The Outbreak of Hostilities
(September 1)
320  M. CORBIN-London, September 1
        A telegram delayed in transmission from the British Ambas-
        sador in Warsaw gives further details of the Polish Govern-
        ments reply to Great Britain. From this it appears in part-
        icular that the Polish Government is prepared to take part 
        in any exchange of views with the Reich Government on the 
        basis of the British proposals ............................  358

321  M. LÉON NOËL-Warsaw, September 1 
        The wireless broadcast setting out the German claims proves 
        that Herr Hitler is trying to get out of the negotiations 
        to which he had agreed; furthermore, it follows from this 
        that the Polish plenipotentiary, if he had come to Berlin, 
        would not have been allowed to discuss, but requested to 
        subscribe to the Führer's will ............................  359

322  M. LÉON NOËL-Warsaw, September 1 
        The German attack began at 4 a.m. .........................  360

323  M. LÉON NOËL-Warsaw, September 1
        The Germans are attacking on all frontiers. Danzig has pro-
        claimed itself part of the Reich ..........................  360

324  M. COULONDRE-Berlin, September 1
        The Reichstag meet for one hour to hear a speech by Herr 
        Hitler ....................................................  360

325  PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S APPEAL-Washington, September 1
        President Roosevelt's appeal to Great Britain, France, 
        Italy, Germany and Poland asks them to undertake not to bomb
        civilian populations or open towns from the air ...........  364

326  M. WALTER STUCKI-Paris, September 1
        The Swiss Minister in Paris notifies the French Government 
        of the Swiss Government's declaration of neutrality .......  364  

327  M. GEORGES BONNET.-Paris, September 1
        The French Government inform the Italian Government of their 
        favourable reply to the Italian proposal to call a 
        conference ................................................  365
328  M. COULONDRE-Berlin, September 1
        The French Ambassador in Berlin fears that his earlier com-
        munications may have been delayed in transmission, and re-
        peats his report of the events of August 31 ...............  366
329  M. CORBIN-London, September 1 
        The Polish Ambassador in London, on the ground that his 
        country is the victim of aggression, requests the applica-
        tion of the British guarantee .............................  367

330  M. CORBIN-London, September 1 
        A British communiqué exposes the inaccuracy of the German 
        version of the development of the negotiations ............  367
331  M. LÉON NOËL-Warsaw, September 1 
        The aggression is flagrant, aerial bombardments have begun.  
        M. Lipski has been instructed to ask for his passports ....  369

332  M. FRANÇOIS-PONCET-Rome, September 1
        The French reply has been handed to Count Ciano ...........  369

333  FRENCH GOVERNMENT'S NOTE-Paris, September 1
        The French Government replies favourably to President Roose-
        velt's appeal concerning aerial bombardments ..............  370
334  M. GEORGES BONNET-Paris, September 1
        The French Government takes note of the Swiss Confederation's 
        declaration of neutrality .................................  370
335  M. CORBIN-London, September 1
        The British Government informs the German Government that if 
        the Reich does not suspend its aggressive action or show wil-
        lingness to withdraw its troops from Polish territory Great
        Britain will fulfill her obligations towards Poland .......  371  


The Outbreak of Hostilities

(September 1)

No. 320

M. CORBIN, French Ambassador in London,
     to M. GEORGES BONNET, Minister for Foreign Affairs.  
                                             London, September 1, 1939.

(Received by telephone at 130 a.m.)

THE account of the conversation between the British Ambassador in Warsaw and M. Beck reached the Foreign Office at 6.30 p.m. The delay to which telegrams in Central Europe are subjected is the cause of the late delivery of this text, which should have reached London much earlier and the end of which had to be sent by telephone.

M. Beck stated that, in conformity with the British proposal, M. Lipski had been instructed to make contact with the German Government. In reply to a question from the British Ambassador, M. Beck explained that the Polish Ambassador would not be authorized, in the event of the text of the German proposals being presented to him, to accept such a document. The Polish Government, which has not forgotten the experiences of others or of similar ultimata, considers it indeed preferable not to receive a note delivered in such circumstances. M. Lipski's main duty would, therefore, be to establish contact and to discuss where and how negotiations could be opened.

M. Beck mentioned that the situation in Danzig was becoming and more serious, that it seemed indispensable to set up without


delay a modus vivendi which would guarantee the release of the arrested Polish officials and the resumption of railway traffic. Perhaps the High Commissioner of the League of Nations would be able to act as intermediary in this connection.

