLD is able to effectively participate in its work (which is much less certain), the Convention process provides an opportunity to move beyond the desolate political stalemate which has prevailed in one form or another since the suppression of the pro-democracy movement in 1988. |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Internal Crisis Group: Asia Report N°78 |
| Format/size: | | html, pdf |
| Alternate URLs: | | http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/asia/south-east-asia/burma-myanmar/078_myanmar_sanctions_e... |
| Date of entry/update: | | 18 October 2010 |
|
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China-Burma-US relations
Individual Documents
| Title: | | Myanmar morphs to US-China battlefield |
| Date of publication: | | 02 May 2013 |
| Description/subject: | | "...A new reality is emerging amid all the hype about Myanmar's democratization process and moves to liberalize its political landscape. Myanmar's drift away from a tight relationship with China towards closer links with the West is signaling the emergence of a new focal point of confrontation in Asia, one where the interests of Washington and Beijing are beginning to collide.
Rather than being on a path to democracy, Myanmar may find itself instead in the middle of a dangerous and potentially volatile superpower rivalry. That means the traditionally powerful military may not be in the mood to give up its dominant role in politics and society any time soon.
According to sources in Washington, US President Barack Obama's administration has made Myanmar one of its top foreign policy priorities. Trade and other exchanges are being encouraged, and, on April 25, acting US Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Joseph Yun told Congress the administration is even "looking at ways to support nascent military engagement" with Myanmar as a way of encouraging "further political reforms"..." |
| Author/creator: | | Bertil Lintner |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "Asia Times Online" |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 30 May 2013 |
|
| Title: | | China counter-pivots on Myanmar |
| Date of publication: | | 18 March 2013 |
| Description/subject: | | "A quiet, modulated dance is being played out in Myanmar. It is not a waltz, with its rhythmical, proper movements, and only on the surface are events in Myanmar equally decorous. If China and the United States are the dancers, then Myanmar is the master of ceremonies. Underlying this proper facade rivalries are apparent. When and how the music will stop is unclear.
The US explicitly has ''pivoted'' toward Asia, and more specifically Southeast Asia. It has in a sense returned after years of inattention. This policy has several elements: some enhanced naval capacity in the region, a couple of thousand marines in
China counter-pivots on Myanmar
By David I Steinberg
WASHINGTON - A quiet, modulated dance is being played out in Myanmar. It is not a waltz, with its rhythmical, proper movements, and only on the surface are events in Myanmar equally decorous. If China and the United States are the dancers, then Myanmar is the master of ceremonies. Underlying this proper facade rivalries are apparent. When and how the music will stop is unclear.
The US explicitly has ''pivoted'' toward Asia, and more specifically Southeast Asia. It has in a sense returned after years of inattention. This policy has several elements: some enhanced naval capacity in the region, a couple of thousand marines in
Australia, increased positive involvement with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and allies in the Philippines and Thailand as well as near-ally Singapore, and concerns over Chinese claims of sovereignty of the South China Sea.
But in this equation, China regards with suspicion the US's changed, positive policy toward Myanmar, also known as Burma. Chinese concerns are evident. This, they claim, is the second US containment policy of China. The first was during the Cold War, but this second is in some sense more urgent. China during the Cold War was struck by the internally destructive forces of the Cultural Revolution. It tried to project Maoist thought through its embassies overseas, but this was internal political rhetoric, not external reality..." |
| Author/creator: | | David I Steinberg |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "Asia Times Online" |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 31 May 2013 |
|
| Title: | | Myanmar: Now a Site for Sino–US Geopolitical Competition? |
| Date of publication: | | November 2012 |
| Description/subject: | | CONCLUSION:
"As the Obama administration is keen to support Thein Sein’s dual project of political reconciliation and
economic reforms, with China’s rise clearly in mind, the geopolitical competition over Myanmar between
Washington and Beijing is set to intensify. The present US role in Myanmar’s political and economic reforms
will in all likelihood lead in the future to a greatly expanded presence in the country. By comparison, China’s
often much exaggerated political hold over Naypyidaw has taken a knock with US-Myanmar rapprochement.
Its significant economic presence in Myanmar will continue, however. Significantly, far from pulling back, the
Chinese leadership also seems eager to continue to boost the bilateral relationship with Naypyidaw, which
will probably prompt more rounds of competition for greater influence between Beijing and Washington
concerning Myanmar.
By normalising relations with Washington, Naypyidaw will have gone some way to restoring the balance
historically favoured in Myanmar’s external relations. To progress with its domestic reform agenda, the Thein
Sein government seems committed both to warmer relations with Washington as well as pursuing the
comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership it agreed with China. However, evidence suggests that the
Thein Sein government knows it will need to carefully manage the attention and interest from both Beijing
and Washington.
