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Economic development assistance to Burma/Myanmar

  • General reports and articles

    Individual Documents

    Title: Are Aid Donors Repeating Mistakes in Myanmar?
    Date of publication: 16 March 2013
    Description/subject: "...In our assessment of foreign aid to Myanmar, we have pointed to three steps donors can take to make their aid more effective: Slow down and do more joint operations. To ensure that senior officials are not overwhelmed by visitors, some host countries have adopted formal limits on the number of aid delegations they will receive. It would be better for Myanmar’s donors to act first to control the flow, including an effort to undertake more joint operations. It would be reasonable for donors to commit at least 30 percent of their funding to these types of operations. Provide scholarships for foreign study. It will take years for Myanmar to raise the standard of education in its universities to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) norm, let alone to the prominence it had in Asia when it gained its independence in 1948. To build the expertise Myanmar requires in the short term to meet its development objectives, the only solution is education abroad on a massive scale. One advantage of allocating aid resources to scholarships is that it has the least potential for doing harm. Be more innovative. A number of techniques for making aid more effective have been proposed since the Paris Declaration was adopted. One of these is “cash on delivery aid.” This technique has the advantage of reinforcing good management within government ministries, minimizing the administrative burden of aid, and ensuring that every dollar of aid goes to support successful projects. None of Myanmar’s donors appear to be using approaches of this kind.
    Author/creator: Lex Rieffel and James Fox
    Language: English
    Source/publisher: Brookings Institution
    Format/size: html
    Alternate URLs: http://www.brookings.edu/research/topics/myanmar
    Date of entry/update: 24 March 2013


    Title: An Early Assessment of Foreign Aid to Myanmar (audio and transcript)
    Date of publication: 14 March 2013
    Description/subject: Summary: "In the past two years, Myanmar has undergone a remarkable transformation: an unanticipated shift from military to quasi-civilian governance, the election of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi to the legislature, steps toward peace with ethnic minorities, and economic reforms designed to alleviate poverty. These developments prompted Western countries to suspend or lift wide-ranging political and economic sanctions, which were responses to the regime’s suppression of the democratic opposition and dismal human rights record after 1988. As sanctions were withdrawn, aid agencies and international NGOs rushed to Myanmar to support the Thein Sein government’s reform agenda. The interest in Myanmar among the donor community and the level of aid activity are extremely high, leading some observers to question whether Myanmar is receiving too much attention from the foreign aid community. On March 14, Global Economy and Development at Brookings hosted a discussion on foreign aid to the new government of Myanmar. Brookings Nonresident Senior Fellow Lex Rieffel and former USAID Senior Economist James W. Fox presented their new report, “Too Much, Too Soon? The Dilemma of Foreign Aid to Myanmar/Burma,” which was published by Nathan Associates. Discussion about the report and broader issues followed the presentation and included: Joseph Yun, acting assistant secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, and David Steinberg, distinguished professor in the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University. Alex Shakow, former USAID assistant administrator for policy and program coordination and former executive secretary of the IMF-World Bank Development Committee, moderated the discussion."
    Author/creator: Lex Rieffel, James W. Fox, David Steinberg, Joseph Yun, Alex Shakow
    Language: English
    Source/publisher: Brookings Institution
    Format/size: html. audio (1hr, 30 minutes)
    Alternate URLs: http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/events/2013/3/14-myanmar/20130314_myanmar_aid_transcript.pdf (uncorrected transcript)
    http://www.brookings.edu/research/topics/myanmar
    Date of entry/update: 24 March 2013