The Polish Foreign Minister added at the end of the interview that he had no intention of going personally to Berlin nor of being another President Hacha, and that in the event of negotiations being opened he was afraid that, during their course, he would be obliged to appeal to the British Government for its good offices.

The written reply delivered to Sir Howard Kennard may be summarized as follows:

1. As already stated on several occasions, the Polish Government is prepared to agree to any exchange of views with the German Government on the basis of the British proposals;

2. The Polish Government is also prepared, subject to the desired conditions of reciprocity, to guarantee that the Polish troops will not commit any violation of the German frontier;

3. The immediate establishment of a modus vivendi in Danzig seems to the Polish Government essential;

4. The Polish Government deems it necessary to reserve its attitude towards the international guarantee mentioned by the British Government until a more definite idea can be reached of its exact implications;

5. The Polish Government hopes that it will always be able to call upon the good offices of Great Britain in the future.


No. 321

M. LÉON NÖEL, French Ambassador in Warsaw,
     to M. GEORGES BONNET, Minister for Foreign Affairs.  
                                    Warsaw, September 1, 1939. 2.11 a.m.

(Received 5.10 a.m.)

THE fifteen points of the German claims broadcast tonight by wireless, call for the following comments:

1. Herr Hitler is trying by this broadcast to escape from the diplomatic negotiation in which, contrary to his methods, he got involved by Great Britain. It is thus important to make every effort if the Reich does not immediately attack Poland, to re-open the conversations between Berlin and London.

2. One is bound to conclude from the very text of this broadcast


that if the plenipotentiaries had come to Berlin they would have been compelled to accept these terms, without the possibility of discussion.

3. Ethnographical maps show that in 1914 the region referred to in the broadcast was inhabited by a Polish majority.

                                                              LÉON NÖEL. 

No. 322

M. LÉON NÖEL, French Ambassador in Warsaw,
     to M. GEORGES BONNET, Minister for Foreign Affairs.
                                             Warsaw, September 1, 1939.

(Received by telephone at 8 70 a.m.)

THE Polish Army Headquarters report that German troops debouching from Danzig, crossed the Eastern frontier of the Corridor this morning from 4 o'clock onwards, in particular near Kartuzy and Gardeja. German aeroplanes have attacked the Polish town of Tczew to the south of Danzig.

Aggression by German armed bands and also flights of aircraft have also been reported at various points of the Silesian frontier.

                                                           LÉON NÖEL.

No. 323

M. LÉON NÖEL, French Ambassador in Warsaw,
     to M. GEORGES BONNET, Minister for Foreign Affairs.  
                                              Warsaw, September 1, 1939.

(Received by telephone at 8.30 a.m.)

ACCORDING to the latest information just received by the Polish Army Headquarters the German attack is general on all frontiers.

In East Prussia, in South Poznania, in Silesia and on the Slovak frontier, there has been bombing without warning at numerous points.

In addition, Danzig has proclaimed its Anschluss with the Reich.

                                                              LÉON NÖEL. 

No. 324

M. COULONDRE, French Ambassador in Berlin,
     to M. GEORGES BONNET, Minister for Foreign Affairs.  
                                              Berlin, September 1, 1939.

(Received by telephone at 11.30 a.m.)

THE session of the Reichstag has just come to an end, having lasted one hour.


In his opening speech Field-Marshal Goering stated that it was only at 3 o'clock in the morning that the decision to summon the Reichstag had been taken. He added that more than one hundred delegates were absent because they were in the ranks of the Wehrmacht.

The following is an analysis and a translation of the essential passages of the speech made by the Chancellor:

"Since 1919 we have all been suffering the torments inflicted upon us by a problem created by the Diktat of Versailles, a problem which has become intolerable in its effects.

"Danzig has always been, and is, a German city: the Corridor has always been, and is, German. Both these territories owe their cultural development to the German people. Danzig was separated from Germany, and the Corridor annexed. In other regions, Germans have been ill-treated in such a manner that more than a million of them have had to abandon their homes.

"I have always tried to obtain an alteration of this position by peaceful methods. It is a lie to pretend that we have always had recourse to violence. In each case, not once but several times, I have tried to obtain indispensable modifications through the way of negotiation. My proposals for limitation of armaments, for the abolition of certain arms and for the elimination of certain methods of warfare, which I considered incompatible with the law of nations, were rejected.

