THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND
OF PEARL HARBOR
VOLUME II
(May 12, 1941—August 6, 1941)
Department of Defense
United States of America
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 20402 (8-part set; sold in sets only)
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER II
Page
Outline of Volume ................................................... 2
PART A—HULL-NOMURA CONVERSATIONS (May 12, 1941-August 6, 1941) ...... 3
1. Hull-Nomura Conversation (May 12, 1941) .......................... 3
(a) Secretary Hull's Report ...................................... 3
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report ................................... 5
2. Revisions of the Japanese Proposal ............................... 5
3. Ambassador Nomura Attempts to Restrain Mr. Matsuoka .............. 6
4. Hull-Nomura Conversation (May 14, 1941) .......................... 6
(a) Secretary Hull's Report ...................................... 6
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report ................................... 7
5. Ambassador Grew Interviews Mr. Matsuoka .......................... 8
6. Hull-Nomura Conversation (May 16, 1941) .......................... 9
(a) Secretary Hull's Report ...................................... 9
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report .................................. 10
7. Axis Nations Notified of Hull-Nomura Conversations .............. 10
8. Mr. Matsuoka Disavows Threats to Ambassador Grew ................ 10
9. American Newspaper Divulges Points of Hull-Nomura Conversations 11
10. Hull-Nomura Conversation (May 20, 1941) ........................ 11
(a) Secretary Hull's Report .................................... 11
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report ................................. 12
11. Hull-Nomura Conversation (May 21, 1941) ........................ 13
(a) Secretary Hull's Report .................................... 13
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report ................................. 14
12. Foreign Minister Matsuoka Rebukes Ambassador Nomura ............ 14
13. Japan Seizes American Goods En route to Chungking .............. 15
14. Radio Address of President Roosevelt (May 27, 1941) ............ 15
15. Hull-Nomura Conversation (May 28, 1941) ........................ 16
(a) Secretary Hull's Report .................................... 16
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report ................................. 17
16. Mr. Matsuoka Requests American Pressure on China ............... 18
17. Publicity Leaks Concerning the Hull-Nomura Conversations ....... 18
18. Special Committee Meeting (May 30, 1941) ....................... 19
19. The United States Submits a Proposal to Ambassador Nomura
(May 31, 1941) ................................................. 19
20. Hull-Nomura Conversation (June 2, 1941) ........................ 20
(a) Secretary Hull's Report .................................... 20
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report ................................. 20
21. Special Committee Meeting (June 4, 1941) ....................... 20
22. Hull-Nomura Conversation (June 6, 1941) ........................ 21
(a) Secretary Hull's Report .................................... 21
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report ................................. 22
23. Tokyo Grows Impatient at the Delay of the United States' Answer 23
24. Luncheon of Japanese-American Diplomats (June 9, 1941) ......... 23
25. Dissension Among Japanese in Washington ........................ 24
26. Mr. Matsuoka Reaffirms Japanese Allegiance to the
Tripartite Pact ................................................ 25
27. Hull-Nomura Conversation (June 15, 1941) ....................... 26
(a) Secretary Hull's Report ..................................... 26
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report .................................. 26
28. Special Committee Meeting (June 15, 1941) ...................... 27
29. Special Committee Meeting (June 16, 1941) ...................... 27
30. Special Committee Meeting (June 17, 1941) ...................... 28
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31. Hull-Nomura Conversation (June 21, 1941) ....................... 29
(a) Secretary Hull's Report .................................... 29
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report ................................. 30
32. Hull-Nomura Conversation (June 22, 1941) ....................... 31
(a) Secretary Hull's Report .................................... 31
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report ................................. 32
33. Ambassador Nomura Defends His Actions .......................... 32
34. Ambassador Nomura Urges the Adoption of the "Understanding" .... 33
35. Tokyo Warns Its Diplomats of a Crisis .......................... 33
36. America's Attitude Toward the German-Russian War on July 1, 1941. 33
37. Special Committee Meeting (July 2, 1941) ....................... 34
38. Japan Decides to Move Southward and Act in Accordance with the
Tripartite Pact ................................................ 36
39. Ambassador Nomura Urges Japan Not to Act in Accordance with the
Tripartite Pact ................................................ 36
40. Ambassador Nomura Reassures Secretary Hull ..................... 36
41. Interview with Ambassador Nomura ............................... 36
(a) State Department's Report .................................. 36
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report ................................. 38
42. Ambassador Nomura Analyzes President Roosevelt's Diplomatic
Activities ..................................................... 38
43. Mr. Matsuoka Replies to President Roosevelt .................... 39
44. Ambassador Nomura Reports German-British Peace Negotiations .... 39
45. Secretary Hull Refutes Ambassador Nomura's Report .............. 40