    Title: Too Much, Too Soon? The Dilemma of Foreign Aid to Myanmar/Burma
    Date of publication: March 2013
    Description/subject: Introduction: At the end of March 2011, Myanmar began an ambitious political transition led by newly elected President Thein Sein. Bold moves in his first year included opening a dialogue with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, suspending construction of the Chinese-funded Myitsone Dam, and abandoning a grossly overvalued exchange rate in favor of a market- determined rate. These moves unleashed a swarm of visitors seeking to support the transition and “make a difference”: prime ministers, foreign ministers, heads of donor agencies and international NGOs, chief executives of multinational corporations, and many others. The question posed in this report is whether the outpouring of foreign aid to Myanmar expected in the medium term (three to five years) will be more of a blessing than a curse. The question may seem unfriendly or ideological on the surface, but merits being taken seriously because of the experience of a handful of countries over the past 10 to 15 years that have suffered from large and rapid build-up of foreign aid. As posed, however, the question is too stark. A gentler version is: what steps can be taken by aid donors and the Government of Myanmar to enhance the effectiveness of aid programs and projects, and mitigate possible adverse consequences? Our report begins with a brief discussion of the dilemma of foreign aid to Myanmar: how it can be harmful despite the best intentions of the donors. We then present the policy implications of our findings, for the Government of Myanmar and for the donor community. The next two parts of the report describe the Government of Myanmar’s national planning process and the steps it is taking to manage foreign aid. We then assess donor performance against the principles of the Paris Declaration and the Busan Partnership. The last two parts describe donor activity in general terms and then individually for Myanmar’s major development partners. In 1989, the military junta changed the country’s name from Burma to Myanmar and this change was officially accepted by the United Nations. We generally use Burma when referring to the country before 1989 and Myanmar afterwards. We have included four appendices with different audiences in mind. Appendix A describes the historical, political, and economic context for readers who are not familiar with this background. Appendix B elaborates on the standards of aid effectiveness contained in the Paris Declaration and Busan Partnership. Appendix C highlights lessons learned from other countries that have been challenged by strong donor interest. Appendix D recounts newly independent Burma’s first experience with national development planning, featuring the work of the American economist Robert R. Nathan, and calls attention to a comparable Japan- supported effort launched in 2001. We should be clear about the limitations of our report on foreign aid for Myanmar. In particular, our knowledge of Myanmar is limited. Altogether we have spent less than six months inside the country over the past 45 years and we do not speak any of the local languages. Moreover, with our 50-year perspectives on economic development, we know that the world’s leading experts are still unsure how to explain China’s phenomenal progress or Argentina’s lack of progress. These experts are even more unsure about how to adapt lessons from global experience to a country like Myanmar that is undertaking a sweeping reform effort with a legacy of complex internal conflicts and poverty-inducing governance.
    Author/creator: Lex Rieffel and James W. Fox
    Language: Burmese/ ျမန္မာဘာသာ and English, English
    Source/publisher: FOR Nathan Associates Inc.
    Format/size: pdf 497K-OBL version; 2.62MB-original)
    Alternate URLs: http://www.nathaninc.com/sites/default/files/Pub%20PDFs/TooMuchTooSoon.pdf
    Date of entry/update: 24 March 2013


    Title: Myanmar: Making the Reforms Count (audio)
    Date of publication: 26 February 2013
    Description/subject: Summary: "Myanmar is rapidly emerging from half a century of isolation. Over the last two years, the government has made great strides in political and economic reforms and in improving its diplomatic relationship with the international community. Despite these changes, Myanmar faces many challenges in sustaining the momentum of reform and transformation. In addition, the international community has not developed a strategy for working together to assist the country's progress. On February 26, Global Economy and Development at Brookings and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) hosted a discussion on the shifting landscape and new challenges in Myanmar as well as the IMF and international community’s role in addressing these. Panelists included: Priscilla Clapp, former U.S. mission chief to Myanmar; Brookings Nonresident Senior Fellow Lex Rieffel; Anoop Singh, director of the Asia and Pacific Department at the International Monetary Fund; and Frances Zwenig, president of the US-ASEAN Business Council Institute, Inc. Vikram Nehru, senior associate in the Asia Program and Bakrie Chair in Southeast Asian Studies at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, moderated the discussion."
    Author/creator: Vikram Nehru, Priscilla Clapp, Lex Rieffel, Anoop Singh, Frances Zwenig.
    Language: English
    Source/publisher: Brookings Institution
    Format/size: audio (podcast) 1 hour, 56 minutes
    Alternate URLs: http://www.brookings.edu/research/topics/myanmar
    Date of entry/update: 24 March 2013