Finally, one should not assume that developments in Myanmar over the next three years will necessarily
amount to an entirely smooth political transition. So far the NLD has been the major beneficiary in party
political terms from the present process of reconciliation long urged by Washington. With the political future
of representatives and officials of the previous regime possibly in doubt, there is at least the question over
how much internal pressure the President will yet face and be able to resist regarding a possible recalibration
of the current political course and concessions in the name of national reconciliation. In turn, the resulting
decisions of this process are likely to affect Nypyidaw’s relationship with Washington and Beijing." |
| Author/creator: | | Jürgen Haacke |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | London School of Economics (LSE) |
| Format/size: | | pdf (326K) |
| Alternate URLs: | | http://www2.lse.ac.uk/IDEAS/publications/reports/SR015.aspx |
| Date of entry/update: | | 31 May 2013 |
|
| Title: | | China's new leaders on a tightrope |
| Date of publication: | | 12 September 2012 |
| Description/subject: | | "...America bids to remove Myanmar from China's sphere of influence and intervenes in the Spratly Islands dispute.
Whilst not totally out of the blue, the visit to Myanmar by Hillary Clinton, the United States Secretary of State, in November 2011, came as a surprise to many Chinese leaders. Notwithstanding the quasi-democratic election of Myanmar's new president, Thein
Sein, supported by the military junta, the country had in fact failed to make much headway on humanitarian issues.
The dissident Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi was still under house arrest and a true democratic system, which for 20 years had been the official reason for American hostility towards Myanmar, had not yet been implemented. So why did the United States rush to support a junta which for decades it had heavily berated?
In 1972, with Richard Nixon's Beijing visit, the Chinese had had first-hand experience of such political gyrations. In that period, the Americans had rehabilitated China in order to isolate Vietnam and at the same time strike a formidable blow against the Soviet Union, which would find itself with one more declared adversary on its southern border, and, what is more, an adversary supported by the United States.
Just as in the 1970s when the United States used China to isolate the USSR, now they were going to play the Myanmar card in order to complete the encirclement of China. This was the logical conclusion that the Chinese leaders came to in light of their past political experience.
In reality, this paradigm change was not totally unexpected. At the beginning of his presidency, in 2009, in his dealings with the Chinese, Barack Obama had gone out on a limb, quietly downplaying human rights issues and even offering to sell them sensitive technology..." |
| Author/creator: | | Francesco Sisci |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "Asia Times Online" |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 30 May 2013 |
|
| Title: | | China keeps wary eye on U.S.-Burma relations |
| Date of publication: | | 04 November 2009 |
| Description/subject: | | China is concerned over the possibility of betterment of relations between the U.S. and Burma, local sources say.
The Chinese government's security agents on the Sino-Burma, say that China feels betterment of relations between the U.S. and Burma will threaten the national security of communist China. |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Burma News International |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 12 October 2010 |
|
| Title: | | Playing with Superpowers |
| Date of publication: | | November 2009 |
| Description/subject: | | Burma’s generals have a history of juggling relations with Washington and Beijing...
"If ever the Burmese regime made it clear it preferred “Made in America” to “Made in China,” it would be no surprise to see relations between China and Burma suffer a severe hiccup.
China is now keenly observing Washington’s new policy toward the Burmese regime and Burma’s opposition movement. At the same time, Beijing is observing the unpredictable Naypyidaw regime’s paukphaw (kinship) commitment to China.
Burma’s former dictator, Ne Win, (left) met then US President Lyndon Johnson in 1966.
Burmese military officers used Western weapons to counter Chinese-backed insurgents in the past. They have long memories of Chinese chauvinism and Beijing’s efforts to export communism to Burma and install a government sympathetic to Mao Zedong’s communist ideology.