46. Ambassador Nomura Pleads for Speedier Action from Tokyo ........ 41
47. Ambassador Nomura Requests Permission to Return Home
(July 10, 1941) ................................................ 42
48. Mr. Matsuoka Again Rebukes Ambassador Nomura (July 11, 1941) ... 43
49. Ambassador Nomura Replies to the Rebuke of the Foreign Minister
(July 14, 1941) ................................................ 45
50. Interview with Ambassador Nomura (July 14, 1941) ............... 46
(a) State Department's Report .................................. 46
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report ................................. 46
51. Foreign Minister Matsuoka Condemns the Oral Statement and
Attacks Ambassador Nomura (July 14, 1941) ...................... 47
52. Foreign Minister Matsuoka Submits New Proposals (July 14, 1941) 48
53. Interview with Ambassador Nomura (July 15, 1941) ............... 49
(a) State Department's Report .................................. 49
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report ................................. 50
54. Ambassador Grew Delivers an Oral Statement to the Japanese
Foreign Office ................................................. 51
55. Dissolution of the Japanese Cabinet (July 17, 1941) ............ 51
56. Mr. Wakasugi Confers with Mr. Hamilton (July 16, 1941) ......... 51
57. Japanese Foreign Office Delivers Oral Statement to Ambassador
Grew ........................................................... 52
58. Mr. Wakasugi Returns the American Oral Statement of
June 21, 1941 .................................................. 52
59. Welles-Nomura Conversation (July 18, 1941) ..................... 53
(a) Acting Secretary Welles' Report ............................ 53
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report ................................. 53
60. Mr. Wakasugi Explains the Nature of the Japanese-American
Negotiations to Tokyo .......................................... 53
61. Ambassador Nomura Requests Instructions from the New Japanese
Cabinet ........................................................ 54
62. Ambassador Nomura Visits Rear Admiral Richard K. Turner ........ 55
63. Mr. Wakasugi Visits Acting Secretary of State Welles ........... 56
(a) Acting Secretary Welles' Report ............................ 56
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report ................................. 57
64. Welles-Nomura Conversation (July 23, 1941) ..................... 57
(a) Acting Secretary Welles' Report ............................ 57
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report ................................. 59
65. Tokyo Informs Ambassador Nomura that Japan Will Occupy Part of
French Indo-China .............................................. 59
66. Details of the Secret Japanese-French Agreement ................ 60
67. Tokyo Assures the United States of Its Peaceful Intentions
Despite the Occupation of French Indo-China .................... 61
68. Roosevelt-Nomura Conversation (July 24, 1941) .................. 62
(a) Acting Secretary Welles' Report ............................ 62
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report ................................. 63
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69. Mr. Wakasugi Confers with Mr. Hamilton (July 25, 1941) ......... 65
70. Ambassador Nomura's Relations with Admiral Stark, U. S. N. ..... 65
71. Japanese-American Conversation ................................. 66
(a) State Department Report .................................... 66
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report ................................. 66
72. Ambassador Nomura Decides to Send Mr. Wakasugi and Colonel
Iwakuro to Japan ............................................... 66
73. Attempts to Preserve Peace ..................................... 67
74. The United States Freezes Japanese Assets (July 25, 1941) ...... 67
75. Ambassador Grew Visits Foreign Minister Toyoda (July 25, 1941).. 68
(a) Ambassador Grew's Report ................................... 68
(b) Foreign Minister Toyoda's Report ........................... 68
76. Ambassador Grew Visits Foreign Minister Toyoda (July 26, 1941).. 69
(a) Ambassador Grew's Report ................................... 69
(b) Foreign Minister Toyoda's Report ........................... 69
77. Ambassador Grew Visits Foreign Minister Toyoda (July 27, 1941).. 70
(a) Ambassador Grew's Report ................................... 70
(b) Foreign Minister Toyoda's Report ........................... 70
78. Welles-Nomura Conversation (July 28, 1941) ..................... 71
(a) Acting Secretary Welles' Report ............................ 71
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report ................................. 71
79. Ambassador Nomura Warns Tokyo of the Dangers of War ............ 72
80. The United States Restricts Japanese Economic Activities ....... 72
81. The Bombing of the Tutuila (July 30, 1941) ..................... 72
(a) Acting Secretary Welles' Report ............................ 72
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report ................................. 73
82. Ambassador Nomura Warns Tokyo of the Seriousness of the Tutuila
Affair ......................................................... 73
83. Ambassador Nomura Suggests that Japan Discontinue the Bombing
of Chungking ................................................... 73
84. Tokyo Orders the Discontinuance of Bombing at Chungking ........ 74
85. Ambassador Nomura Reports British-German Peace Negotiations .... 74
86. Welles-Nomura Conversation(July 31, 1941) ...................... 75
(a) Acting Secretary Welles' Report ............................ 75
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report ................................. 75
87. Japan Explains to Germany Its Policy in the Hull-Nomura
Conference ..................................................... 75
88. Tokyo Decides to Continue the Hull-Nomura Conversations ........ 76
