1936

 

January 3. President Roosevelt in his message to Congress said the United States, by the arms embargo and by the discouragement of the export of war materials above peacetime level, declined to encourage the prosecution of war. ("As a consistent part of a clear policy, the United States is following a twofold neutral­ity toward any and all nations which engage in wars not of im­mediate concern to the Americas." Congressional Record [Bound], Vol. 80, pt. I, p. 28.)

Ethiopian Emperor requested a League commission of inquiry. (To inquire into the manner in which hostilities were being con­ducted by both belligerents. Survey 1935, Vol. II, p. 328.)

 

January 11-March 1. General strike in Syria. (Organized and led by the young intellectuals, the bourgeoisie of the larger towns, and the Nationalist bloc. Ibid. 1936, p. 75.)

 

January 15. Japan withdrew from the London Naval Conference. (". . . as it has become sufficiently clear at today's session of the First Committee that the basic principles embodied in our pro­posal for a comprehensive limitation and reduction of naval armaments cannot secure general support. . . . we regret to state that we cannot subscribe, for the reasons we have repeatedly set forth, to the plans of quantitive limitation submitted by the other Dele­gations." Doc. Int. Affairs 1936, pp. 614, f. Japan, Vol. I, p. 297. )

 

January 18. .Inner Mongolian forces occupied Changpei and set up an autonomous government with Manchukuoan support. (Partly spontaneous revolt against the Chinese provincial administration because of their oppressive methods of government and ruthless policy of land expropriation, partly Japanese machinations. Survey 1936, pp. 914, 942.)

 

January 20. Ethiopia asked from the League further economic em­bargoes on Italy and financial assistance for themselves. (So that the aggressor be prevented from succeeding, and the States Members, acting together, display their strength and their unity in a way which would make it thoroughly clear, at last, that ag­gression did not pay. Ibid. 1935, Vol. II, p. 329.)

 

January 21. Foreign Minister Koki Hirota told the Japanese Diet that the time had come "to try to introduce our arts and culture to other lands, and thus contribute towards international good understanding and to the enrichment of world civilization and the promotion of the peace and happiness of mankind." ("We have succeeded in building up our national strength and prestige by adding and adapting to our civilization Occidental arts and science which we have imported during the past years." Doc. Int. Affairs 1936, p. 637.)

 

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January 22. The League Committee of Eighteen decided to appoint a committee of experts to conduct a technical examination of the conditions governing the trade in and transport of oil and oil products. (". . . with a view to submitting an early report . . . on the effectiveness of the extension of measures of embargo to the above‑mentioned commodities." Ibid. 1935, Vol. II, p. 223.)

Britain informed the League coordination committee that France, Greece, Turkey, and Yugoslavia had promised faithfully to apply all the obligations devolving upon them under the Covenant, in consequence of measures taken in application of Art. 16. (". . . desire to inform [the League] . . . of the re­sults of the exchanges of views . . ." Ibid., pp. 304‑309.)

 

January 24. The League Council asked the Danzig Senate to take all measures necessary to govern in conformity with the spirit of the constitution. (Because of the two decrees of Aug. 29, 1935, amending the penal code and the code of penal procedure, which the Permanent Court of International Justice had found in­consistent with the constitution of the Free City. Ibid. 1936, p. 433.)

Italy protested the military agreements of Britain with France, Greece, Turkey, and Yugoslavia. (". . . the agreements . . . were arrived at on the basis of a hypothesis . . . not only arbi­trary, but completely inexistent. . . . Now such a decision by the League of Nations has never been taken, since the applica­tion of economic and financial measures in connection with the Italo‑Ethiopian conflict has been the object of no discussion by the Council or the Assembly as such. The Governments of the States Members applying the above‑mentioned measures . . . have acted, instead, in pursuance of decisions which each of them has taken individually . . . for a Government of a State Member of the League of Nations–a Government which is not a party to a controversy–to take, independently of any decision of the League of Nations, individual initiatives, and to promote special agreements of a military character . . . cannot contribute to European security and does not appear to be in harmony with the spirit of the Covenant. Such initiatives and military agree­ments, in sectors extraneous to the Italo‑Ethiopian conflict, create–as they have in fact created–an atmosphere of serious unrest and therefore a danger to European peace." Ibid. 1935, Vol. II, p. 311 ff. Cf. Jan. 22, supra.)

 

January 30. President Roosevelt wrote President Augustin P. Justo of Argentina suggesting that an extraordinary inter‑American conference be summoned at Buenos Aires at an early date to determine how the maintenance of peace among the American Republics might best be safeguarded. ("With the conclusion of the Chaco war and with the reestablishment of peace throughout this continent, there would appear to be offered an opportunity for helpful counsel among our respective governments which may not soon again be presented." State Release 1936, No. 33, p. 163. Cf. Peace, p. 312.)


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February 5. The Fascist Grand Council passed a resolution declaring foreign trade "a function of public interest which justifies direct control on the part of the Corporative State." (Because of the re­emergence of the possibility of an oil sanction. Survey 1935, Vol. II, pp. 335 f.)

 

February 12. The British Secretary of State for the Colonies, J. H. Thomas, denied that Britain had considered or was considering the handing over of any of the British Colonies or territories held under mandate. (In answer to a question in the House of Com­mons. Doc. Int. Affairs 1937, p. 235.)

The League oil committee of experts reported that oil sanctions with the help of the United States would be an effective embargo in three to three and a half months. (Considering the figures as to consumption, to stocks, and to supplies en route. Ibid. 1935, Vol. II, p. 228.)

 

February 13. The French Government dissolved the Camelots du Roi and the Ligue d'Action Francaise. (Because of an attack on Premier Blum. Survey 1936, p. 946.)

 

February 16. The Popular Front in Spain won a majority in a general election. (A reaction from the. conservatist, monarchist, and fascist influence of the previous years. Ibid. 1937, Vol. II, pp. 18 f.)

 

February 18. The Swiss Federal Council decided to prohibit all Nazi organizations and activities among German residents in Swiss territory. (Feb. 4 the leader of the Nazi organization among the German residents in Switzerland had been assassinated by a Yugoslavian Jew, and the German press responded with a volley of abuse against the Swiss and their Government. Ibid. 1936, pp. 45 f.)

 

February 19. Premier Manuel Azana's Government took office in Spain. (Following the Popular Front Victory of Feb. 16, supra. Ibid. 1937, Vol. II, p. 20.)

A. C. De Graeff, Netherlands Foreign Minister, said Holland would never cede one square inch of her "territory even to serve the claims for expansion of other nations. . . ." (Official state­ment of policy. Doc. Int. Affairs 1937, p. 256.)