"I tried in vain to solve amicably the problems of Austria, the Sudeten, Bohemia and Moravia. It is impossible to claim that only peaceful revisions can be admitted, and at the same time continually persist in rejecting them.

"For us, the Treaty of Versailles has never had the force of law!"

Then, passing on to the situation existing in the Polish regions with German minorities, the Führer declared that no people with any feelings of honour would accept for long such a state of affairs.

"I made, however, a final effort," the Führer added. "The British Government proposed that direct contact should be established between Poland and Germany. I accepted this proposal and I prepared bases for negotiation. For two whole days I waited without the Poles sending their plenipotentiaries. Last night the Polish Ambassador informed us that his Government was examining in what degree it would agree to the opening of negotiations.

"If it could be thought that the German Reich and its Leader could be treated in that way, nothing would be left for Germany but to disappear from the political stage.


"I am wrongly judged.... My love for peace is not to be mistaken for cowardice. I accordingly decided to inform the British Government last night that I considered the negotiations to have failed.

"As a first reply to my acceptance, Poland decreed general mobilization. There was a recrudescence of terrorism. I then decided to speak to Poland in her own language....

"If France and England consider that their essential interests are thus affected, that is an attitude which cannot make me hesitate to fulfill my duty.

"I have already declared that I ask nothing and that I never will ask anything from the Western Powers. That is a declaration which has a final value.

"I have always offered England my friendship, but love can never be unilateral. I have no interest in the West. Our Western frontier is final. Our western wall is for all time the frontier of the Reich. In that region we have no aims of any kind for the future. This attitude will not change. I thank Italy for having understood our attitude and for having backed us, but you will understand also that for the carrying on of this struggle I have no need of foreign aid. We shall carry out this task ourselves. I shall respect the neutrality of the neutral countries to the same extent that they respect it themselves.

"You know that Russia and Germany are governed by two different doctrines. But between the two countries there was only one question that had to be cleared up. Germany has no intention of exporting her doctrine, nor Russia hers. Neither of the two countries has any reason to take up a position against the other. We have, therefore, resolved to conclude a pact which excludes for ever any use of violence between us, which imposes the obligation on us to consult together in certain European questions and makes possible for us economic cooperation. Never again can it happen that the powers of these two countries will be used against one another. Any attempt on the part of Western Powers to bring about any change in this will fail. This political decision means a tremendous departure for the future, and it is a final one. I believe that the whole German people will hail this political attitude with satisfaction.

"In the World War Germany and Russia fought against one another, and in the end both of them were its victims. This will not happen a second time.

"The pact of non-aggression and consultation has been ratified by Berlin and Moscow. In Moscow the pact has been greeted with as much


satisfaction as in Germany. I can only endorse word for word the speech made yesterday by M. Molotov.

"And now. here is our goal I am determined to solve:

"1. The Danzig question;

"2. The question of the Corridor:

"3. To see to it that a change is made in the relationship between Germany and Poland that shall ensure a peaceful collaboration of the peoples.

"I am resolved to continue to fight until the Polish Government accepts this change, or until another Polish Government accepts it. I wish to remove from the German frontier in the East every element of discord and lasting danger. There must reign in the East a peace similar to that on our other frontiers.

"The necessary measures will be taken so that the war is not directed against and does not affect women and children. But if the enemy thinks he can from that draw carte blanche on his side to act as he wills, he will receive a reply which will deprive him of hearing and sight.

"This night Polish soldiers fired upon our territory. Since a quarter to six we have been returning the fire. From now on, bombs will be with bombs. And if gas-warfare is started, we shall reply with gas.

Whoever departs from the rules of humane warfare can only expect that we shall do the same. The struggle will be continued until the safety of the Reich and its rights are secured.

"I have worked for six years and I have spent ninety milliards in building up our army. It is better-armed and much finer than the army of 1914. I have an unshakable confidence in it. If I ask of this army and of all Germans sacrifices, it is because I myself am prepared to make every personal sacrifice. I am prepared to accept any post whatever, however dangerous it may be. I have consecrated the whole of my life to the National-Socialist movement. I have had no other ambition than to be the first soldier of the Reich. I have taken this uniform and I shall not lay it aside until the victory is secured, or I will not survive the outcome.

:"If anything should happen to me, my successor will be Goering. If anything should happen to Goering, Hess will be the successor.

"I ask that they should be given an obedience as blind as is given to me. If anything should happen to Goering and to Hess, an electoral college appointed by me will choose the most worthy, that is, the most valiant."