89. Ambassador Nomura Consults an American Cabinet Member .......... 77
90. Ambassador Nomura Analyzes American Economic Restrictions
Against Japan .................................................. 77
91. Ambassador Nomura Requests the Assistance of Ambassador Kurusu.. 78
92. Welles-Wakasugi Interview (August 4, 1941) ..................... 78
(a) Acting Secretary Welles Report ............................. 78
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report ................................. 80
PART B—JAPANESE INTELLIGENCE IN DIPLOMATIC MESSAGES ................ 82
93. Japanese Reports from the United States ........................ 82
94. Japanese Reports from the Panama Canal ......................... 83
95. Japanese Reports from Cuba ..................................... 84
96. Japanese Reports from the Philippine Islands ................... 84
97. Japanese Reports from the Hawaiian Islands ..................... 86
PART C—JAPANESE DIPLOMATIC ACTIVITIES THROUGHOUT THE WORLD ......... 87
(a) JAPANESE-AMERICAN RELATIONS .................................... 87
98. Ambassador Nomura Reports Anti-Convoy Feeling in America ....... 87
99. Japanese Reports on World Reaction to President Roosevelt's
Speech of May 27, 1941 ......................................... 87
(a) United States .............................................. 87
(b) Italy ...................................................... 88
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(c) China ...................................................... 88
(d) Portugal ................................................... 88
100. Japanese Scrutinizes Passenger Lists .......................... 89
101. Japanese Speculations as to Entry of the United States into War 89
102. Incidents Disturbing Japanese-American Relations .............. 89
(a) The Okada Incident ........................................ 89
(b) The Tachibana Incident .................................... 90
(c) Restrictions on Gasoline Exports to Japan ................. 90
(d) Compromise of Japanese Codes .............................. 90
(e) American Missionaries in Korea ............................ 91
103. Japan Fears American Seizure of Its Vessels ................... 91
104. Japan Analyzes the Silver Shirts Movement ..................... 95
105. Japan Attempts to Employ American Negroes as Spies ............ 95
106. Rumors of a British-German Peace .............................. 96
107. Japan Reports on American Industrial Expansion ................ 96
108. Japanese Interest in Russian-American Friendship .............. 96
109. Japanese Security Precautions ................................. 96
(b) JAPANESE-MEXICAN RELATIONS ..................................... 98
110. Japan Establishes an Espionage Net in Mexico to Acquire
Intelligence from the United States ........................... 98
111. Japan Seeks Essential Military Supplies in Mexico ............. 99
112. Japanese Apprehension Concerning the Prospective Effects of
the American-Mexican Negotiations ............................. 99
113. Japan Establishes Espionage Routes from the United States to
Mexico ....................................................... 100
114. Japanese Plans to Operate A Secret Radio in Mexico ........... 102
115. Japanese Concern with Mexico's Pro-American Attitude ......... 102
116. Japan Considers the Evacuation of Its Nationals in the United
States ....................................................... 103
117. Japan Attempts to Exert Economic Pressure Against Mexico ..... 103
118. Japanese Reaction to American-Mexican Agreement
(July 15, 1941) .............................................. 104
119. Diplomatic Protection of Japanese Funds in Mexico ............ 104
(c) JAPANESE-SOUTH AMERICAN RELATIONS ............................. 106
120. Japan Acquires Intelligence Concerning the United States ..... 106
121. Alleged American Economic and Political Pressure in South
America ...................................................... 107
(a) Brazil ................................................... 107
(b) Chile .................................................... 108
(c) Argentina ................................................ 108
(d) Ecuador-Peru ............................................. 109
(e) Colombia ................................................. 109
(f) Venezuela ................................................ 109
(d) JAPANESE-BRITISH RELATIONS .................................... 110
122. Japanese Security Precautions ................................ 110
123. Minor Incidents Disrupt Japanese-British Relations ........... 110
124. Japan Recalls Ambassador Shigemitsu from London .............. 111
125. Japanese Interest in British-German Peace Talk ............... 111
126. Japanese Reports on British Shipping ......................... 112
127. Japan Protests British Aid to China .......................... 112
128. Japan's Anxiety Concerning British-Russian Relations ......... 112
129. Britain Inquires About Japanese Attitude Toward the German-
Russian War .................................................. 113
130. Japan Fears British Seizure of Its Ships (July 25, 1941) ..... 113
131. Japan Protests British Reconnaissance in Far East ............ 113
132. Ambassador Craigie Unsuccessfully Urges Japan to Uphold Far
Eastern Peace ................................................ 114
133. Canada Terminates Existing Commercial Treaty With Japan ...... 114
(e) JAPANESE-AXIS RELATIONS ....................................... 115
134. Germany and Italy Explain the Hess Flight .................... 115
135. Japan Suspects a Move for British-German Peace ............... 115
136. Ambassador Oshima Analyzes Germany's Plans ................... 117
137. Ambassador Oshima Rebukes Foreign Minister Matsuoka .......... 117
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138. Germany Attempts to Offset Japanese-American Negotiations .... 118
139. Germany and Italy Disturbed by Japanese-American Negotiations. 118