 

February 21. German communiqué repeated that the Franco‑Soviet pact was incompatible with the Locarno treaties and the Covenant of the League of Nations. (Because of "the provision of the protocol to the Franco‑Soviet Treaty of Alliance, under which the 'two partners while undertaking to apply to the Council of the League before proceeding to any such action such as they could base upon the well‑known Article 16 of the Covenant of the League, have, nonetheless, to carry out the obligation of assistance agreed upon between them if for some reason or other the Council fails to dive a recommendation in this sense or is unable to reach a unanimous decision." Ibid. 1936, pp. 19 f.)


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Chancellor Hitler in interview insisted that there was no longer any cause for conflict between France and Germany despite "very bad things about France" in Mein Kampf. ("You want me to correct my book, like a man of letters bringing out a new and revised edition of his works. But I am not a man of letters. I am a politician. I undertake my corrections in my, foreign policy, which aims at an understanding with France. If I succeed in bringing about the Franco‑German rapprochement, that will be a correction which will be worthy to be made. I enter my correction in the great book of history!" Ibid., p. 21.)

 

February 26. Ex‑Prime Minister Makoto Saito, Minister for Finance Korekiyo Takahashi, and Director‑General of Military Education Jotaro Watanabe were assassinated by 20 officers accompanied by a thousand members of the Regiment of Guards. (It was an attempt by the extremists of the Japanese Army to force the hand of their military‑chiefs by direct action against the repre­sentatives of the social and political order which they designed to overthrow. They wanted a military‑socialist totalitarian state under direct rule of the Emperor. Election results of Feb. 20 had shown a heavy loss of the government's opponents. The Young Officers had discovered that Saito had been responsible for the dismissal of General Jinzaburo Mazaki, their guiding genius; they bore a bitter grudge against the government because of the stringent official measures taken to control their political ac­tivities. ,Survey 1936, pp. 892 f.)

 

February 27. Italy intimated her inability to sign any naval agree­ment. (Unwilling because the Powers were imposing sanctions on her; Italy said she was not satisfied with the proposed size of battleships and zone of no construction. Ibid., pp. 99 f, 953.)

 

February 29. American neutrality resolution of Aug. 31, 1935, strength­ened and extended to May 1, 1937 [49 Stat. 1152]. (Treaty Inf. 1936, No. 78, pp. 7 f.)

German Government informed the British of their willingness to enter negotiations for a bilateral naval agreement. (Britain had invited such negotiations with a view to incorporating the terms of the general treaty to be signed at the London Confer­ence in order to prevent Germany from initiating a competition in, types contrary to qualitative limitation. Survey 1936, pp. 98 f.)

President Roosevelt urged exporters to hold trade with Italy and Ethiopia to a peacetime level. (". . . greatly to exceed that basis, with the result of earning profits not possible during peace, and especially with the result of giving actual assistance to the carrying on of war, would serve to magnify the very evil of war which we seek to prevent." State Release 1936, No. 336, p. 198. Cf. Peace, p. 315.)

 

March 2. Britain told the League Committee of Eighteen that she favored an oil embargo. (". . . having considered the findings of the experts' report. . . ." Doc. Int. Affairs 1935, Vol. II, p. 421.)


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March 3. League Committee of Thirteen appealed to both Ethiopian and Italian Governments for negotiations in the framework of the League and the spirit of the Covenant. (". . . with a view to the prompt cessation of hostilities and the definite restoration of peace." Ibid., p. 421.)

 

March 5. Ethiopia accepted League appeal and agreed to such opening of negotiations. (". . . even before the outbreak of war, we did our best to ensure peace by equitable conciliation in conformity with the spirit of the Covenant. . . ." Ibid., p. 422.)

 

March 6. Franco‑Belgian General Staff agreement renewed. (The object was to enable the parties to carry out their obligations under the Rhineland pact of Locarno. Survey 1936, p. 353. Cf. Doc. Int. Affairs 1936, pp. 72 f.)

 

March 7. German troops occupied the Rhineland. ("It is an undisputed fact that the Franco‑Soviet pact is exclusively directed against Germany.

"It is an undisputed fact that in the pact France undertakes, in the event of a conflict between Germany and the Soviet Union, obligations which go far beyond her duty laid down in the Cove­nant of the League of Nations, and which compel her to take military action against Germany even when she cannot appeal either to a recommendation or to an, actual decision of the Council of the League.

"It is an undisputed fact that France, in such a case, claims for herself the right to decide on her own judgment who is the aggressor.

"The German Government have continually emphasized during the negotiations of the last years their readiness to observe and fulfill all the obligations arising from the Rhine pact as long as the other Contracting Parties were ready on their side to main­tain the pact. This obvious and essential condition can no longer be regarded as being fulfilled by France. . . . Conse­quently Germany regards herself for her part as no longer bound by this dissolved treaty. The German Government are now con­strained to face the new situation created by this alliance, a situa­tion which is rendered more acute by the fact that the Franco­-Soviet treaty has been supplemented by a treaty of alliance between Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union exactly parallel in form. In accordance with the fundamental right of a nation to secure its frontiers and ensure its possibilities of defense, . . ." Ibid., pp. 42 ff.)

 

March 7. Germany offered to enter negotiations to create a mutually demilitarized zone with France, Belgium, and the Netherlands; to conclude 25‑year nonaggression pacts with France and Belgium; to ask Britain and Italy to sign the pacts as guarantors; to conclude an air pact; to conclude nonaggression pacts with countries bordering Germany on the east, including Lithuania; to reenter the League of Nations. ("In order, however, to avoid any misinterpretation of their intentions and to establish beyond doubt the purely defensive character of these measures, as well


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as to express their unchangeable longing for a real pacification of Europe between states which are equals in rights and equally respected, . . . in order to strengthen further these security agreements between the Western Powers. . . . As the Lithua­nian Government have in the last few months corrected their attitude towards the Memel territory to a certain extent, . . . on condition that the guaranteed autonomy of the Memel terri­tory is effectively developed. . . . Now that Germany's equality of rights and the restoration of her full sovereignty over the entire territory of the German Reich have finally been at­tained, . . ." Ibid.,  pp. 44‑45.)

 

March 8. France and Belgium asked the League Council to consider the question of German entry into the demilitarized zone and the repudiation of the Locarno pact. ("In virtue of Article 8 of the Treaty of Locarno, that Treaty cannot cease to have effect otherwise than by a decision of the Council of the League of Nations voting by a two‑third majority. . . .

"The German Government has thus expressly violated Article 43 of the Treaty of Versailles and Article 1 of the Treaty of Locarno. . . Consequently, in conformity with Article 4, of the last named treaty . . ." Ibid., pp. 45 f.

"This fact constituting a violation of Articles 42 and 43 of the Treaty of Versailles . . . in conformity with Article 4, paragraph 1, of the Treaty of Guarantee of Locarno. . . ." Ibid., p. 46.)