The Führer then stated that a National-Socialist did not know the word capitulation, and that a second November 1918 could never be. "It matters little," he said, "that we individuals disappear, provided that our country lives on." The Chancellor exhorted the deputies to see that the morale of the people was maintained, and he concluded by saying that he counted upon the spirit of sacrifice and discipline of men, women and youth.


No. 325

Appeal of President Roosevelt to Great Britain, France, Italy, Germany and Poland

                                                      September 1, 1939.

"THE ruthless bombing from the air of civilians in unfortified centres of population during the course of the hostilities which have raged in various quarters of the earth in the past few years, which have resulted in the maiming and death of thousands of defenseless women and children, has profoundly shocked the conscience of humanity.

"If resort is had to this sort of inhuman barbarism during the period of tragic conflagration with which the world is now confronted, hundreds of thousands of innocent human beings, who have no responsibility for, and who are not even remotely participating in, the hostilities which have broken out, now will lose their lives.

"I am therefore addressing this urgent appeal to every Government, which may be engaged in hostilities, publicly to affirm its determination that its armed forces shall in no event and under no circumstances undertake bombardment from the air of civilian populations or unfortified cities, upon the understanding that the same rules of warfare will be scrupulously observed by all their opponents.

"I request an immediate reply."

No. 326

M. WALTER STUCKI, Swiss Minister in Paris,
     to M. GEORGES BONNET, Minister for Foreign Affairs.  
                                               Paris, September 1, 1939.

THE Federal Government has instructed me, by telegram, to notify Your Excellency as follows:

"The international situation, which makes it necessary for the Swiss


Confederation to take military measures, leads it to formulate, once again, its unshakable resolve to depart in no way from the principles of neutrality which have been the basis of its policy for many centuries and to which the Swiss people are deeply attached, in that these principles are consonant with their aspirations, their internal organization and their position in relation to other States. By virtue of the special mandate which has just been conferred upon it by the Federal Assembly, the Federal Council formally declares that the Swiss Confederation will preserve and defend, with all the means at its disposal, the inviolability of its territory and the neutrality which the treaties of 1815 and their complementary obligations have recognized as being in the true interests of the whole European political system.

"The Confederation will make it a point of honour to facilitate, as it has during past wars, the impartial activity of humanitarian work which may help to relieve the sufferings arising from a conflict. Relying on the assurances which have been solemnly reiterated, the Federal Council is convinced that the present declaration will be considered as a faithful statement of the implications for the Swiss Confederation of the treaties and international obligations which concern it."

No. 327

M. GEORGES BONNET, Minister for Foreign Affairs,
     to M. FRANÇOIS-PONCET, French Ambassador in Rome.  
                                               Paris, September 1, 1939.

(By telephone at 11.45 a.m.)

YOUR telegram of August 31.

You should inform Count Ciano as follows:

"The French Government values highly the spirit in which the proposal of the Royal Government has been made, and reaffirms its willingness to seek all possible means, and to associate itself with any steps intended to facilitate and render possible an amicable settlement of the dispute which has arisen between Germany and Poland.

"The French Government pays sincere tribute to the effort made to this end by the Italian Government, and thanks it for its communication regarding a plan to call a conference, which has been transmitted by the French Ambassador in Rome and to which a favourable reply has been given.

"The French Government must nevertheless point out that in its opinion such a conference could not raise problems touching the inter


ests of powers not represented, and no arrangement could be made affecting the interests of any power unless that power were present.

"The French Government considers that the activities of such a conference should not be restricted to an attempt to seek partial and temporary solutions of limited and immediate problems: it should, by raising all the problems of a general character which are at the root of any dispute, result in general appeasement such as will allow the peace of the world to be re-established and organized on solid foundations."

                                                         GEORGES BONNET. 

No. 328

M. COULONDRE, French Ambassador in Berlin,
     to M. GEORGES BONNET, Minister for Foreign Affairs.  
                                              Berlin, September 1, 1939.

(Received by telephone at 12 noon.)

As the telegram which I dispatched yesterday by special courier may arrive too late, I think it desirable to summarize it.

On August 31, at 9.5 a.m., my British colleague telephoned me to say that he had learned from a trustworthy source that if at 12 noon Poland had not agreed to send a plenipotentiary, the German Government would order its troops to march.