140. Germany Alleges That Mr. Matsuoka Promised Japan's Aid in a
War Against Russia ........................................... 119
141. Japan Stresses Its Allegiance to Axis ........................ 120
142. Foreign Minister Matsuoka Attempts to Prevent
German-Russian War ........................................... 121
143. Japan Informs Its Diplomats of the Japanese-American
Negotiations ................................................. 122
144. Japan Loses by Economic Collaboration With Germany ........... 122
145. Strengthening of Japanese-German Political Ties .............. 123
146. Japanese-Italian Collaboration ............................... 123
147. Japanese Estimate of German Strength (June 3, 1941) .......... 123
148. Germany Protests Against Criticism by Japanese Press ......... 124
149. Croatia Signs the Tripartite Pact ............................ 124
150. Japan Assists an Axis-Supported Indian Revolutionary ......... 124
151. Germany's Attitude Toward Portugal (June 1941) ............... 124
152. Japan Congratulates Germany on the Fall of Crete ............. 125
153. Vichy Begins to Collaborate with Germany ..................... 125
154. Great Britain Opposes Vichy .................................. 126
155. Japanese Concern Over British Control of Iraq ................ 126
156. Turkey Signs Commercial Agreement with Germany ............... 126
157. Japan Persuades Germany to Eliminate Pro-Chinese German
Officials .................................................... 127
158. German Merchants Seek Chinese Markets ........................ 127
159. Japan Seeks a German-Nanking Commercial Agreement ............ 128
160. Japan Reports a Lull in Japanese-American Negotiations ....... 128
161. Foreign Minister Matsuoka Resigns (July 18, 1941) ............ 128
162. Japan Retaliates Against the American Freezing Order ......... 129
163. Ambassador Oshima Attempts to Change Japan's Policy .......... 129
(f) JAPANESE-RUSSIAN RELATIONS .................................... 130
164. Rumor of Russia Withdrawing Its Troops From German Borders
(May 1941) ................................................... 130
165. Russia Restricts the Transportation of War Materials ......... 130
166. Russia Seeks to Avoid War With Germany ....................... 130
167. European Observers Predict a German-Russian War .............. 131
168. Japanese-Russian Trade Agreement (June 9, 1941) .............. 131
169. Japanese-Russian Agreement as to Boundary Lines
(June 10, 1941) .............................................. 132
170. Russia Supplies Essential Materials to Germany ............... 133
171. Germany's Demands on Russia .................................. 133
172. Japanese Diplomats Urge Russia to Accept German Demands ...... 133
173. German Leaders Warn Japan of the Coming War .................. 134
174. Germany Denies Negotiating with Russia ....................... 134
175. Prospects of an Anglo-Russian Oil Agreement .................. 135
176. Ambassador Tatekawa in Moscow Doubts the Possibility of a
German-Russian War (June 16, 1941) ........................... 135
177. Ambassador Oshima Warns of the Imminence of the Russian-German
War .......................................................... 135
178. Japanese-Russian Financial Relations Remain Stable ........... 136
179. Japan Denies Its Friendly Relations With Russia Have
Inconvenienced Germany ....................................... 136
180. Germany Attacks Russia (June 22, 1941) ....................... 136
181. Japan Assures Germany of Its Support of the Axis ............. 137
182. Japan Investigates a German-British Rapprochement ............ 137
183. Japan Gauges World Reaction to the Russo-German Conflict ..... 138
(a) Great Britain ............................................ 138
(b) United States ............................................ 138
(c) Spain .................................................... 139
(d) Sweden ................................................... 139
(e) Finland .................................................. 139
(f) Manchukuo ................................................ 139
(g) China .................................................... 141
(h) Turkey ................................................... 142
(i) Hungary .................................................. 142
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(j) India .................................................... 142
184. Japan Is Warned of Soviet Strength ........................... 143
185. Russia Seeks Japan's Support of the Neutrality Pact .......... 143
186. Ambassador Tatekawa Urges Support of Neutrality Pact ......... 145
187. Germany Seeks Active Support for the Tripartite Pact ......... 145
188. Japanese Ambassadors in Rome and Berlin Urge Support of
Germany ...................................................... 145
189. Japan Decides Against Intervention in German-Russian War ..... 146
190. Germany Displeased With Japan's Non-Intervention ............. 147
191. Japanese Reports on Progress of Russo-German War ............. 147
(a) Report from Moscow ....................................... 147
(b) Report from Vladivostok .................................. 148
(c) Report from Berlin ....................................... 149
(d) Report from Hsinking, Manchuria .......................... 150
(e) Report from Ankara, Turkey ............................... 151
(f) Report from Stockholm, Sweden ............................ 151
192. Japan Assists in Exchange of Embassy Officials by Belligerent
Powers ....................................................... 151
193. Germany Demands Withdrawal of Polish Diplomats from Tokyo .... 152
194. Japanese-German Trade Continues Through Russia ............... 153
195. Admiral Teijiro Toyoda Becomes Foreign Minister
(July 18, 1941) .............................................. 154
196. Japan Hesitates to Provoke Russia ............................ 154