Those days are long gone. China became Burma’s staunchest ally after the regime brutally crushed the pro-democracy uprising in 1988. For the past 21 years, China has adopted its paukphaw policy toward Burma and played an influential role there..." |
| Author/creator: | | Aung Zaw |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 17, No. 8 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Alternate URLs: | | http://www2.irrawaddy.org/print_article.php?art_id=17143 |
| Date of entry/update: | | 28 February 2010 |
|
| Title: | | LOOKING AT THE NEXT 30 YEARS OF THE U.S.-CHINA RELATIONSHIP |
| Date of publication: | | 06 January 2009 |
| Description/subject: | | "...As evidenced by Chinese policies toward pariah states like Sudan, Zimbabwe, Burma and Iran, China is still willing to put its need for markets and raw materials above the need to promote internationally accepted norms of behavior. However, the possible secession of southern Sudan (where much of the country’s oil is found) from the repressive Khartoum-based Bashir regime, the erratic treatment of foreign economic interests in Zimbabwe by Robert Mugabe, the dangers to regional safety and stability posed by Burma’s dysfunctional military junta, |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 26 December 2010 |
|
| Title: | | Prospects for U.S.-China Relations |
| Date of publication: | | 24 February 2008 |
| Description/subject: | | "...China's cooperation on
Burma and Iran has been grudging and limited, but real. We have been
able to leverage China's growing interdependence and concern for its
global public image into support for multilateral actions that
further U.S. goals..." |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 26 December 2010 |
|
| Title: | | DAS JOHN DISCUSSES BURMA, SOUTHEAST ASIA WITH AFM CUI TIANKAI AND DG HU ZHENGYUE |
| Date of publication: | | 05 March 2007 |
| Description/subject: | | Summary: "If the United States wants to make a difference on
Burma, it should engage directly with General Than Shwe,
Assistant Foreign Minister Cui Tiankai told EAP DAS Eric John
on March 5. In a separate meeting, MFA Director General for
Asian Affairs Hu Zhengyue stressed that State Councilor Tang
"really worked on" the Burmese during his recent visit to
Burma, delivering the message that Burma needs to respond to
the concerns of the international community. DAS John
underlined that the United States is worried that Burma is
headed at high speed in the wrong direction. If it adopts a
constitution excluding certain parties from the political
process, the United States and China could be locked into a
cycle of confrontation over Burma at the United Nations. DAS
John and AFM Cui also discussed the United States' and
China's overlapping interests in Southeast Asia. With DG Hu,
DAS John emphasized the importance of Indonesia and discussed
instability in East Timor, positive progress in the
Philippines and the situation in post-coup Thailand. EAP DAS
Thomas Christensen joined DAS John at the meetings." End
Summary. |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | US Embassy, Beijing, via Wikileaks |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 24 December 2010 |
|
| Title: | | Burma, China and the U.S.A |
| Description/subject: | | First page only, full-text access may be available if you are affiliated with a participating library or publisher. |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | JSTOR |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 12 October 2010 |
|
-
China-India Relations
Individual Documents
| Title: | | India and China : Towards a Competitive-Cooperative Relationship? |
| Date of publication: | | August 2010 |
| Description/subject: | | "One of the defining moments of the 21st
century is the rise of China and the emergence
of India, which, according to many analysts will
possibly lead to a tectonic shift in the
economic and strategic balance of power in
the world from America and Europe to Asia.
Some analysts estimate that if the two countries
continue to grow at the rates they have grown
in the past decade (India at 6-8 per cent and
China at 10-12 per cent), China’s economy
would be eight times bigger than India's in 30
years. China’s rise is faster, more spectacular,
and managed deftly with a well-thought-out
road map. It is not just the statistics that testifies
to China’s rise, but Beijing has matched her
achievements in economic development by
positioning herself both economically and
strategically in the world stage...The ever-expanding trade between the two
countries automatically gives them a huge stake
in keeping co-operation alive, despite occasional
hiccups. There is enough room in the world for
both economies to rise simultaneously..." |
| Author/creator: | | Baladas Ghoshal |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies - Delhi (IPCS Issue Brief 153) |
| Format/size: | | pdf (142K) |
| Date of entry/update: | | 29 November 2010 |
|
| Title: | | India-China Relations Impressions from a Dialogue with Beijing |
| Date of publication: | | April 2010 |
| Description/subject: | | "...the visit provided
a refreshing opportunity to engage the Chinese
strategic think-tank community on a host of
bilateral and regional issues. The visit is part of a
project that aims to develop better
understanding and greater cooperation
between India and China for a more sustainable
relationship that would help shape the Asian
destiny over the coming years. Being a Track II
process the exchanges were marked by free and
candid expression of views by all participants.
The main focus of the visit was to discuss
confidence building measures (CBMs) in diverse
fields ranging from, strategic relations,
maintaining peace and stability along the
borders, promoting strategic stability through
CBM’s in the nuclear field, enhancing
antiterrorism cooperation, promoting maritime
security and facilitating media and think tank
interaction.