I went to see him immediately. He confirmed his news, which had come from Herr von Ribbentrop's entourage. He added that, during the night, he had taken the British reply to the Minister for Foreign Affairs. The latter read to him the text of the German plan for a German-Polish settlement, but he read it so quickly that the Ambassador was only able to gather fragments of it. Sir Nevile Henderson asked for the text, but Herr von Ribbentrop refused to give it to him, on the grounds that the time allotted to Poland for sending a plenipotentiary had expired.

I went immediately to M. Lipski and got him to urge Warsaw by telephone to let him have an immediate and affirmative reply from the Polish Government to the proposal for conversations.

I myself telephoned Your Excellency suggesting an approach to Warsaw on the same lines.

At 12.10 p.m. Your Excellency telephoned me that in a few minutes the Polish Government would give an affirmative reply in principle. I immediately informed my English and Polish colleagues. At 1 p.m. M. Lipski received the order to deliver the communication which I


telegraphed to you. After Herr von Weizsäcker had asked him at 3 p.m. whether he came as a plenipotentiary or as an Ambassador, he was received at 7.45 p.m. by the Minister for Foreign Affairs. The latter took note of his communication but did not inform him of the German plan for settlement. At 9.15 p.m. and 9.25 p.m. my English colleague and I were successively summoned by Herr von Weizsäcker, who handed us, for the information of our respective Governments, the text of the German plan and a communiqué to the Press. At 9 p.m. as it appears, these documents were published.


No. 329

M. CORBIN, French Ambassador in London,
     to M. GEORGES BONNET, Minister for Foreign Affairs.  
                                             London, September 1, 1939.

(Received by telephone at 12.15 p.m.)

THE Polish Ambassador went to the Foreign Office this morning to inform the State Secretary of the information he had received, via Paris, regarding the acts of aggression which Germany had just committed against Poland. He stated that Polish territory had been attacked at four different points and that air raids had been made on various towns, causing, especially in Warsaw, victims among the civilian population, some of whom were women and children.

Count Raczynski stated that events appeared to him to justify the application of the British guarantee. Giving his personal view, Lord Halifax replied that for him there was no shadow of doubt of this.


No. 330

M. CORBIN, French Ambassador in London,
     to M. GEORGES BONNET, Minister for Foreign Affairs.  
                                              London, September 1, 1939.

(Received by telephone at 12.45 p.m.)

REUTER'S AGENCY has just published an authorized bulletin, the essential passage of which I reproduce below:

"It is pointed out in official circles in London that if Herr Hitler's proclamation to the German people, as it has been reported, is intended to signify, as it appears to do, that Germany has declared war on


Poland, it can be stated on the highest authority that Great Britain and France are inflexibly resolved to fulfill to the end their obligations towards the Polish Government.

"The German version of the course of the negotiations is, of course, entirely mendacious. On August 29 the German Chancellor informed His Majesty's Ambassador that he would, on the following day, expect in Berlin a Polish plenipotentiary having full powers to negotiate a settlement.

"He added that he hoped to draw up his proposals in the meantime.

"In other words, he expected the Polish Government would submit to the same treatment as that which he had imposed on the President of the Czechoslovak Republic and would send to Berlin an emissary ready to accept terms the nature of which was completely unknown to the Polish Government.

"As can readily be understood, the Polish Government did not consent to putting itself in this humiliating position.

"Even when peace terms are imposed upon a conquered Power, it is not customary to forbid negotiators to refer to their Governments for instructions.

"It is impossible in such a short while to comment on the mendacious statements of the German Government, but the attitude of His Majesty's Government may be briefly defined as follows:

"If the German Government had been sincerely desirous of settling the dispute by negotiation, it would not have adopted a procedure which is in the nature of an ultimatum. It would, on the contrary, as is the normal practice of civilized Governments, have opened negotiations with the Polish Government with a view to fixing the place and time for the opening of the negotiations.

"In the opinion of His Majesty's Government, the Polish Government was fully justified in refusing to submit to the treatment which the German Government endeavoured to impose on it.

"As regards the terms which have now been published and have never, up to the moment, been communicated to the Polish Government, His Majesty's Government can only say that these terms should naturally have been submitted to the Polish Government, leaving the latter enough time to ascertain whether they interfered or not with the vital interests of Poland, which Germany, in her written communication to the British Government, had declared it was her intention to respect."



No. 331

M. LÉON NÖEL, French Ambassador in Warsaw, 
     to M. GEORGES BONNET, Minister for Foreign Affairs.  
                                    Warsaw, September 1, 1939. 1.50 p.m.