(g) JAPANESE-FRENCH RELATIONS ..................................... 154
197. France Protests Against Japanese Aggression .................. 154
198. France Begins Collaboration with Germany (June 1941) ......... 155
199. Japan Requests German Aid in Acquiring Indo-Chinese Bases .... 155
200. Japan Requests Germany to Withdraw from French Indo-Chinese
Negotiations ................................................. 156
201. Japan Presses France to Recognize the Nanking Government ..... 156
202. Japan Desires a Joint Defense Treaty for French Indo-China ... 157
203. French Resistance to Japanese Economic Control ............... 157
204. Axis Cooperation in French Indo-China Trade .................. 157
205. Japan Delivers an Ultimatum to France (July 12, 1941) ........ 158
206. Terms of Japanese Ultimatum to France ........................ 158
207. Japan Attempts to Justify Its Ultimatum ...................... 159
208. Japan Points to Secret American and British Agreements ....... 159
209. Tokyo Issued Propaganda in Explanation of Its Action in French
Indo-China ................................................... 160
210. French Foreknowledge of Japanese Plans ....................... 161
211. The Hankow Incident (July 12, 1941) .......................... 161
212. Japanese Policy Towards French Concessions in China .......... 161
213. Japanese Preliminary Demands in Hankow ....................... 162
214. Japan's Final Terms in Hankow Incident ....................... 162
215. Japan's Plans to Use French Indo-China as a Base for Attacks
on Singapore and the East Indies ............................. 163
216. Japan Sets the Date for the Occupation of French Indo-China .. 163
217. Japan Requests Germany and Italy to Recommend to France
Acceptance of Japan's Proposals .............................. 164
218. New Japanese Cabinet Continues Japan's Policy Toward French
Indo-China ................................................... 164
219. Japan Informs Germany of Its Irrevocable Decision to Occupy
French Indo-China ............................................ 164
220. Japan Demands a French Agreement by July 22, 1941 ............ 164
221. Ambassador Kato Learns Unofficial Details of Anticipated
Agreement .................................................... 165
222. Tokyo and Vichy Discuss Details of the Agreement ............. 165
223. France Accepts Japan's Ultimatum (July 21, 1941) ............. 166
224. Ambassador Kato Explains France's Acceptance ................. 166
225. Tokyo Agrees to Accept the French Protocol ................... 167
226. France Begins Pro-Japanese Propaganda ........................ 167
227. Japan Launches a World-Wide Propaganda Campaign .............. 167
228. Japan Refuses to Set a Time Limit on the Occupation of French
Indo-China ................................................... 168
229. Japan and France Sign a Joint Defense Agreement for French
Indo-China ................................................... 168
230. Japan Thanks Germany for Its Assistance ...................... 169
231. British Press Attacks the Japanese Occupation ................ 169
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232. Japan Reorganizes Its Representation in French Indo-China .... 169
233. Japanese Leaders Congratulate French Authorities ............. 169
(h) JAPANESE-CHUNGKING RELATIONS .................................. 170
234. Conflicting Rumors of a Japanese-Chinese Peace ............... 170
235. American and British Aid to China ............................ 170
236. Japan Fears Chungking-Chinese Communist Collaboration ........ 171
237. Japan Safeguards Its Codes and Secret Documents .............. 172
238. Japan Negotiates for Critical Products in China .............. 172
239. Japan Curtails Chungking's Supplies .......................... 173
240. Chinese Reaction to German-Russian War ....................... 173
241. Japanese Report of Divergent Views of Chungking and Chinese
Communists ................................................... 174
242. Japan Decides Not to Occupy Macao ............................ 175
243. Japan Suspects an American-British-Chinese Military Alliance . 175
244. China Joins Anti-Axis Propaganda Association ................. 175
245. Japanese Espionage in China .................................. 176
246. Japan Learns of a Chungking-Chinese Communist Agreement ...... 176
247. President Roosevelt Appoints a Political Adviser to Chiang
Kai-shek ..................................................... 177
248. Japanese Use of Newspapers in China .......................... 178
249. Japan Deals with Its Chinese Allies .......................... 178
250. Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek Reorganizes His Armies ......... 179
251. Effect of the United States' Freezing Order on China ......... 179
252. Japanese Restrictions on Shipping and Travel ................. 180
253. Japan Makes Plans to Conquer Siberia ......................... 180
(i) JAPANESE-NANKING RELATIONS .................................... 180
254. Germans in Nanking Request an Explanation of Japanese-American
Negotiations ................................................. 180
255. Japan is Disturbed by German-Russian-Chungking Communications
Agreement .................................................... 181
256. Japan Prepares a Reception for Mr. Wang Chin Wei ............. 181
257. Germany Recognizes Nanking ................................... 181
258. Italy Recognizes the Nanking Government ...................... 182
259. Chungking Severs Relations with Germany and Italy ............ 182
260. Japan Requests France to Recognize the Nanking Government .... 183
261. Axis-Dominated Countries Recognize Nanking ................... 184
262. Japan Removes Anti-Axis Chinese Diplomats .................... 184
263. Japan Attempts to Win Over Chinese Diplomats from Chungking .. 184
264. Nanking Requests Return of Ambassador Honda .................. 185
265. Japan Controls Nanking's Relations with Germany and Italy .... 185