    Title: Burma in the Balance: The Role of Foreign Assistance in Supporting Burma’s Democratic Transition
    Date of publication: March 2012
    Description/subject: "...Among the questions that this report seeks to address are: - What principles should donors adhere to in developing expanded assistance programs for Burma so that they support a genuine democratization process and structural human rights improvements? - How should donors think about issues of sequencing and prioritization in their assistance programs in order to most effectively support democratization and ensure the deepening and broadening of reforms? - What does ‘country-directed assistance’ mean in the intensely politically contested context of Burma? What is the role of the National League for Democracy and other important non-state actors, and how should donors interact with them? Are Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD merely one of many civil society stakeholders in a multi-stakeholder environment or do they have a privileged role, possibly on par with or even more legitimate than that of the government? - What kind of delivery mechanisms will most effectively promote transparency, accountability, strengthened local capacity, national reconciliation, and continued political reforms? How can these objectives be effectively maintained as assistance scales up in size and scope? - What is the appropriate role of multi-lateral institutions in the current Burmese context, particularly given the weak postures that some have demonstrated in the past? How can they balance their preference for working directly with government institutions with concerns about instrumentalization and genuine involvement of Burmese civil society? - How can responsible donors balance and, potentially, bridge their external Burma programs (i.e. in Thailand, India and Bangladesh) in a way that both supports political reforms in Burma and retains support for those who are currently unable to return to Burma to take part in these processes? Through the analysis and recommendations developed in this report, Project 2049 Institute hopes to provide the donor community some reference points as it develops responsible interventions in a unique and important context. Given the long-time policy advocacy by most key donor countries in support of democratization and national reconciliation in Burma, the current environment creates enormous potential for positive synergies between assistance and policy, as well as dangers that abrupt policy shifts that could undermine both. As this rapidly evolving situation continues to move forward, Project 2049 hopes that this report will serve as a new baseline for an ongoing dialogue about how the donor community can effectively support the simultaneous advance of sustainable political reform and economic development in Burma..."
    Author/creator: Kelley Currie
    Language: English
    Source/publisher: Project 2049 Institute
    Format/size: pdf (942K-OBL version; 1MB-original)
    Alternate URLs: http://project2049.net/documents/burma_in_the_balance_currie.pdf
    Date of entry/update: 12 June 2012


  • Bilateral economic development assistance

    • EU economic development assistance

      Individual Documents

      Title: The Dynamics of Conflict in the Multiethnic Union of Myanmar
      Date of publication: October 2009
      Description/subject: * Crucial developments are taking place in Burma / Myanmar's political landscape. Generation change, the change of the nominal political system, and the recovery from a major natural disaster can lead to many directions. Some of these changes can possibly pave the way for violent societal disruptions. * As an external actor the international community may further add to political tensions through their intervening policies. For this reason it is very important that the international community assesses its impact on the agents and structure of conflict in Burma / Myanmar. * This study aims at mapping the opportunities and risks that various types of international aid interventions may have in the country. * The study utilizes and further develops the peace and conflict impact assessment methodology of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung.
      Author/creator: Timo Kivimaki & Paul Pasch
      Language: English
      Source/publisher: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (PCIA - Country Conflict-Analysis Study)
      Format/size: pdf (1.3MB)
      Date of entry/update: 24 May 2010