Italy agreed in principle to the opening of negotiations for the settlement of the Italo‑Ethiopian dispute. (". . . in response to the appeal which has been addressed to it . . ." Ibid. 1935, Vol. II, p. 422. Cf. Mar. 3, supra.)

 

March 9. British Secretary for Foreign Affairs Anthony Eden con­demned German unilateral repudiation, promised British aid to France in case of attack, expressed concern for the future. ("The course taken by the German Government . . .both com­plicates and aggravates the international situation. . . . His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom, notwithstanding the German repudiation of the Treaty, would regard themselves as in honor bound to come in the manner provided in the Treaty, to the assistance of the country attacked. . . . One of the main foundations of the peace of Western Europe has been cutaway and, if peace is to be secured, there is a manifest duty to rebuild." Commons, Vol. 309, col. 1812.)

 

March 12. The Locarno Powers, Belgium, Britain, France, and Italy, recognized unanimously that the reoccupation of the demili­tarized zone was illegal. (". . . constituted a clear violation of Article 42 and Article 43 of the Treaty of Versailles and of the Treaty of Locarno." Doc. Int. Affairs 1936, p. 81.)

Russia and the Mongolian People's Republic signed a mutual assistance pact. (". . . taking into consideration the inalter­able friendship that has existed between their countries since the liberation of the territory of the Mongolian People's Republic, thanks to the support of the Red Army, in 1921, from the White Guard detachments and the military forces with which the latter

 


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were connected and which penetrated into Soviet territory, and desirous of maintaining the peace of the Far East and further strengthening the existing friendly relations between their countries, . . ." Ibid., p. 472.)

 

Mach 18. Australia rejected the possibility of the return of German colonies. ("The return of the territories under Australian man­date is unthinkable. Every country is entitled to examine international issues in the light of its own security and national interest. The inviolability and integrity of Australian territories are as much one of her people's cardinal aims as the 'White Australia' policy. New Guinea's geographical position, its natural harbors and facilities for naval and military aircraft, are of strategic value to Australia . . ." Ibid, 1937, p. 249.)

 

March 14. League Council met to consider consequences of German invasion of the Rhineland. (At call of France and Belgium. Cf. March 8, supra. Ibid. 1936, pp. 82‑87. "The question at issue is whether the practice of the fait accompli, the unilateral repudiation of undertakings freely and solemnly accepted, are going to be set up in Europe as a political system; whether treaties are going to be considered as at any moment and immediately capable of modification at the will of their signatories, and whether a government, in the exercise of its own power, may go back to­day on its promises of yesterday." Ibid. Cf. Statement of Britain, March 17, Ibid., p. 101.) ,

 

March 17. Maxim Litvinoff, Russian delegate to the League of Na­tions, promised Russia would take part in all measures accept­able to the Council on the question of German repudiation of Locarno. (". . . because the whole sense of Mr. Hitler's state­ments, and of his proposals in the sphere of international political relations, amounts to the organization of a campaign against the peoples of the State I represent, and to the formation of a coali­tion against them of the whole of Europe–if possible, the whole of the world. His aggression may, in fact, aim at other countries in the immediate future. His attacks on the Soviet Union may, so far, serve merely as a smoke‑screen for aggression which is being prepared against other states; but the very fact that he selects the Soviet Union for this purpose, as the target of his incessant attacks, and that he has done this again in connec­tion with his breach of the Locarno treaty gives me the right to speak openly and with especial energy of the inward essence of Mr. Hitler's aggressive foreign policy." Ibid., pp. 96 f.)

 

March 19. The Locarno Powers reaffirmed their mutual obligations, offered Germany a Rhine buffer zone, air and nonaggression pacts, mutual assistance agreements, revision of the Rhineland, and an international conference on security, arms, economic re­lations, and her return to the League. ("Whereas: (1) Scrupu­lous respect for all treaty obligations is a fundamental principle of international life and an essential condition of the maintenance of peace; (2) It is an essential principle of the law of nations that no power can liberate itself from the engagements of a treaty


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nor modify the stipulations thereof except with the consent of the other contracting parties; (3) The breach of Article 43 of the Treaty of Versailles and the unilateral action taken by the German Government in violation of the Treaty of Locarno without recourse to the procedure laid down by the Treaty of Locarno for the settlement of disputes conflict with these principles; . . .

"Considering that the maintenance of peace and the organiza­tion of collective security can only be assured by the respect for treaties and the limitation of armaments; that the reestablishment of economic relations between the nations on a healthy basis is equally necessary to the process of reconstruction, . . ." Ibid, pp. 127‑130.)

 

March 20. Ethiopia appealed to the League for intervention and reminded it that no effective action had yet been taken. ("Cir­cumstances afford unquestionable evidence that the Italian Gov­ernment is still resolved to continue its aggression against Ethiopia until its enterprise is crowned with complete success–to bring about by unscrupulous and unlimited violence the subjugation of Ethiopia, in violation of Article 10 of the Covenant, whereby Italy undertook to respect the territorial integrity and political independence of every Member of the League. . . . It is the strict duty of all the Members of the League to prevent the, aggressor from prosecuting his enterprise." Ibid. 1935, Vol. II, p. 423.)

 

March 21. Ethiopia reported that Italy, despite engagements to the contrary, was destroying ambulances, using gas and hyperite, massacring civilians. (It wished the Members of the League "to consider what effective steps can be taken to bring to an end forthwith the atrocities committed by Italy." Ibid. p. 424.)

 

March 23. Additional protocols to those of Rome of March 17, 1934, signed by Austria, Hungary, and Italy. (Because they "note with satisfaction . . . the favorable results attained by the con­tinuous collaboration of the three Governments for the mainte­nance of peace and for the economic readjustment of Europe . . . recognize it to be the interest of the three countries to harmonize their action to an ever greater extent, in all fields, with such ulterior developments of which the European situation may be susceptible . . ." Ibid. 1936, p. 308.)

 

March 24. Germany rejected Locarno Powers proposals of March 19 [supra]. ("Lasting agreements between the European nations with the aim of really guaranteeing peace can only be concluded in an atmosphere of sympathetic recognition and consideration of the natural, equal, vital, and political .rights of all the nations participating therein. Any attempt to introduce a new system of order in Europe by the old methods of a hate‑inspired division of the nations into those with more and those with less rights, into defamed and honorable nations, or even into dictator nations and subject nations, must lead to the same result because it would be begun under the old conditions, which have proved themselves to be pernicious. . . .


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      "The proposal of the draft treaty which was handed to, the German Government by the British Secretary of State, Mr. Eden, contains not one of the necessary conditions for the successful organization of a really lasting peace, since it is based, in the first place, on a new discrimination which is intolerable for a great nation and on a further attempt once more to lay down Germany's inequality of rights with the other states. . . ." Ibid. 1936, p. 155.)