266. Reorganization of the Nanking Government ..................... 186
267. Formal Installation of Mr. Wang .............................. 186
(j) JAPANESE-NETHERLANDS EAST INDIES RELATIONS .................... 186
268. Japan Attempts Political and Economic Domination of Netherlands
East Indies .................................................. 186
269. Dutch Opposition to a Japanese Order ......................... 187
270. Japan Makes New Proposals to the Dutch ....................... 188
271. Dutch Indignation at Japanese Newspaper Attacks .............. 189
272. Japanese Propaganda in the Netherlands Indies ................ 189
273. The Netherlands Reject the Japanese Proposals (June 6, 1941) . 189
(a) No Special Privileges for Japanese ....................... 189
(b) Restriction of Certain Enterprises to Dutch .............. 190
(c) No Need for Cables ....................................... 190
(d) No Expansion of Coastal Navigation ....................... 190
(e) Dutch Restrictions on Imports Into the Indies and Exports
to Japan ................................................. 191
(f) Netherlands Proposals ..................................... 191
274. Japanese Negotiators Recommend Acceptance of Dutch Proposals . 191
275. Japanese Security Precautions for Diplomatic Codes ........... 192
276. Japan Discriminates Against Dutch Firms ...................... 192
277. Japanese Business Methods in the East Indies ................. 192
278. Japan Foresees the Discontinuance of Negotiations ............ 193
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279. Japan Plans to Publicize the Discontinuance of Its
Negotiations ................................................. 193
280. Japanese Minister in Batavia Protests Against Tokyo's
Procedure .................................................... 194
281. Tokyo Accedes to Minister Daihyo's Request ................... 194
282. The Netherlands East Indies and Japan Issue a Joint Communiqué
(June 17, 1941) .............................................. 194
283. Japan's Urgent Need for Petroleum and Tin .................... 195
284. The Netherland Indies Reduces Shipping to Japan .............. 196
285. Japan Suspects American Support of Netherlands Indies ........ 196
286. Reaction of Netherlands Indies to German-Russian War ......... 197
287. After Effects of Discontinuance of Japanese-Dutch Negotiations 198
288. Netherlands Indies Resent Japanese Intelligence Activities ... 198
289. The Netherlands East Indies Reduces Exports to Japan ......... 199
290. Dutch Reprisals Against Japanese Communications .............. 199
291. Japan Allays Dutch Fears Concerning a Japanese-British War ... 199
292. Japan Releases a Confiscated Cargo ........................... 200
293. The Netherlands Indies Freezes Japanese Funds ................ 200
294. Economic Cooperation of the Netherlands Indies with England
and the United States ........................................ 200
295. Japan Retaliates by Freezing Netherlands Assets .............. 201
296. Japanese Nationals are Evacuated From the Netherlands Indies . 202
297. East Indian Merchants Purchase Japanese Stocks ............... 202
298. Japan is Urged to Further Retaliation Against the Dutch ...... 203
299. Japan Plans to Convert Its Frozen Funds ...................... 203
(k) JAPANESE-THAIESE RELATIONS .................................... 204
300. Japanese Intelligence Reports on Thailand .................... 204
301. Japan Attempts to Acquire Most of Thailand's Exports ......... 204
302. Japan Sends Oil Experts to Thailand in Guise of Diplomats .... 204
303. Japanese-Thaiese Petroleum Negotiations ...................... 205
304. Britain Supplies Oil to Thailand ............................. 205
305. Japan Mediates a Thailand-French Indo-China Dispute .......... 205
306. Thailand Desires Continuation of Japanese Pressure on French
Indo-China ................................................... 206
307. Details of Japanese-Thaiese Agreement ........................ 206
308. Japanese Interest in Survey of Thailand's Border ............. 206
309. Japanese Propaganda Activities in Thailand ................... 203
310. British Opposition to Japanese Control of Thailand's Exports . 207
311. Estimated Value of Japanese-Thaiese Exports .................. 207
312. British-Thaiese Economic Agreement ........................... 207
313. Japan Fears British Influence in Thailand .................... 207
314. American-Thaiese Proposals ................................... 208
315 Japan Plans to Offset British Influence ....................... 208
316. Japan Expands Its Communications System in Thailand .......... 208
317. Japan Informs Thailand of the Japanese-French Agreement ...... 208
318. Japan Decides Not to Stop British-Thaiese Agreement .......... 209
319. Implementation of French-Thaiese Treaty ...................... 209
320. Japanese Interest in Thailand Affected by American-British
Freezing of Funds ............................................ 209
321. Japanese-Thaiese Rice Negotiations ........................... 211
322. Thailand Plans to Recognize Manchukuo ........................ 211
323. Japan Requests a Mutual Exchange of Ambassadors .............. 211
APPENDIX
PART A—HULL-NOMURA CONVERSATIONS .................................. A-1
PART B—JAPANESE INTELLIGENCE IN DIPLOMATIC MESSAGES ............. A-124
PART C-JAPANESE DIPLOMATIC ACTIVITY THROUGHOUT THE WORLD ........ A-146
DoD Comment:
The reader will note that beginning with Volume II an additional Part was added to each of the original Volumes. This new part covers Japanese intelligence activities as reflected in their diplomatic messages. Of particular interest, no doubt, will be the references to espionage in the continental United States and in the Hawaiian Islands.
Following the usual format for the series, the textual portion is based on the Japanese messages. An Appendix contains the actual messages themselves.
1
OUTLINE OF VOLUME II
Part A
Hull-Nomura Conversations.