      Title: De la neutralité à la conditionnalité politique des relations communautaires avec les pays en voie de développement: ... Quelles sont les effets de la politique européenne de sanctions à l’égard du My
      Date of publication: September 2007
      Description/subject: La conditionnalité, de par sa nature essentiellement politique, a souvent été étudiée par des politologues plutôt que par des juristes. Ce constat est attribuable à l´absence d´une réglementation juridique internationale relative à la conditionnalité, et à sa mise en oeuvre de nature essentiellement ad hoc, et non systématique. Tous les Etats n´appliquent pas la conditionnalité politique, ni ne l´appliquent-ils tous de manière homogène; et encore moins y sont-ils tous soumis équitablement. La conditionnalité est toujours subordonnée à des exigences géopolitiques, stratégiques, commerciales et économiques.1 Beaucoup d´arguments peuvent être mobilisés contre la conditionnalité: le principe de non ingérence, la critique du néocolonialisme, le relativisme culturel, etc. Toutefois, la nécessité de protéger et de promouvoir les droits de l´homme peut suffire à la légitimer, pour le moins d´un point de vue conceptuel. D´un point de vue juridique, reste encore à prouver la légalité de cette pratique dans le droit international. L´argument principal à cet effet réside dans l´article 2.1. du Pacte International sur les Droits civils et Politiques, ratifié par la communauté internationale, lequel suggère que tous les Etats parties prennent des initiatives, notamment par l´intermédiaire de l´aide internationale et de la coopération, pour parvenir à la réalisation complète des droits reconnus dans le Pacte.2 La Communauté européenne, au sortir de la Guerre Froide, adopte une nouvelle conception du développement et de sa mise en oeuvre ; une conception plus libérale, et qui engage davantage la responsabilité des PVD dans le processus de développement. Dans ce contexte surgit la notion de conditionnalité politique de l’aide : désormais, l’aide est délivrée à condition que les pays récipiendaires s’engagent à respecter les droits fondamentaux et les principes démocratiques. L’aide au développement communautaire n’a pas toujours impliqué cette notion de mérite ; nous le verrons dans la première partie. Les bases juridiques sur lesquelles a été conçue la politique d’aide au développement communautaire jusque dans les années 1990 datent du Traité de Rome. Les relations avec les « pays et territoires d’outre mer » constituaient à l’époque une partie substantielle du Traité, de manière à assurer la pérennité des relations entre les métropoles européennes et leurs colonies une fois leur indépendance acquise. La conception des relations entre les PVD et la CEE a donc été durablement marquée par les dispositions du Traité de Rome. Géographiquement, cela signifiait des relations zélées avec les pays ACP (regroupant, plus ou moins, les ex PTOM ), dans le cadre des Conventions successives de Lomé ; et des relations tardives et modestes avec les PVD non associés, selon la terminologie révélatrice de la réglementation communautaire. Politiquement, les Conventions de Lomé réglaient la coopération au développement communautaire avec les pays ACP sur base d’une relation neutre, sans condition politique ou économique préalable. L’échec de cette politique apparaît de plus en plus flagrant après la crise de la dette et l’incapacité des économies en développement, surtout des pays ACP, à s’insérer dans le système économique mondial globalisé. A la même époque, la fin de la Guerre Froide voit les démocraties libérales occidentales triompher. L’Union Européenne est créée en 1992 sur base des principes libéraux d’économie de marché, de bonne gouvernance, de démocratie et de respect des droits de l’homme. Désormais, ces principes imprègneront la politique extérieure communautaire définie dans le cadre de la PESC. Les relations communautaires avec les PVD doivent être revues dans cette optique libérale. La nouvelle politique des droits de l’homme va être mise en oeuvre à travers la conditionnalité politique de l’aide au développement. Désormais, la politique de développement ne doit plus être considérée de manière isolée mais comme un élément de la politique extérieure communautaire.3 Nous l’ observerons, en analysant les relations régionales eurasiatiques, dans la deuxième partie. Le partenariat avec l’ANASE a une portée allant de la coopération commerciale, économique et politique à la coopération au développement. Le dialogue intergouvernemental au sein de l’ASEM (qui réunit les 27 membres de l’UE et 16 pays asiatiques dont la Chine, le Japon, l’Inde, la Corée du Sud et les pays membres de l’ANASE ) a aussi un dessein multidimensionnel, confrontant les différentes parties relativement à leurs politiques étrangère, économique et financière. Dans la quatrième partie, nous étudierons le cas de la conditionnalité politique appliquée à la Birmanie, gouvernée depuis 40 ans par une junte militaire devenue la bête noire de la communauté internationale. Depuis 1997, la Birmanie ne bénéficie plus de préférences tarifaires pour ses exportations vers l’UE. Pas plus ne dispose-t-elle aujourd’hui de l’aide communautaire au développement. Apres une présentation générale du pays et son histoire contemporaine, nous tenterons d’évaluer les effets de la stratégie communautaire dans le cas birman et l’opportunité d’appliquer la conditionnalité politique (et les sanctions qu’elle implique) pour mener un pays à se réformer et à se développer.
      Author/creator: Louise Culot
      Language: Francais, French
      Source/publisher: Université Libre de Bruxelles
      Format/size: pdf (481K)
      Date of entry/update: 19 October 2007


