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PAPER XXIV
"This decision is the end of any attempts at appeasement in our land,
. . . the end of compromise with tyranny and the forces of oppression
. . . Our country is going to be what our people have proclaimed it must
be the arsenal of democracy."
Address at the White House Correspondents' Association
Dinner, Washington, D. C., March 15, 1941
This dinner of the White House Correspondents' Association is unique. It
is the first one at which I have made a speech in all these 8 years. It
differs from the press conferences that you and I hold twice a week. You
cannot ask me any questions; and everything I have to say is word-for-
word on the record.
For 8 years you and I have been helping each other. I have been trying
to keep you informed of the news of Washington, and of the Nation, and
of the world, from the point of view of the Presidency. You, more than
you realize it, have been giving me a great deal of information about
what the people of this country are thinking.
In our press conferences, as at this dinner tonight, we include
reporters representing papers and news agencies of many other lands. To
most of them it is a matter of constant amazement that press conferences
such as ours can exist in any nation in the world.
That is especially true in those lands where freedoms do not exist-
where the purposes of our democracy and the characteristics of our
country and of our people have been seriously distorted.
Such misunderstandings are not new. I remember that in the early days of
the first World War the German Government received solemn assurances
from their representatives in the United States that the people of
America were disunited; that they cared more for peace at any price than
for the preservation of ideals and freedom; that there would even be
riots and revolutions in the United States if this Nation ever asserted
its own interests.
Let not dictators of Europe and Asia doubt our unanimity now.
Before the present war broke out on September 1, 1939, I was more
worried about the future than many people-most people. The record shows
I was not worried enough.
That, however, is water over the dam. Do not let us waste time reviewing
the past, or fixing or dodging the blame for it. History cannot be
rewritten by wishful thinking. We, the American people, are writing new
history today.
The big news story of this week is this: The world has been told that
we, as a united Nation, realize the danger which confronts us-and that
to meet that danger our democracy has gone into action.
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We know that although Prussian autocracy was bad enough, nazi-ism is far
worse.
Nazi forces are not seeking mere modifications in colonial maps or in
minor European boundaries. They openly seek the destruction of all
elective systems of government on every continent-including our own;
they seek to establish systems of government based on the regimentation
of all human beings by a handful of individual rulers who have seized
power by force.
These men and their hypnotized followers call this a new order. It is
not new. It is not order. For order among nations presupposes something
enduring-some system of justice under which individuals over a long
period of time, are willing to live. Humanity will never permanently
accept a system imposed by conquest and based on slavery.
These modern tyrants find it necessary to their plans to eliminate all
democracies-eliminate them one by one. The nations of Europe, and
indeed, we ourselves, did not appreciate that purpose. We do now. The
process of the elimination of the European nations proceeded according
to plan through 1939 and 1940, until the schedule was shot to pieces by
the unbeatable defenders of Britain.
The enemies of democracy were wrong in their calculations for a very
simple reason. They were wrong because they believed that democracy
could not adjust itself to the terrible reality of a world at war.
They believed that democracy, because of its profound respect for the
rights of men, would never arm itself to fight.
They believed that democracy, because of its will to live at peace with
its neighbors, could not mobilize its energies even in its own defense.
They know now that democracy can still remain democracy and speak and
reach conclusions and arm itself adequately for defense.
From the bureaus of propaganda of the Axis Powers came the confident
prophecy that the conquest of our country would be "an inside job"-a job
accomplished not by overpowering invasion from without, but by
disrupting confusion and disunion and moral disintegration from within.
Those who believed that knew little of our history. America is not a
country which can be confounded by the appeasers, the defeatists, the
backstairs manufacturers of panic. It is a country which talks out its
problems in the open, where any man can hear them.
We have just now engaged in a great debate. It was not limited to the
Halls of Congress. It was argued in every newspaper, on every wave
length, over every cracker barrel in the land. It was finally settled
and decided by the American people themselves.
The decisions of our democracy may be slowly arrived at. But when that
decision is made it is proclaimed not with the voice of any one man but
with the voice of 130,000,000. It is binding on all of us. And the world
is no longer left in doubt.
This decision is the end of any attempts at appeasement in our land, the
end of urging us to get along with the dictators, the end of compromise
with tyranny and the forces of oppression.
The urgency is now.
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We believe firmly that when our production output is in full swing the
democracies of the world will be able to prove that dictatorships cannot
win.