 

March 25. Naval agreement between France, United States, Britain, Australia, Canada, India, and New Zealand. ("Desiring to reduce the burdens and prevent the dangers inherent in competition in naval armament;

"Desiring, in view of the forthcoming expiration of the Treaty for the Limitation of Naval Armament signed at Washington on the 6th of February, 1922, and of the Treaty for the Limitation and Reduction of Naval Armament signed in London on the 22nd of April, 1930, . . . to make provision for the limitation of naval armament, and for the exchange of information concerning naval. construction; . . ." Treaty Inf. 1936, No. 78, p. 24.)

 

March 29. The German people approved Hitler's foreign policy 98.8 percent in a referendum. (Survey 1936, pp. 318 f. "I summon Germany to show the world symbolically on March 29. that this gesture [invasion of Rhineland and German peace proposals] corresponds to her will." Doc. Int. Affairs 1936, p. 181.)

 

March 31. Germany offered a 19‑point peace plan for political prob­lems to be followed by conferences on disarmament and economic problems. ("The German Government believe that in the peace plan set forth above they have made their contribution to the creation of a new Europe on a basis of mutual respect and con­fidence between sovereign States." Ibid., pp. 191 f The main points were: Assurance on troop movement in the Rhineland, the 25‑year nonaggression pacts, an air pact, agreement for cultural disarmament, national plebiscites to ratify the agreement, willing­ness to reenter the League of Nations, negotiations on colonial equality of rights, separation of the Covenant from the Versailles treaty. Ibid., pp. 188 ff.)

 

April 1. Ethiopia asked the League for financial assistance, removal of obstacles to transport of arms to Ethiopian troops, reinforcement and completion of sanctions compulsorily required under Art. 16, and urgent representations to Italy to respect the laws of war and pertinent international conventions. ("The Italian Government is demonstrating by its words and its actions that it has no inten­tion of ceasing hostilities and finally restoring peace within the framework of the League and in the spirit. of the Covenant. . . . Ethiopia . . . feels the utmost bitterness when she finds not merely that financial assistance has not yet been given to her, and that Article 16 of the Covenant has not been strictly enforced, but that the Italian Government has succeeded in securing a postponement of the oil sanction decided upon five months ago, and even hopes to obtain the abolition of all sanctions by bargaining." Ibid. 1935, Vol. II, p. 426.)

 


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Austria introduced compulsory service, with or without arms. (Because of economy, sovereign rights, preservation of the exist­ing European order, failure of the other signatories of the peace treaty of St. Germain to disarm, because of its social value for physical, moral, and patriotic education. Survey 1936, p. 426. Cf. memo, of May 2, infra.)

British, French, and Belgians exchanged notes confirming staff talks. (". . . in accordance with paragraph III of the proposals [of March 19] . . with a view to arranging the technical conditions in which the obligations referred to in that paragraph should be carried out in case of unprovoked aggression." Doc. Int. Affairs 1936, p. 176.)

 

April 2. Treaty of Arab brotherhood and alliance signed by Iraq and Saudi Arabia. (". . .  considering the bonds of Islamic friend­ship and national unity which unite them, desirous of safeguard­ing the security of their two countries, and considering the urgent need for cooperation between them and reciprocal understanding to the common advantage of both their countries . . ." Ibid. 1937, pp. 522 f.)

 

April 4. Ecuador abandoned sanctions against Italy. (". . . on the ground that Italy had accepted the appeal made to her by the Conciliation Committee and had declared herself prepared to enter into negotiations for bringing the dispute to an end." Ibid. 1935, Vol. II, p. 478.)

 

April 6. Neville Chamberlain, British Chancellor of the Exchequer, said no government would discuss the transfer of its own mandate irrespective of what would happen to those of others. ("No provision is made for the transfer of a mandated territory from the original mandatory power to any other power. . . ." Commons, Vol. 310, col. 2557.)

The Little Entente [Czechoslovakia, Rumania, and Yugo­slavia] protested the Austrian conscription law of April 1 [supra]. (". . . the military regulations for Austria, laid down in Part V of the Treaty of St. Germain, are altered. This alteration, which has been effected by a unilateral denunciation of the relevant portion of the treaty of St. Germain [Article 119], represents a manifest infringement of the military clauses of the above­mentioned treaty.  . . . deeply regrets that Austria, who is like­wise a member of the League of Nations, has thought fit to take a course which, in similar circumstances, the Council of the League of Nations solemnly, condemned by its resolution of April 17, 1935.  . . . cannot in any case admit that Austria should be allowed to take the law into her own hands by this unilateral step, which represents a negation of international obligations." Doc. Int. Affairs 1936, p. 316.) Austria rejected the protest. ("When they drafted the new bill, they did so deliberately and with the knowledge that they had thereby fulfilled their obligations with regard to providing the Austrian people with the necessities of life and to safeguarding the existence of the Austrian state." Ibid., p. 317.)

Ethiopia again appealed to the League for action. ("The moral confusion created throughout the world by the practical

 


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impunity of the Italian aggression is beginning to produce its terrible consequences.

"Small States are now asking themselves what protection is afforded them by the collective security promised in the Cove­nant. Some of them, who are also victims of a breach of treaties, fear an aggression in the near future; they are consulting together to guard against the peril; should the selfish interests of a few Powers deprive them of the security which the League of Nations was to give them.

"The Great Powers are now experiencing the effects of the spirit of aggression. They are appealing to the League of Nations and to the collective security which is its essential purpose." Ibid. 1935, Vol. II, p. 431.)

 

April 8. France prepared a critique of the German peace proposals of March 31 and countered them with a plan of her own. (". . . does the vital right of the people authorize unilateral cancellation of engagements undertaken; will peace be ensured by the collab­oration of all in respect of the rights of each; or will States have every latitude to settle their differences as they please in a tête-à-tête with the States whose good faith they have taken by surprise? No European Government can undertake the conclu­sion of new agreements without having received a clear reply to this question. . . . Peace for all, peace total and lasting, peace with equality of rights, peace with confidence in the honor of all and with respect for the pledged word, a happy peace and a safe peace founded on international exchange which wood succeed the mortal rivalry of economic nationalism, peace made real by a wide limitation of armaments leading to disarmament. That is what the French Government proposes to other States in circumstances which, in spite of their gravity, appear to offer Europe a new possibility of union." Ibid., 1936, p. 205.)

Britain presented a memorandum to the League Committee of Thirteen on the Italian use of poison gas against the Ethiopians. (There was a realization that to condone Italy's breach of the 1925 protocol prohibiting chemical warfare was not only to share to solve extent in her guilt but also to increase, the risk that the same methods might be applied in future on occasions which might be of more direct personal interest to the governments and peoples of European states. Survey 1935, Vol. II, p. 345.)