    • German economic development assistance

      Individual Documents

      Title: Bald Wiederaufnahme der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit mit Birma?
      Date of publication: 12 June 2002
      Description/subject: After the visit of the German Bundestag delegation of economic development the German attitude to development co-operation with Burma has to be revisited. Im April 2002 reiste eine sechsköpfige Delegation des Bundestagsausschusses für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung nach Indien und Burma. Nach ihren Gesprächen mit Militär, Opposition, Minderheitenvertretern und Aung San Suu Kyi brachten sie die Botschaft mit, die Entwicklungszusammenarbeit neu zu überdenken. Eindrücke des MdB und ehemaligen Bundesministers Norbert Blüm werden in dem Artikel wiedergegeben.
      Author/creator: Ulrike Bey
      Language: Deutsch, German
      Source/publisher: Asienhaus
      Date of entry/update: 03 June 2003


      Title: Das Sanktionsregime hat ausgedient. Interview mit Angelika Köster-Loßack (MdB, Bündnis 90/ Die Grünen)
      Date of publication: 12 June 2002
      Description/subject: Interview with Member of Parliament (Green) about sanctions and development co-operation with Burma. Nur drei Wochen bevor der neunzehnmonatige Hausarrest von Aung San Suu Kyi aufgehoben wurde, bereiste eine Delegation des Bundesausschusses für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung Indien und Myanmar/Burma. Die Abgeordneten sprachen in Myanmar/Burma mit Politikern aus Regierungskreisen, mit Vertretern der Oppositionspartei Nationale Liga für Demokratie (NLD) sowie ethnischen Minoritäten. Höhepunkt war ein Gespräch mit Aung San Suu Kyi. In den Gesprächen ging es unter anderem um entwicklungspolitische Projekte, die als Teil internationaler Sanktionspolitik seit Jahren größtenteils eingefroren waren. Angelika Köster-Loßack, die die internationale Sanktionspolitik jahrelang mitgetragen hatte, hat nach ihrer Reise nun eine andere Sicht darauf.
      Author/creator: Ulrike Bey
      Language: Deutsch, German
      Source/publisher: Asienhaus
      Date of entry/update: 03 June 2003


    • Japanese economic development assistance

      Websites/Multiple Documents

      Title: Mekong Watch Japan
      Date of publication: 1993
      Description/subject: "Mekong Watch is the Japanese NGO established in1993 to monitor and research social and environmental impacts of the Japanese development initiatives in the Mekong region, and to advocate more sustanable and people-centered ways..." It appears to be a consortium of NGOs, largely Japanese, which aims "...to create channels for local people in the Mekong region to participate in each decision-making process of development initiatives affecting their livelihoods, cultures and ecosystems. We will foster a deeper understanding of them and their impacts, and support local people for benefiting their own development paths based on their local resources and rules. Strategies 1.Information gathering and analysis on problematic development plans. 2.Understanding social and environmental situation in Mekong River Region. 3.Feedback of relevant information both to Mekong region and Japan. 4.Developing ideas on information disclosure, participation and civil society. Critical, in particular, of Japanese-funded dams.
      Language: English
      Date of entry/update: 03 June 2003


      Title: Japan-Myanmar Relations
      Description/subject: Diplomatic Relations, Number of Japanese Nationals residing in Myanmar, Number of Myanmar Nationals residing in Japan, Trade with Japan (1998) Direct Investment from Japan, Japan's Economic Cooperation, List of Grant Aid - Exchange of Notes in Fiscal Year 2002, VIP Visits. Statements by Japanese officials, Press Secretary's Press Conference on Myanmar
      Language: English
      Source/publisher: Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs
      Date of entry/update: 03 June 2003


      Individual Documents

      Title: Development, Environment and Human Rights in Burma/Myanmar ~Examining the Impacts of ODA and Investment~Public Symposium Report, Tokyo, Japan
      Date of publication: 15 December 2001
      Description/subject: Chapter 1: ODA and Foreign Investment p7; Chapter 2: Japanese Policy Towards Myanmar p14; Chapter 3: Baluchaung Hydropower Plant No 2 p19; Chapter 4: Tasang Dam and Yadana Gas Pipeline p22; Chapter 5: The UNOCAL Case p26; Chapter 6: Panel Discussion p30; Chapter 7: Development in Other Countries 40; Chapter 8: Reviewing Development p43; References: p45. "...One objective of the symposium was to examine how development has affected people and the environment in Burma. Another objective was to examine the roles of the Japanese government, of private companies, and of individuals in development in Burma. Each speaker had his or her own ideas about what is best for Burma. Does Burma need development? If so, what kind of development does it need? For development, is it necessary for other countries to give Official Development Assistance (ODA)? Should ODA be given under the current military regime? Should companies invest in Burma now? Do ODA and investment help the people of Burma? ..."
      Author/creator: (Speakers): Ms. Taeko Takahashi, Mr. Teddy Buri, Ms. Hsao Tai, Ms. Yuki Akimoto, Mr. Nobuhiko Suto, Mr. Shigeru Nakajima
      Language: English
      Source/publisher: Mekong Watch, Japan
      Format/size: PDF (640K) 45pg
      Date of entry/update: 03 June 2003