But now the time element is of supreme importance. Every plane, every
other instrument of war, old and new, which we can spare now we will
send overseas. That is common-sense strategy.
The great task of this day, the deep duty which rests upon us is to move
products from the assembly lines of our factories to the battle lines of
democracy now.
We can have speed and effectiveness if we maintain our existing unity.
We do not have and never will have the false unity of a people
browbeaten by threats and misled by propaganda. Ours is a unity which is
possible only among free men and women who recognize the truth and face
reality with intelligence and courage.
Today, at last, ours is not a partial effort. It is a total effort; and
that is the only way to guarantee ultimate safety.
Beginning a year ago, we started the erection of hundreds of plants and
we started the training of millions of men.
Then, at the moment the aid-to-democracies bill was passed, we were
ready to recommend the $7,000,000,000 appropriation on the basis of
capacity production as now planned.
The articles themselves cover the whole range of munitions of war and of
the facilities for transporting them.
The aid-to-democracies bill was agreed to by both Houses of the Congress
last Tuesday afternoon. I signed it one-half hour later. Five minutes
later I approved a list of articles for immediate shipment. Many of them
are on their way. On Wednesday I recommended an appropriation for new
material to the extent of $7,000,000,000; and the Congress is making
patriotic speed in making the appropriation available.
Here in Washington we are thinking in terms of speed, and speed now. And
I hope that that watchword will find its way into every home in the
Nation.
We shall have to make sacrifices-every one of us. The final extent of
those sacrifices will depend upon the speed with which we act now.
I must tell you tonight in plain language what this undertaking means to
you-to your daily life.
Whether you are in the armed services; whether you are a steel worker or
a stevedore, a machinist, or a housewife, a farmer or a banker, a
storekeeper or a manufacturer-to all of you it will mean sacrifice in
behalf of country and your liberties. You will feel the impact of this
gigantic effort in your daily lives. You will feel it in a way which
cause many inconveniences.
You will have to be content with lower profits from business because
obviously your taxes will be higher.
You will have to work longer at your bench, or your plow or your
machine.
Let me make it clear that the Nation is calling for the sacrifice of
some privileges, but not for the sacrifice of fundamental rights. Most
of us will do that willingly. That kind of sacrifice is for the common
national protection and welfare; for our defense against the most
ruthless brutality in history; for the ultimate victory of a way of life
now so violently menaced.
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A half-hearted effort on our part will lead to failure. This is no part-
time job. The concepts of "business as usual" and "normalcy" must be
forgotten until the task is finished. This is an all-out effort-nothing
short of all-out effort will win.
We are now dedicated from here on to a constantly increasing tempo of
production-a production greater than we now know or have ever known
before-a production that does not stop and should not pause.
And so tonight I am appealing to the heart and to the mind of every man
and every woman within our borders who love liberty. I ask you to
consider the needs of our Nation at this hour and to put aside all
personal differences until our victory is won.
The light of democracy must be kept burning. To the perpetuation of this
light each must do his own share. The single effort of one individual
may seem very small. But there are 130,000,000 individuals over here.
There are many more millions in Britain and elsewhere bravely shielding
the great flame of democracy from the black-out of barbarism. It is not
enough for us merely to trim the wick or polish the glass. The time has
come when we must provide the fuel in ever-increasing amounts to keep
the flame alight.
There will be no divisions of party or section or race or nationality or
religion. There is not one among us who does not have a stake in the
outcome of the effort in which we are now engaged.
A few weeks ago I spoke of four freedoms-freedom of speech and
expression, freedom of every person to worship God in his own way,
freedom from want, freedom from fear. They are the ultimate stake. They
may not be immediately attainable throughout the world but humanity does
move toward those ideals through democratic processes.
If we fail-if democracy is superseded by slavery-then those four
freedoms, or even the mention of them, will become forbidden things.
Centuries will pass before they can be revived.
By winning now, we strengthen their meaning, we increase the stature of
mankind and the dignity of human life.
There is a vast difference between the word "loyalty" and the word
"obedience." Obedience can be obtained and enforced in a dictatorship by
the use of threat and extortion or it can be obtained by a failure on
the part of government to tell the truth to its citizens.
Loyalty is different. It springs from the mind that is given the facts,
that retains ancient ideals and proceeds without coercion to give
support to its own government.