The League Committee of Thirteen appointed a committee of jurists to examine the protocols of 1925, said to have been violated by the Italians, to consider measures member states should take as punishment for violation, and to determine what organ was competent for deciding the question of violation. (See protest of Ethiopia and memoranda of Britain, April 7 and 8, respectively, supra. Ibid., p. 345.)

 

April 9. The League Committee of Thirteen sent an appeal to both Italy and Ethiopia to take all measures necessary to prevent any failure to observe the said conventions. (". . having taken note of the communications sent . . . and voicing the emotion felt in this matter by public opinion." Doc. Int. Affairs 1935, Vol. II, p. 432.)


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April 10. Turkey notified the signatories of the Straits convention of July 24, 1923, that she wished to conclude "agreements for regulation of the regime of the Straits under the conditions of security which are indispensable for the inviolability of Turkey's territory," and "the constant development of commercial navi­gation between the Mediterranean an the Black Sea." ("Polit­ical crises have made it clear that the present machinery for collective guarantees is too slow in coming into operation and that a delayed decision is likely in most cases to cause the ad­vantage of international action to be lost. . . .

"The position of the guarantors of the security of the Straits vis‑à‑vis the League of Nations, the particular circumstances which render doubtful, to say the least, the effective military collaboration of these guarantors to secure the object assigned to then–these factors have upset the general economy of the convention of 1923.

"It cannot be said today that the security of the Straits is still ensured by a real guarantee, and Turkey cannot be asked to remain indifferent to the possibility of a dangerous failure to act.

"Besides these considerations it should be added that the Straits convention mentions only a state of peace and a state of war, Turkey being a neutral or a belligerent in the latter case, but does not provide for the contingency of a special or general threat of war or enable Turkey in such a case to provide for her legitimate defense.

"It is amply proved today, however, that the most delicate stage of a danger from without is this very stage of a threat of war, in which a state of war may arise unexpectedly and without any formality. . . . Turkey is entitled to claim for herself the security which she has always ensured to others.

"Circumstances independent of the will of the Lausanne signatories have rendered inoperative clauses which were drawn up in all good faith, and as the issue at stake is the existence of Turkey herself and the security of her whole territory, the Government may be led to take before the nation the responsi­bility incumbent upon it by adopting the measures dictated by the imperious necessity of circumstances.

"In view of the above considerations, and rightly, holding that the provisions of Article 18 of the Straits convention relating to a joint guarantee of the four great Powers have become uncertain and inoperative and that they can no longer in practice shield Turkey from an external danger to her territory . . ." Ibid. 1936, pp. 646 ff.)

The Locarno Powers decided to ask Germany for elucidation of a certain number of points in the German memorandum of March 31. (". . . it is desirable completely to explore all the opportunities of conciliation." Ibid., p. 210.)

 

April 15‑16. Conversations between representatives of the navies, armies, and air forces of Belgium, Britain, and France were held in London. (Cf. notes of April 1, supra. Survey 1936, p. 327.)

Beginning of anti‑Jewish riots by Palestinian Arabs. (It was the spontaneous rising of the Arab masses, not the deliberate policy of their leaders, that precipitated the crisis. Also the


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attempt toward an autonomous government had broken down, because in a campaign of peaceful persuasion all the advantages lay with the Jews. The peoples of Syria and Egypt were about to achieve complete independence after demanding it with vio­lence. The triumph of Italy in Ethiopia seemed to reveal a decline of British power in the Eastern Mediterranean. Ibid., pp. 727 ff.)

 

April 17. The League Committee of Thirteen decided to admit failure of conciliation in the Italo‑Ethiopian dispute. (Ethiopia rejected the Italian. proposals, because "in demanding that the Ethiopian people should be abandoned to the aggressor, the Italian Govern­ment was in reality doing nothing less than fixing its price for a deal: Italy would sell her support in a European dispute in return for the raising of sanctions and for the abandonment of the League's concern with Italy's act of aggression." Ibid. 1935, Vol. II, p. 348.)

 

April 26. The Popular Front won general election in France. (Ibid. 1936, p. 946.)

 

April 27. Appeal by Princess Tsahai, of Ethiopia, for help. (". . . if mankind lets armies and gas destroy my country, and people, civilization will be destroyed too. We have a common cause. . . . Italian aggression and gas have set humanity a test." Doc. Int. Affairs 1935, Vol. II, p. 460.)

Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin said Britain had not considered and was not considering the transfer of any mandated territories to any other power, nor had any intention whatever of raising the question themselves. (". . . before any such transfer could be made, it would be necessary that the consent, at any rate, of the present mandatory Power and of the Power to whom the territory was to be transferred, and also the unanimous consent of the League Council, should be secured," Ibid. 1937, p: 237.)

 

May 2. The Ethiopian Emperor, Hailie Selassie, fled with his family into exile. (Because the Italians had at last succeeded in break through the "Hindenburg Line" in the south, and there was little or no response to his last call for volunteers May 1. Survey 1935, Vol. II, pp. 399 f.)

Austria issued a memorandum defending compulsory conscrip­tion law of April 1 [supra]. (". . . many criticisms of the bill have been openly expressed abroad. . . . Therefore in the interests of a lessening of the tension in the general European situation which is today decidedly inauspicious, . . ." Doc. Int. Affairs 1936, p. 317.)

 

May 5. Premier Mussolini declared the Italo‑Ethiopian war ended. ("Abyssinia is Italian‑Italian in fact because occupied by our victorious armies, Italian by right because with the sword of Rome it is civilization which triumphs over barbarism, justice which triumphs over cruel arbitrariness, the redemption of the miserable which triumphs over the slavery of a thousand years.

"With the populations of Abyssinia peace is already an accom­plished fact. The manifold races of the former Empire of the Lion

 


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of Judah have shown by clear signs that they wish to live and to work tranquilly beneath the Italian tricolor." Ibid. 1936, Vol. II, p. 462.)

 

May 6. Britain asked German intentions on the rest of the Versailles treaty, status quo, nonaggression pacts, nonintervention, .and other clauses of their peace plan of March 31. ("it is the desire of His Majesty's Government to make every effort within their power to cooperate in the promotion of the objective described by the. German Government in the memorandum of March 31 as 'the great work of securing European peace.' " Ibid. 1936, p. 212.)

 

May 7. Treaty of friendship between Egypt and Saudi Arabia. ("Inspired by a sincere desire to strengthen the bonds of friend­ship between them . . ." [Unofficial translation] Ibid. p. 528.)

 

May 9. Royal Italian decree placed Ethiopia under Italian sovereignty and made the King of Italy the Emperor of Ethiopia. ("In view of Article 5 of the Constitution of the Kingdom; in view of Article 3, ii, of the Law of January 31, 1926 (IV), No. 100; in view of the Law of December 9, 1928 (VII), No. 2693; in recog­nition of the urgency and the absolute necessity of making provision; having heard the Fascist Grand Council; having heard, the Council of Ministers, on the proposal of the Head of the Govern­ment, Prime Minister Secretary of State . . ." Ibid. 1935, Vol. II, p. 472.)