      Title: Japanese Aid to Burma Only Adds to Confusion
      Date of publication: 23 August 2001
      Description/subject: The news of the Japanese Government’s aid of ?3.5 billion (US $28 million) for the Lawpita hydropower plant renovation in Kayah (Karenni) State in Burma was very surprising news for Burmese democracy groups and the international community. The current situation of Burma’s political crisis is really critical and confusing. On one side is the powerful military junta, which never cares about violations of rights. On the other are the democracy groups and their international circle of sympathizers. Where the Japanese Government stands is not so clear. Those who can’t refuse to help others are noble; but is giving a gun to a bloodthirsty killer really helping?
      Author/creator: U Sein
      Language: English
      Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Commentary)
      Format/size: If this URL does not get you to quite the right place, scroll down to the article, or use your
      Date of entry/update: 03 June 2003


      Title: Japan errs again
      Date of publication: May 2001
      Description/subject: "The surest sign that the talks between Burma�s ruling junta and the democratic opposition were in serious trouble came in early April, when Japan�s then-Foreign Minister Yohei Kono announced that his country was ready to "reward" the regime to the tune of $28 million for repairs to a hydroelectric power station in Karenni State..."
      Author/creator: Editorial
      Language: English
      Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 9, No. 4
      Format/size: html
      Date of entry/update: 03 June 2003


      Title: "Greedy" Regime Stuns Japanese
      Date of publication: February 2000
      Description/subject: Officials in Japan, historically Burma's largest creditor, have been left shaking their heads over the SPDC's latest efforts to tap into the wealth of Asia's richest nation.
      Language: English
      Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 8. No. 2 (Business section)
      Format/size: html
      Date of entry/update: 03 June 2003


      Title: The North Wind and the Sun: Japan's Response To The Political Crisis in Burma, 1988-1998
      Date of publication: 1999
      Description/subject: "Japan's response to the political crisis in Burma after the establishment of the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) in September 1988 reflected the interests of powerful constituencies within the Japanese political system, especially business interests, to which were added other constituencies such as domestic supporters of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's struggle for democracy and those who wished to pursue 'Sun Diplomacy,' using positive incentives to encourage democratization and economic reform. Policymakers in Tokyo, however, approached the Burma crisis seeking to take minimal risks--a "maximin strategy"--which limited their effectiveness in influencing the junta. This was evident in the February 1989 "normalization" of Tokyo's ties with SLORC. During 1989-1998, Japanese business leaders pushed hard to promote economic engagement, but "Sun Diplomacy" made little progress in the face of the junta's increasing repression of the democratic opposition." Online publication with kind permission of the author and the Journal of Burma Studies
      Author/creator: Donald M. Seekins
      Language: English
      Source/publisher: Journal of Burma Studies, Vol. 4 (1999)
      Format/size: html (237K); pdf (2.17MB)
      Alternate URLs: http://www.grad.niu.edu/burma/publications/jbs/vol4/index.shtml
      Date of entry/update: 03 June 2003


      Title: Japan's Official Development Assistance (ODA) Charter
      Date of publication: 30 June 1992
      Description/subject: Cabinet Decisions June 30, 1992. "In order to garner broader support for Japan's Official Development Assistance (ODA) through better understanding both at home and abroad and to implement it more effectively and efficiently, the government of Japan has established the following Charter for its ODA: ..."
      Language: English
      Source/publisher: Government of Japan
      Date of entry/update: 03 June 2003