That is true in England and in Greece and in China and in the United
States today. And in many other countries millions of men and women are
praying for the return of a day when they can give that kind of loyalty.
Loyalty cannot be bought. Dollars alone will not win this war. Let us
not delude ourselves as to that.
Today, nearly a million and a half American citizens are hard at work in
our armed forces. The spirit and the determination of these men of our
Army and Navy are worthy of the highest traditions of our country. No
better men ever served under Washington, or John Paul Jones, or Grant,
or Lee, or Pershing. That is a boast, I admit, but it is not an idle
one.
Upon the national will to sacrifice and to work depends the output of
our industry and our agriculture.
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Upon that will depends the survival of the vital bridge across the
ocean; the bridge of ships which carry the arms and food for those who
are fighting the good fight.
Upon that will depends our ability to aid other nations which may
determine to offer resistance.
Upon that will may depend practical assistance to people now living in
nations which have been overrun should they find the opportunity to
strike back in an effort to regain their liberties.
This will of the American people will not be frustrated either by
threats from powerful enemies abroad or by small, selfish groups or
individuals at home.
The determination of America must not be obstructed by war profiteering.
It must not be obstructed by unnecessary strikes of workers, by short-
sighted management, or by deliberate sabotage.
For, unless we win, there will be no freedom for either management or
labor.
Wise labor leaders and wise business managers will realize how necessary
it is to their own existence to make common sacrifice for this great
common cause.
There is no longer the slightest question or doubt that the American
people recognize the extreme seriousness of the present situation. That
is why they have demanded, and got, a policy of unqualified, immediate,
all-out aid for Britain, Greece, China, and for all the governments in
exile whose homelands are temporarily occupied by the aggressors.
From now on that aid will be increased-and yet again increased-until
total victory has been won.
The British are stronger than ever in the magnificent morale which has
enabled them to endure all the dark days and the shattered nights of the
past ten months. They have the full support and help of Canada and the
other Dominions, of the rest of their Empire, and of non-British people
throughout the world who still think in terms of the great freedoms.
The British people are braced for invasion whenever the attempt may
come-tomorrow-next week-next month.
In this historic crisis, Britain is blessed with a brilliant and a great
leader in Winston Churchill. But no one knows better than Mr. Churchill
himself that it is not alone his stirring words and valiant deeds which
give the British their superb morale. The essence of that morale is in
the masses of plain people who are completely clear in their minds about
the one essential fact-that they would rather die as free men than live
as slaves.
These plain people-civilians as well as soldiers and sailors and airmen-
women and girls as well as men and boys-are fighting in the front line
of civilization, and they are holding that line with a fortitude which
will forever be the pride and the inspiration of all free men on every
continent and on every island of the sea.
The British people and their Grecian allies need ships. From America,
they will get ships.
They need planes. From America they will get planes.
They need food. From America they will get food.
They need tanks and guns and ammunition and supplies of all kinds. From
America they will get tanks and guns and ammunition and supplies of all
kinds.
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China likewise expresses the magnificent will of millions of plain
people to resist the dismemberment of their nation. China, through the
generalissimo, Chiang Kai-Shek, asks our help. America has said that
China shall have our help.
Our country is going to be what our people have proclaimed it must be
the arsenal of democracy.
Our country is going to play its full part.
And when dictatorships disintegrate-and pray God that will be sooner
than any of us now dares to hope-then our country must continue to play
its great part in the period of world reconstruction.
Be believe that the rallying cry of the dictators, their boasting about
a master race, will prove to be pure stuff and nonsense. There never has
been, there isn't now, and there never will be any race of people fit to
serve as masters over their fellow men.
The world has no use for any nation which, because of size or because of
military might, asserts the right to goose step to world power over
other nations or other races. We believe that any nationality, no matter
how small, has the inherent right to its own nationhood.
We believe that the men and women of such nations, no matter what size,
can, through the processes of peace, serve themselves and serve the
world by protecting the common man's security; improve the standards of
healthful living; provide markets for manufacture and for agriculture.
Through that kind of peaceful service every nation can increase its
happiness, banish the terrors of war, and abandon man's inhumanity to
man.
Never in all our history have Americans faced a job so well worth while.
May it be said of us in the days to come that our children and our
children's children rise up and call us blessed.
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See footnote to Paper XVII of this series for further citations to aid
for the democracies and Lend-Lease.