 

May 10. Premier Azana was elected President in Spain. (President Niceto Alcala Zamora was deposed by the Cortes. Survey 1937, Vol. II, p. 20.)

Wafdist Cabinet formed in Egypt under Nahhas Pasha, former Prime Minister. (Mahir Pasha's ministry resigned May 9, be­cause of Wafd victories in parliamentary elections of May 2 and May 7. Ibid. 1936, pp. 682 f.

 

May 12. Chile asked end of League sanctions against Italy. (". . . in. view of the recent events which have put an end to the war . . ." Doc. Int. Affairs 1935, Vol. II, p. 480.)

League Council resolved that there was no cause for modifying previous measures adopted in the Italo‑Ethiopian dispute. (". . . further time is necessary to permit its Members to con­sider the situation created by the grave new steps taken by the Italian Government." Ibid., p. 234. Cf. Ibid., p. 482.)

 

May 13. Czechoslovakian bill for the defense of the state became law. (Provided for the organization of all the resources of the nation for defense in preparation for a state of war, but a state of "de­fense preparedness" could be declared if events threatened the unity of the state or the democratic form of the constitution or if law and order were threatened by internal disturbances. Survey 1935, p. 141.)


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May 14. Vice‑Chancellor Ernest Rudiger Prince Starhemberg was excluded in a reconstruction of the Austrian Cabinet. ("In consequence of material differences of opinion between himself and the Chancellor." Ibid., p. 429.)

Guatemala gave notice of withdrawal from the League of Nations. (Preferred to extend and redefine the safeguards which they enjoyed as neighbors of the United States and favored regional isolation. Ibid., pp. 812, 950.)

 

May 27. Premier Mussolini, in interview, denied Greece and Turkey had anything to fear from the Italian position in Albania. ("Italy's policy in Albania is quite clear and absolutely straight­forward. Its sole object is to preserve and to respect the inde­pendent status of this small country, which for centuries has lived in friendship with us." Doc. Int. Affairs 1935, Vol. II, p. 483.)

 

May 28. Koloman de Kanya, Foreign Minister of Hungary, said Hungary would not impede an economic and possible future political cooperation among the Danubian States nor a real security and genuine peace along the Danube under certain conditions, but rejected the principle of reciprocal assistance. ("The Hungarian Government, however, steadfastly and under all circumstances adheres to the principle that Hungary's situation must not change for the worse through a possible readjustment in the Danube basin. . . . it would be tantamount to an obligation of rendering assistance, if need be, to those states which aggran­dized themselves at Hungary's expense. . . . I am unable to imagine a situation where the Little Entente States could offer us any fully commensurate counter-value for such an enormous sacrifice on our part. What is more, we have considerable doubt, quite justified by our experiences thus far, whether we could, in the event of a conflict, depend on a fully unbiased decision as to who was the aggressor." Ibid. 1936, pp. 332 f.)

 

June 2. Argentina asked the convening of the League Assembly to consider the annexation of Ethiopia and sanctions. (". . . it is essential that all the States members of the League of Nations, which is founded upon the principle of equality, should be afforded an opportunity of considering the problems arising out of the dispute between Italy and Ethiopia, which are of such overwhelm­ing importance in the present international situation, thus assum­ing their responsibilities and expressing their opinions upon the course to be followed in accordance with the fundamental prin­ciples of the Covenant." Ibid. 1935, Vol. II, p. 486.)

Chen Chi‑tang, Li Tsung-jen, and Pai Chung‑hsi, Southern military leaders from southwest China, demanded Nanking resist reinforcement of Japanese garrisons in North China. (Because of agitation in the south against the weak policy of the Nanking Government. Tension between Canton and Nanking bad grown because of action of the Nanking government in sending troops to Fukien-Kwantung border to anticipate an autonomy move in the former and from  disagreement over control of the Canton‑Hankow railway.            Survey 1936, p. 882.)


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June 4. Popular Front coalition government under Léon Blum entered office in France. (Following victory in a general election May 3. Ibid., pp. 143, 946.)

 

June 10. Neville Chamberlain forecast the end of sanctions by Britain and departure from collective security. ("That policy [collective security] has been tried out and it has failed to prevent war, failed to stop war, failed to save the victim of the aggres­sion. . . . if we were to pursue the policy of sanctions. . . . That seems to me the very midsummer of madness. If we were to pursue it, it would only lead to further misfortunes which would divert our minds as practical men from seeking other and better solutions. . . . Surely it is time that the nations who compose the League should review the situation and should decide so to limit the functions of the League in future that they may accord with its real powers." Doc. Int. Affairs 1935, Vol. II, p. 488.)

 

June 18. France decreed dissolution of the Croix de Feu, Solidarité Francaise, Jeunesses Patriotes and Francistes. (Survey 1936, p. 946. )

Australia, Britain, and Canada decided to abandon sanctions against Italy. ("We have to admit that the purpose for which sanctions were imposed has not been realized. . . . The Italian military campaign succeeded. . . . To maintain sanctions without any clearly defined purpose . . . would have only this result: it would result in the crumbling of the sanctions front, so that in a few weeks time the League would be confronted with a state of affairs still more derogatory than that which we have to face today. . . . I [Anthony Eden, Secretary for Foreign Affairs] do not believe it is in the interest of the League itself that the sanctions front should crumble into confusion. I think it is right that the League should admit that sanctions have not realized their purpose and should face that fact."  Doc. Int. Affairs 1935, Vol. II, pp. 491 ff.

"The Canadian Government believes that there is no prac­ticable alternative for Canada at the Assembly but to support the raising of sanctions." Ibid., p. 502.

"The sanctions in force failed to prevent an Italian victory, it is clear that their continuation cannot restore the military situation or place Abyssinia in her original position. Not only that, but the international situation is such that every effort must be made to secure a general all‑round settlement in the interests of peace, for which the cooperation of every nation is essential." [Australian statement.] Ibid., p. 502.)

Britain determined to maintain permanently a stronger de­fensive position in the Mediterranean than existed before the Italo‑Ethiopian dispute. (". . . in the light . of the experience of recent months the Government have determined that it is necessary . . ." Ibid., p. 314.)

 

June 19. French Council decided to accept raising of sanctions. ("The government, faithful to the principles of collective action, will associate itself with every decision of the League of Nations." [Unofficial Translation.] Ibid., p. 494.)


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June 20. Arthur K. Greiser, President of the Danzig Senate, an­nounced a police order forbidding all political meetings and demonstrations. (Because of daily disturbances and incidents; and following a visit to Berlin of Greiser, Nazi gauleiter, Albert Forster, and the German consul‑general von Radowitz, Survey 1936, p. 545.)