(a) Secretary Hull's Reports.
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Reports.
Part B
Japanese Intelligence Reports in Diplomatic Messages.
(a) Japanese Reports from the United States.
(b) Japanese Reports from the Panama Canal.
(c) Japanese Reports from Cuba.
(d) Japanese Reports from the Philippine Islands.
(e) Japanese Reports from the Hawaiian Islands.
Part C
Japanese Diplomatic Activities Throughout the World.
(a) Japanese-American Relations.
(b) Japanese-Mexican Relations.
(c) Japanese-South American Relations.
(d) Japanese-British Relations.
(e) Japanese-Axis Relations.
(f) Japanese-Russian Relations.
(g) Japanese-French Relations.
(h) Japanese-Chungking Relations.
(i) Japanese-Nanking Relations.
(j) Japanese-Dutch Relations.
(k) Japanese-Thaiese Relations.
2
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
CHAPTER II
(May 12,1941- August 6, 1941)
PART A—HULL-NOMURA CONVERSATIONS
Consideration of the Japanese Proposal of May 12, 1941 and Interruption of Conversations Following the Movement of Japanese Troops into Indo-China [1].
1. Hull-Nomura Conversation (May 12, 1941).
(a) Secretary Hull's Report. [2]
The Japanese Ambassador called at Secretary Hull's apartment in a very disturbed state because on the preceding day he had given some documents to Mr. Hull by mistake. Requesting that these documents be returned, the Ambassador delivered other papers which contained his official instructions.
To Secretary Hull's inquiry about the change of the provision in the original proposal which had spoken of Japan's keeping out of the South Pacific in a military way, Ambassador Nomura replied that the original statement had restrained Japan alone, but that the proposed modification was designed to impose equal restrictions on all countries. Furthermore, Ambassador Nomura insisted that Japan would not use force in the South Pacific since its sole desire was to keep war out of that whole area. The Secretary of State then inquired whether the three principles expressed by Prime Minister Konoye in December 1938 were the basis for the "New Order" in eastern Asia.
Indicating that both documents which he had just given to Secretary Hull were official, the Japanese Ambassador explained that they had been submitted separately to permit eventual transmission to the press of only the main document, with the explanatory manuscript omitted. Secretary Hull commented that he would receive the papers unofficially and would study them informally before coming to any decision. [3]
One of the two documents handed to the Secretary of State by Ambassador Nomura had already been deciphered in its several versions by United States cryptanalysts; first, when the original Japanese version had been sent to Tokyo for approval on April 13, 1941; second, when sent in English to Tokyo on April 30; [4] third, when it was returned from Tokyo to Washington on May 9; [5] fourth, when it was re-submitted by Ambassador Nomura to Tokyo on May 12; [6] fifth when the final text of the proposal was transmitted in its approved form from Tokyo to Washington. [7]
The other document was an "Oral Explanation" for proposed amendments to the original draft. This had been deciphered by American experts on May 12, 1941. [8] The reader will note the difference between the text of the "Oral Explanation" presented to the American State Department by Ambassador Nomura and the text of the deciphered secret dispatch from
[1] Chapter title taken from the divisional arrangement of the State Department documents in S.D., II, 332.
[2] "Memorandum by the Secretary of State", May 12, 1941, S.D., II, 418-419.
[3] II, Ibid.
[4] Appendix I, 54.
[5] Appendix I, 55-59.
[6] Appendix II, 1-7. Hereafter referred to as II, 1-7.
[7] II, 8-9.
[8] S.D., II, 423-425, II, 10-12.
3
Foreign Minister Matsuoka to Ambassador Nomura. [9] The submitted "Oral Explanation", outlining Japanese activities in the Southwest Pacific area, did not emphasize Mr. Matsuoka's statement that Japan sometimes found it necessary to use armed force in achieving peace. Although stating that Japan desired to settle international questions peacefully, the Foreign Minister said:
In the future developments of the international situation, the Imperial Japanese government, should it ever be provoked beyond endurance, will not be able to avoid exercising military force and that she give a guarantee not to do so would be very difficult. However, regardless of the future developments of this situation, it is very clear that Japan alone could not determine such a course. [10]
The Japanese insisted on making a specific reference, in Section II of the proposal, to Japan's obligations under the Tripartite Pact of military assistance to Germany and Italy. Another proposed change in Section III, dealing with the China affair was said to be in perfect agreement with the ideas expressed by the United States. It referred to the three principles of Prime Minister Konoye:
1. Neighborly friendship.
2. Joint defense against communism;
3. Economic cooperation—by which Japan does not intend to exercise economic monopoly in China nor to demand of China a limitation in the interest of Third Powers. [11]
It was further explained that these principles implied the following:
1. Mutual respect of sovereignty and territories;
2. Mutual respect for the inherent characteristics of each nation cooperating as good neighbors and forming a Far Eastern nucleus contributing to world peace;
3. Withdrawal of Japanese troops from Chinese territory in accordance with an agreement to be concluded between Japan and China
4. No annexation, no indemnities;
5. Independence of Manchukuo. [12]
According to the Japanese proposal, the United States was to promise secretly to discontinue aid to Chiang Kai-shek, if he refused to enter into negotiations for peace with Japan. Furthermore, the Japanese wished to delete the prohibition against a large-scale Japanese immigration into Chinese territory on the grounds that the Japanese people might consider that America was dictating Japanese immigration policy concerning China, as it had always done with reference to the United States. However, despite its demand for the deletion of this clause, the Japanese government fully understood and accepted its true meaning and purpose.