(Received at 5.58 p.m.)

M. BECK has just telephoned to me to emphasize:

1. The aggressive nature of the action directed against the Polish frontier by the German troops.

2. The fact that yesterday, at 730 p.m. in the course of an interview which he had himself requested, M. Lipski confirmed to Herr von Ribbentrop that Poland was still prepared to negotiate.

3. That German aircraft have this morning bombed a great number of localities.

M. Lipski has been instructed to ask for his passports.

The Government is putting into force the legislation prepared for application in war.

M. Beck also informed me that, in view of the circumstances, he left it to the French and British Governments to take proper account of the reply given yesterday by the Polish Government.


No. 332

M. FRANÇOIS-PONCET. French Ambassador in Rome,
     to M. GEORGES BONNET, Minister for Foreign Affairs.  
                                     Rome, September 1, 1939. 2.30 p.m.

(Received at 430 p.m.)

THE French Government's reply to the Italian suggestion for the calling of a conference was delivered by me today at 12.45 p.m. to Count Ciano.

The French Government's reply was manifestly gratifying to Count Ciano; he told me that he was very pleased with it and thanked me. He nevertheless added that he was not in a position to tell me whether the Italian proposal could still serve any purpose and whether it could be sent to Herr Hitler.



No. 333

The French Government's Reply to the Appeal of the President of the United States of America regarding Aerial Bombardment

                                               Paris, September 1, 1939. 

THE French Government hastens to reply to the appeal which the President of the United States of America has addressed to all the Governments which are liable to be involved in the conflict, requesting them to refrain from having recourse, in any event and circumstances, to aerial bombardment of civilian populations.

The French Government highly appreciates the spirit which inspires the step taken by Mr. Franklin D. Roosevelt and affirms its intention to conduct hostilities, if war should be imposed upon it as a result of German aggression, in strict conformity with the laws of warfare, and to do everything within its power to spare civilian populations the sufferings which modern warfare can involve. It is in this spirit of humanity, which has ever dictated in all circumstances the conduct of the French Government, that orders have already been given to the Commanders-in-Chief of all the French forces.

These orders exclude in particular the bombardment of civil populations and restrict aerial bombardment to strictly military objectives.

It is, of course, understood that the French Government reserves the right to have recourse to any action it may consider appropriate if its adversary should not observe the restrictions which the French Government has itself imposed upon the operations of its own Air Force.

No. 334

M. GEORGES BONNET, Minister for Foreign Affairs,
     to M. WALTER STUCKI, Swiss Minister in Paris.  
                                               Paris, September 1, 1939.

I beg to acknowledge receipt of the Swiss Government's declaration of neutrality of which you have notified me today. I take due note of this communication.

The French Government, so far as it is concerned, will not fail scrupulously to respect the neutrality of the Swiss Confederation and


the integrity of the territory of that Confederation, in accordance with the treaties of 1815 and their complementary obligations.

                                                   I am, Sir, etc.,
                                                         GEORGES BONNET. 

No. 335

M. CORBIN, French Ambassador in London,
     to M. GEORGES BONNET, Minister for Foreign Affairs.  
                                             London, September 1, 1939.

(Received by telephone at 530 p.m.)

MY recent telephonic communication with the Political Department: Sir Alexander Cadogan has just apprised me of the instructions which the British Government propose to send to Sir Nevile Henderson, and which he will be requested to carry out at 5 o'clock in the afternoon.

The text is as follows:

"On the instructions received from His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, I have the honour to make the following communication:

"Early this morning, the German Chancellor issued a proclamation to the German Army which clearly indicated that he was about to attack Poland. Information which has reached His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom and the French Government indicates that German troops have crossed the Polish frontier and that attacks on Polish towns are proceeding.

"In these circumstances it appears to the Governments of the United Kingdom and France that by their action the German Government have created conditions (viz., an aggressive act of force against Poland threatening the independence of Poland) which call for the implementation by the Governments of the United Kingdom and France of the undertaking to Poland to come to her assistance.

"I am accordingly to inform Your Excellency that, unless the German Government are prepared to give His Majesty's Government satisfactory assurances that the German Government have suspended all aggressive action against Poland and are prepared promptly to withdraw their forces from Polish territory, His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom will without hesitation fulfill their obligations to Poland."

Sir Alexander Cadogan has informed me that, in the view of the


British Government, the above communication should be embodied in an identical and joint note delivered by our Ambassador on behalf of our two Governments.


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