President Roosevelt raised the embargo on arms to Ethiopia and Italy. ("The conditions which caused me to issue my afore­said proclamation have ceased to exist." State Release 1936, No. 351, p. 642.)

 

June 22. Honduras gave notice of withdrawal from the League. (Survey 1936, pp. 812, 960. Cf. May 14, supra.)

 

June 23. Haiti determined to abandon sanctions without waiting recommendations of the League. (". . . considering that in the present circumstances sanctions against Italy have no longer any object . . ." Doc. Int. Affairs 1935, Vol. II, p. 507.)

 

Prime Minister Baldwin in House of Commons debate explained that collective security "failed ultimately because of the reluc­tance of nearly all the nations in Europe to proceed to what I might call military sanctions." ("It would have been perfectly impossible to have brought Europe last year at any time to mili­tary sanctions, and I think the real reason, or the main reason, was that we discovered in the process of weeks that there was no country except the aggressor country which was ready for war.  . . . you cannot tell when you begin [applying sanctions] at what point the aggressor will regard the sanction as a military sanction. It depends entirely on his strength. . . . But the ulti­mate sanction is always war, and unless the sanction you apply is such as to bring the aggressor to his knees, war is inevitable, and probably not a localized war, but a war throughout the whole of Europe. That is a terrible fact. . . .

". . . where there is an aggressor it would be quite impossible for the nations that wished to exercise the power of military sanc­tions against the aggressor or a group of aggressors to do it unless they are in a position to do it at once and together. I have already pointed out that if collective action is to be a reality and not merely a thing to be talked about, it means not only that every country is to be ready for war; but must be ready to go to war at once. That is a terrible thing, but it is an essential part of collective security." Commons, Vol. 313, cols. 1725‑1726.)

Japanese Cabinet decided formally not to adhere to the London Naval Treaty. (Japan's prestige and her material interests would best be served by the retention of complete freedom in regard to the types as well as to the numbers of her warships. Freedom from the obligation to make her naval plans known was considered to outweigh the advantage of receiving information in advance regarding the building programs of other signatories. Survey 1936, p. 111.)

 

June 25. German cruiser Leipzig omitted courtesy visit to League High Commissioner Sean Lester, at Danzig. (The commander had received instructions from his superior officers in Berlin not to call upon him. Ibid., p. 546.)

 


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Neutral states of World War I and Finland decided to end sanctions against Italy. (Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Holland, Switzerland, and Spain decided the League had not the power to afford security to the lesser states; also decisions had already been taken in London and Paris. Ibid. 1935, Vol. II, pp. 473 f.)

 

June 26. Nicaragua gave notice of withdrawal from the League. (Ibid. 1936, pp. 812, 950. Cf. May 14, supra.)

Poland abandoned sanctions against Italy. ("In view of the most recent developments we are obliged to recognize that our joint effort has met with collective failure. The measures we took have not achieved their aim, and, having in the present case proved to be inoperative, have become useless. If; notwithstand­ing this, sanctions were maintained, they would in the opinion of the Polish Government assume the character of punitive measures, and this would be going beyond the spirit of Article 16 of the Covenant." Doc. Int. Affairs 1935, Vol. II, p. 508.)

 

July 4. League Assembly recommended end of sanctions against Italy. (". . . taking note of the communications and declarations which have been made to it on the subject of the situation arising out of the Italo‑Ethiopian dispute; recalling the previous findings and decisions in connection with this dispute; . . . Ibid., p. 234.)

The League Council asked Poland to deal with the Leipzig Affair. [June 25, supra.] ("Having regard to the fact that, in accordance with the Statute of the Free City, Poland has under­taken the conduct of the foreign relations of Danzig, . . ." Ibid. 1936, p. 441.)

 

July 11. Austria and Germany signed an agreement whereby Germany recognized the full sovereignty of Austria and the latter recog­nized herself as a German State and promised to act accordingly in her general policy and her policy toward Germany in particular. ("Convinced that they are thereby rendering a valuable contribu­tion towards the peaceful development of Europe, and believing that they are thereby doing the beat service to the various common interests of the two German States. . . . Each of these two Governments shall regard the internal political conditions of the other country, including the question of Austrian National­-Socialism, as a domestic concern of that country, upon which it will exert neither direct nor indirect influence. . . . Ibid., pp. 320 f.)

Danzig ordered all civil servants and government employees to belong to the National‑Socialist party. ("To dispose of cer­tain non‑Nazi judges whose decisions had not always accorded with Nazi ideas." Survey 1936, p. 556.)

 

July 15. Italian aviators were recruited for impending Spanish revolt. (Ibid. 1937, Vol. II, pp. 178 f., 232.)

A Russian Air Force mission arrived in Prague. (Result of the Czechoslovakian‑Russian treaty of mutual assistance. Cf. May 16, 1935, supra. Ibid. 1936, pp. 483, 485.)


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July 16. Danzig Government promulgated a series of legislative decrees which in effect abolished most of the civic rights still enjoyed by the non‑Nazis and virtually nullified the guarantees of political liberty given by the constitution. (Aimed at opposi­tion parties; to complete coordination. Ibid., p. 556.)

 

July 17. Revolt of Foreign Legion at Morocco under Franco began Spanish civil war. Military conspirators were determined to turn out such an "ineffectual government." The immediate occasion was the assassination of Lieutenant José Castillo, officer of the Guardias de Asalto, July 12, and of Don José Calvo Sotelo, leading politician of the Right, July 13. Ibid. 1937, Vol. II, pp. 21. f.)

". . . the slow and painful development of a democratic social structure, which the Spanish people have voluntarily chosen, has led their adversaries to commit a veritable act of aggression in the name of the contrary principle. . . . The aggressor has received, both moral and material assistance from states whose political regime coincided with that to which the rebels are wedded." Alvarez del Vayo of Spain in the League, Assembly, L. N. 0. J., Special Supplement, No. 155, p. 48.

 

July 20. Britain, France, Russia, Japan, Greece, Rumania, Yugo­slavia, and Bulgaria permitted Turkey in the Montreux Straits Convention to refortify the Dardanelles and Bosporus, and close them at threat of war. ("Desiring to regulate transit and naviga­tion in the Straits of the Dardanelles, the Sea of Marmora, and the Bosporus comprised under the general term `Straits' in such manner as to safeguard within the framework of Turkish security, in the Black Sea, of the riparian States, the principle enshrined in Article 23 of the Treaty of Peace signed at Lausanne on July 24, 1923. . . ." Doc. Int. Affairs 1936, p. 649.)

 

July 23. France, Belgium, and Britain decided to invite Germany and Italy to form a new Locarno agreement. ("The main purpose to which the efforts of all European nations must be directed is to consolidate peace by means of a general settlement.

"Such a settlement can only be achieved by the free cooperation of all the powers concerned, and nothing would be more fatal to the hopes of such a settlement than the division, apparent or real, of Europe into opposing blocs." Ibid., p. 219.)