The range of CBM’s discussed reflected the desire
to move beyond the clichés of hostility and
confrontation premised in the normal discourse
on India-China relations to a level that promotes
better understanding and more cooperative
relationship..." |
| Author/creator: | | Brig. Arun Sahgal |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies - Delhi (IPCS Issue Brief 146) |
| Format/size: | | pdf (199K) |
| Date of entry/update: | | 30 November 2010 |
|
| Title: | | China at 60 - Sino-Indian Tensions |
| Date of publication: | | 26 October 2009 |
| Description/subject: | | "...India and China have been indifferent neighbors in history with the high Himalayas intervening between them. The Indic and Sinic cultures are competitive, as clearly visible in Southeast Asia. Both countries offer competing models of development to achieve economic growth and social justice, distinguishing between the democratic and totalitarian paths. And, finally, history informs us hat large civilizational nations cannot be cordial neighbors, a modicum of normality is all that is possible in their relationship..." |
| Author/creator: | | PR Chari |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies (Delhi) |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 30 November 2010 |
|
-
East Timor-Burma relations
Individual Documents
| Title: | | Burma-Timor Leste Forge Closer Ties |
| Date of publication: | | 23 August 2010 |
| Description/subject: | | BANGKOK — Burma Foreign Minister Nyan Win concluded a three-day goodwill visit to Timor Leste on Sunday, after being met by protestors at Dili's international airport on Friday.
According to a Timorese journalist who requested that his name not be used, a small group of mainly university students clashed with police at Presidente Nicolau Lobato Airport on Friday. |
| Author/creator: | | SIMON ROUGHNEEN |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | The Irrawaddy |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 12 October 2010 |
|
| Title: | | E.Timor seeks ties with Burma |
| Date of publication: | | 20 August 2010 |
| Description/subject: | | The visit by Burma Foreign Minister U Nyan Win was marked by protests, with clashes breaking out between police and human rights activists demanding Suu Kyi's release.
Dozens of protesters gathered at Dili airport as Nyan Win arrived Friday to meet with Ramos-Horta and other senior officials, protest organisers said. |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | Bangkok Post |
| Date of entry/update: | | 12 October 2010 |
|
| Title: | | East Timor President Calls for Review of Burma Sanctions Policy |
| Date of publication: | | 12 January 2009 |
| Description/subject: | | East Timor President Jose Ramos-Horta criticized the West’s sanction policy on Burma on Sunday, saying that the country’s people should not be punished for “the perceived sins of their leaders.”
Ramos-Horta said at a talk in Bangkok that the United States and European Union should review their policy of economic sanctions against Burma’s military junta, according to Deutsche Presse Agentur.
The talk, “Is long lasting peace an attainable dream?” was held at Bangkok’s Foreign Correspondent Club of Thailand and was organized by the International Peace Foundation. |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | The Irrawaddy |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 12 October 2010 |
|
| Title: | | From Dili to Rangoon |
| Date of publication: | | June 2003 |
| Description/subject: | | "Not long ago, East Timorese were oppressed and struggling for independence. What lessons does the former Indonesian colony hold for the people of Burma?..." |
| Author/creator: | | Benedict Rogers |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 11, No. 5 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 18 September 2003 |
|
| Title: | | Gusmao Offers Support for Suu Kyi and Burma |
| Date of publication: | | July 1999 |
| Description/subject: | | "...East Timorese activist and Nobel Prize winner Gusmao Xanana proclaimed his support for the Burmese people and soliÂdarity with the Burmese democracy movement in an interview with the Nation. When asked about his sympathies for the Burmese pro‑democracy moveÂment, Gusmao responded, "It is a quesÂtion of feeling the same suffering a Burmese people. . . . [W]e, the East Timorese, suffer very much, 'we can unÂderstand ... the suffering of other people in Asia..." |
| Language: | | English |
| Source/publisher: | | "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 7. No. 6 |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 03 June 2003 |
|
| Title: | | The "Burmese" connection in the Timor Gap dispute |
| Date of publication: | | 05 November 1995 |
| Description/subject: | | SOME pro-democracy activists in Burma had asked me, whether a campaign against the oil company Unocal would also helped the cause of East Timor. This has led me to investigate the oil companies role in the East Timor dispute, and interestingly enough, I found a historical "Burmese connection" in the Timor Gap case. Burmah Oil, a British company was set up in Burma during the colonial time to drill oil in what was then the first British-controlled territory where oil was discovered. The company was founded by Lord Strathcona, a rich Scots millionaire who had financed the Canadian Pacific Railway, and grew instantly into a big oil company thanks to the orders from the British imperial Navy. |
| Author/creator: | | By George J. Aditjondro |
| Language: | | English |
| Format/size: | | html |
| Date of entry/update: | | 12 October 2010 |
|
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