  • Multilateral economic development assistance

    Individual Documents

    Title: De la neutralité à la conditionnalité politique des relations communautaires avec les pays en voie de développement: ... Quelles sont les effets de la politique européenne de sanctions à l’égard du My
    Date of publication: September 2007
    Description/subject: La conditionnalité, de par sa nature essentiellement politique, a souvent été étudiée par des politologues plutôt que par des juristes. Ce constat est attribuable à l´absence d´une réglementation juridique internationale relative à la conditionnalité, et à sa mise en oeuvre de nature essentiellement ad hoc, et non systématique. Tous les Etats n´appliquent pas la conditionnalité politique, ni ne l´appliquent-ils tous de manière homogène; et encore moins y sont-ils tous soumis équitablement. La conditionnalité est toujours subordonnée à des exigences géopolitiques, stratégiques, commerciales et économiques.1 Beaucoup d´arguments peuvent être mobilisés contre la conditionnalité: le principe de non ingérence, la critique du néocolonialisme, le relativisme culturel, etc. Toutefois, la nécessité de protéger et de promouvoir les droits de l´homme peut suffire à la légitimer, pour le moins d´un point de vue conceptuel. D´un point de vue juridique, reste encore à prouver la légalité de cette pratique dans le droit international. L´argument principal à cet effet réside dans l´article 2.1. du Pacte International sur les Droits civils et Politiques, ratifié par la communauté internationale, lequel suggère que tous les Etats parties prennent des initiatives, notamment par l´intermédiaire de l´aide internationale et de la coopération, pour parvenir à la réalisation complète des droits reconnus dans le Pacte.2 La Communauté européenne, au sortir de la Guerre Froide, adopte une nouvelle conception du développement et de sa mise en oeuvre ; une conception plus libérale, et qui engage davantage la responsabilité des PVD dans le processus de développement. Dans ce contexte surgit la notion de conditionnalité politique de l’aide : désormais, l’aide est délivrée à condition que les pays récipiendaires s’engagent à respecter les droits fondamentaux et les principes démocratiques. L’aide au développement communautaire n’a pas toujours impliqué cette notion de mérite ; nous le verrons dans la première partie. Les bases juridiques sur lesquelles a été conçue la politique d’aide au développement communautaire jusque dans les années 1990 datent du Traité de Rome. Les relations avec les « pays et territoires d’outre mer » constituaient à l’époque une partie substantielle du Traité, de manière à assurer la pérennité des relations entre les métropoles européennes et leurs colonies une fois leur indépendance acquise. La conception des relations entre les PVD et la CEE a donc été durablement marquée par les dispositions du Traité de Rome. Géographiquement, cela signifiait des relations zélées avec les pays ACP (regroupant, plus ou moins, les ex PTOM ), dans le cadre des Conventions successives de Lomé ; et des relations tardives et modestes avec les PVD non associés, selon la terminologie révélatrice de la réglementation communautaire. Politiquement, les Conventions de Lomé réglaient la coopération au développement communautaire avec les pays ACP sur base d’une relation neutre, sans condition politique ou économique préalable. L’échec de cette politique apparaît de plus en plus flagrant après la crise de la dette et l’incapacité des économies en développement, surtout des pays ACP, à s’insérer dans le système économique mondial globalisé. A la même époque, la fin de la Guerre Froide voit les démocraties libérales occidentales triompher. L’Union Européenne est créée en 1992 sur base des principes libéraux d’économie de marché, de bonne gouvernance, de démocratie et de respect des droits de l’homme. Désormais, ces principes imprègneront la politique extérieure communautaire définie dans le cadre de la PESC. Les relations communautaires avec les PVD doivent être revues dans cette optique libérale. La nouvelle politique des droits de l’homme va être mise en oeuvre à travers la conditionnalité politique de l’aide au développement. Désormais, la politique de développement ne doit plus être considérée de manière isolée mais comme un élément de la politique extérieure communautaire.3 Nous l’ observerons, en analysant les relations régionales eurasiatiques, dans la deuxième partie. Le partenariat avec l’ANASE a une portée allant de la coopération commerciale, économique et politique à la coopération au développement. Le dialogue intergouvernemental au sein de l’ASEM (qui réunit les 27 membres de l’UE et 16 pays asiatiques dont la Chine, le Japon, l’Inde, la Corée du Sud et les pays membres de l’ANASE ) a aussi un dessein multidimensionnel, confrontant les différentes parties relativement à leurs politiques étrangère, économique et financière. Dans la quatrième partie, nous étudierons le cas de la conditionnalité politique appliquée à la Birmanie, gouvernée depuis 40 ans par une junte militaire devenue la bête noire de la communauté internationale. Depuis 1997, la Birmanie ne bénéficie plus de préférences tarifaires pour ses exportations vers l’UE. Pas plus ne dispose-t-elle aujourd’hui de l’aide communautaire au développement. Apres une présentation générale du pays et son histoire contemporaine, nous tenterons d’évaluer les effets de la stratégie communautaire dans le cas birman et l’opportunité d’appliquer la conditionnalité politique (et les sanctions qu’elle implique) pour mener un pays à se réformer et à se développer.
    Author/creator: Louise Culot
    Language: Francais, French
    Source/publisher: Université Libre de Bruxelles
    Format/size: pdf (481K)
    Date of entry/update: 19 October 2007