 

July 25. France embargoed war material to Spain, excluding com­mercial aircraft ordered before July 18. (Because of a strong desire to keep France out of the war, because of the doctrinaire pacifism of the ministers, because of hostile opposition of ministers of the Right to aid to the Spanish Government, because of the semi-revolutionary social change under way in France. Survey 1937, Vol. II, p. 115.)

General Miguel Cabenallas, one leader of the Spanish rebels, formed a provisional government at Burgos which later became known as the Nationalists. (To settle the question of leadership. Ibid., pp. 232 f.)

 


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July 31. Germany and Italy accepted invitation to a five‑power con­ference. (Cf. July 23, supra. Doc. Int. Affairs 1936, pp. 219 f.)

 

August 1. France approached Britain and Italy with nonintervention measures to shorten the Spanish war and avoid international complications. (French Cabinet decided something more was required than a unilateral decision on their part to withhold supplies from one party to the conflict; in view of the Republican sympathies of their supporters it was impossible to implement their self‑denying embargo unless the flow of foreign munitions to the Spanish Nationalists could be checked. Survey 1937, Vol. II, pp. 232 f.)

 

August 4. Britain declared willingness to participate in collective declaration of absolute neutrality. (Ibid., p. 233.)

 

August 5. Russia agreed to accept the principle of nonintervention in Spain. (Wanted foreign assistance to the Nationalists to cease immediately. Ibid., p. 234.)

General John Metaxas established a dictatorship in Greece. (Fascist sympathizer. Ibid. 1936, p. 20.)

 

August 7. The United States announced a policy of refraining scrupu­lously from any interference whatsoever in Spain. (". . . in con­formity with its well‑established policy of non‑interference with internal affairs in other countries, either in time of peace or in the event of civil strife . . ." State Release 1936, No. 359, p. 152. Cf. Peace, p. 323.)

 

August 8. French Government suspended export of all war materials, including commercial aircraft, to Spain. (To implement their own proposals fully. Survey 1937, Vol. II, p. 234.)

 

August 9. Germany assured Britain and France that no war material was or would be sent to the Spanish Nationalists from Germany. (Because of rumors that the Deutschland had landed bombs at Ceuta and a liner carrying airplanes had left Hamburg for Spain. Ibid., p. 237.)

 

August 10. Spanish Government protested nonintervention policy to France. (Because of what they considered to be its one‑sided application. Ibid., pp. 239, 397.)

 

August 11. Italy asked ban on moral solidarity, such as public demon­strations, press campaigns, subscriptions of money, enrollment of volunteers, as condition for her acceptance, and inquired about methods of control over observance of the policy. (Possibly obstructionist. Ibid., p. 235.)

The Netherlands, Poland, and Sweden embargoed export of munitions to Spain. (In response to French suggestion. Cf. August 1, supra. Ibid., p. 238 n.)

Russia lowered the age of conscripts for active military service from 21 to 19. ("Considering the improved physical fitness of Soviet youth, due to the increased welfare of the population and the widespread development of sport and physical culture in the


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U. S. S. R., and taking into account that the calling to the colors of youths at an earlier age will render possible their subsequent work in chosen careers or study to proceed without intermis­sion . . ." Doc. Int. Affairs 1936, p. 289.)

 

August 12. Mr. Oswald Pirow, Minister of Defense for the Union of South Africa, said that in no circumstances could South Africa envisage the return of either Tanganyika or South‑West Africa to Germany. ("We are at work hand in hand with the rest of the British Empire in a common defense policy, and in this respect South Africa is to be elder brother to the rest of British Africa . . ." Ibid. 1937, p. 250.)

 

August 14. Switzerland embargoed arms, prohibited collection of funds and departure of volunteers. (On their own initiative they took certain measures designed to secure the objects of the non­intervention proposals, which they felt precluded from partici­pating in by joint declaration because of their permanent neutral­ity. Survey 1937, Vol. II, pp. 238, 244.)

President Roosevelt denied imperialist ambitions for the United States. (". . . before we inaugurated the good‑neighbor policy, there was among them [the American republics to the south] resentment and fear because certain administrations in Washington had slighted their national pride and their sovereign rights. . . Peace, like charity, begins at home. . . . We believe in democracy; we believe in freedom; we believe in peace." State Release 1936, No. 360, pp. 164‑168. Cf. Peace, pp. 3241, 328.)

 

August 15. Britain and France exchanged a pledge for noninterven­tion in Spain, and announced prohibition of export, re-export, and transit to any destination in Spain, the Spanish possessions, or the Spanish zone in Morocco, of all arms, munitions, and ma­terials of war, and aircraft, complete or in parts, and warships, including previous contracts, effective as soon as Germany, Italy, Russia, and Portugal had adhered to the declaration. (They hoped such a declaration of unity would influence reluctant powers. Survey 1937, Vol. II, p. 239.)

 

August 17. Germany accepted nonintervention agreement of Aug. 15 if it were extended to cover individuals, too; if all arms‑manufac­turing countries did likewise, and urged the end of volunteering. (The German Government had obtained satisfaction from Spain for incidents arising out of the war. Ibid., p. 240.)

Uruguay suggested American republics should offer mediation in Spain. (". . . the nations of the American continent, dis­covered and civilized by its [Spain's] genius, cannot remain passive spectators. . . . If wars between nations, in which the contendents are animated by antagonistic aims and between which there is no sentiment which draws them together, can terminate in conciliatory solutions, it must not be thought that the same thing can not happen in the cases of civil wars in which, in the last analysis, all the combatants are inspired by adhesion to a common fatherland." State Release 1936, No. 360, p. 175)


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August 19. Britain put embargo of Aug. 15 into effect without awaiting the adherence of others. (As a proof of good faith. Survey 1937, Vol., II, p. 240.)

 

August 20. The United States refused to join in mediation of the Spanish conflict. (". . . This country is committed to the prin­ciple of non‑interference in the internal affairs of other coun­tries. . . . After a most careful consideration of all the circum­stances involved, we are constrained to believe that the prospect that such an offer as is suggested would serve a useful purpose is not such as to warrant a departure by this Government from its well‑established policy." State Release 1936, No. 360, p. 176.)

 

August 21. Italy and Portugal adhered to the Franco‑British non­intervention pledge. (The Italian Government consented not to make the prohibition of "moral solidarity" an essential condition to their acceptance of an embargo on war materials. The Portu­guese Government listed a number of cases requiring action which they did not consider intervention: defense of public order, security, and territorial integrity of Portugal; defense against any socially subversive regime which might be set up in Spain; medi­ation between the parties to the conflict; maintenance of relations with the de facto government; recognition of belligerent rights of the rebels and of a new government. Survey 1937, Vol. 11, pp. 240 ff.)