    Title: The ICG, Burma, and the Politics of Diversion
    Date of publication: October 2004
    Description/subject: "More aid to Burma’s border regions is a good idea, but not when the International Crisis Group is only telling half the story... By making the case for increasing aid to Burma,the ICG stands accused of using dirty tactics. ... The report, Myanmar: Aid to Border Areas, advocates increased development projects in predominantly ethnic border regions, often in ceasefire zones or post-conflict areas, by depoliticizing aid and appealing to the immense humanitarian crisis facing Burma. By obscuring the junta that is largely responsible for the country’s socio-economic atrophy, the Brussels-based think tank is promoting more engagement isolated from Burma’s complex political impasse. Utilizing the vague SPDC term “Border Areas”, the report outlines a strategy for “the empowerment of ordinary people.” It details ways for international non-governmental organizations, or INGOs, to nurture networks of community-based organizations, or CBOs, religious groups and other civil society networks in more “bottom-up” development methods, and away from authoritarian “top-down” projects..."
    Author/creator: David Scott Mathieson
    Language: English
    Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 12, No. 9
    Format/size: html
    Date of entry/update: 11 November 2004


    Title: MYANMAR: AID TO THE BORDER AREAS
    Date of publication: 09 September 2004
    Description/subject: Yangon/Brussels, 9 September 2004: "International assistance to Myanmar's Border Areas is needed to consolidate peace and lay the foundations for a more open, democratic system. Despite continuing state repression in Myanmar and widespread international unwillingness to deal directly with the regime, properly targeted developmental and humanitarian aid can and should be given to help a limited and particular part of the country. Myanmar: Aid to the Border Areas,* the latest report from the International Crisis Group, lays out in detail why the Border Areas are different and discusses how expanded international assistance could be implemented without strengthening the present government. "The international community has tended to disregard the needs of the Myanmar's desperately poor ethnic minority communities", says Robert Templer, Asia Program Director at ICG. "Foreign aid for the Border Areas should be seen as complementary to diplomatic efforts to restore democracy." The remote, mountainous areas along the borders with Thailand, Laos, China, India and Bangladesh, largely populated by ethnic minorities, have long suffered from war and neglect, which have undermined development. Extreme poverty is widespread, though the area contains more than a third of the country's population and most of its natural resources. The Border Areas also link to some of the world's fastest growing economies. The prospects for Myanmar's peace, prosperity and democracy are thus closely tied to the future of these regions. International assistance could also reduce refugee flows and the dangers from cross border threats such as the spread of drugs and AIDS, and environmental damage from deforestation. Much of the world has been reluctant to have any direct dealings with the regime. The political stalemate which has prevailed since the military suppression of the pro-democracy movement in 1988 continues unabated. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi remains in custody, and there is no sign that the National Convention reconvened in May 2004 will produce any meaningful change. Without movement on these two fronts a comprehensive way forward that steers a course between sanctions and over-eager engagement will have few attractions for the international community. "But if it can overcome its distaste somewhat and at least agree to work with local authorities to a limited extent, the outside world can play a very positive, perhaps even catalytic, role inside this particular region of Myanmar", says Templer. "Although the linkages between peace, prosperity and democracy are complex, international help for the Border Areas provides an important organising principle and practical means for their realisation."
    Language: English
    Source/publisher: International Crisis Group
    Format/size: pdf (410K)
    Alternate URLs: http://burmalibrary.org/docs4/082_myanmar_aid_to_the_border_areas.pdf
    Date of entry/update: 09 September 2004