The Japanese proposal left naval, aerial, and mercantile marine relations in the Pacific for further discussion until an "understanding" had been reached and the diplomatic situation had become clear. The suggestion that naval squadrons from each country pay a courtesy visit to the other nation would be considered in the future as a separate proposal. Another Japanese change would omit, until a full "understanding" had been reached, the proposal that the United States grant Japan a gold credit.
An important deletion was made by the Japanese of a phrase indicating that Japan would carry on activities in the Southwestern Pacific by peaceful means "without resorting to arms". This was deleted as inappropriate and unnecessarily critical because, according to the Japanese, the peaceful policy of Japan had long been evident.
[9] II, 10-12.
[10] II, 11.
[11] S.D., II, 423-425, II, 12.
[12] II, Ibid.
4
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
An agreement to restrict future transfers of territories in the Far East was omitted because Japan claimed that it would involve military and treaty obligations requiring complicated legislative procedure in both countries. For the same reason, a statement referring to the independence of the Philippine Islands was also altered. The phrase—"and to the Southwestern Pacific area"—was omitted from a discussion of Japanese immigration because the Japanese felt that this question should be solved by direct negotiations with authorities in that area. Japan desired the proposal for the holding of a conference to be deleted since it felt that it would be more desirable to estimate first the effects of the "understanding". Announcement of the joint acceptance of the "understanding" would be drafted in Tokyo and cabled to Washington for approval. [13]
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report. [14]
Ambassador Nomura's secret report of this interview recorded Secretary Hull's request for a formal explanation of the three basic principles of Prime Minister Konoye. The Japanese Ambassador asked Tokyo to modify his instructions so as to permit him to explain these principles advantageously. [15] Ambassador Nomura mentioned his efforts to assure Secretary Hull that Japan had no aggressive ambitions in the Southwest Pacific. When asked by Mr. Hull why one of the provisions of his original document had been changed, Ambassador Nomura had replied that the modification had been made simply to avoid restrictions on Japan alone, since the original proposal permitted other countries to act freely in that area. This statement agreed with Secretary Hull's report of Ambassador Nomura's reply. [16] The Secretary of State then remarked to Ambassador Nomura that every precaution was being taken to ensure the secrecy of their conversations. [17]
2. Revisions of the Japanese Proposal.
For a day or two after Foreign Minister Matsuoka had sent to Washington the final, approved version of Ambassador Nomura's original proposal, suggestions for interpretation of the meaning and changes in the document kept arriving from Tokyo. One message requested that it be made clear that the attitude of the United States government toward the European War, as stated in the proposal, merely represented a declaration of attitude on the part of the American government and was not to imply Japanese approval of that attitude. [18]
Changes in important passages, [19] coding mistakes, [20] and omissions of important sentences [21] indicated that Foreign Minister Matsuoka had some reasons for claiming that Tokyo could not proceed as hastily as Ambassador Nomura had desired.
Ambassador Nomura was disturbed at the many requests from Tokyo for minor and major changes in the so-called approved version of the proposal which he had already handed to Secretary Hull, for he now asked Mr. Matsuoka to limit all further instructions to only major matters and to permit him to exercise his own discretion on all minor details. [22] Stressing the
[13] S.D., II, 423-425, II, 10.
[14] II, 13.
[15] II, Ibid.
[16] S.D., II, 418-419, II, 8.
[17] II, 14.
[18] II, 16.
[19] II, 17-18.
[20] II, 19, 22.
[21] II, 23-25.
[22] II, 26.
5
gratitude of all Japanese diplomats in Washington for the support given by the Foreign Minister to the "understanding", Ambassador Nomura stated that since only President Roosevelt, Mr. Hull, and Postmaster General Walker were aware of the contents of the negotiations, it would be disadvantageous to create the impression that Japan had not entered the discussions well prepared. Ambassador Nomura remarked:
If we continue to submit minor revisions from time to time, I am afraid that the United States may get the impression that we have entered into this business without being too well prepared. This naturally, reflects upon my integrity and may give rise to doubts in the other parties concerned as to my sincerity. This could lead the negotiations into a failure. [23]
Foreign Minister Matsuoka, replying two days later that he had carefully noted Ambassador Nomura's request, proceeded to order several more changes in the proposal. However, he did grant to the Japanese Ambassador permission to make the changes whenever a favorable opportunity arose. [24]
3. Ambassador Nomura Attempts to Restrain Mr. Matsuoka.
A bluntly worded telegram from Foreign Minister Matsuoka was received by Ambassador Nomura on May 13, 1941. Intended for delivery to Secretary of State Hull, it stressed that Japan had entered the current negotiations only on the premises that, first, the United States would not enter the European war, and second, that the United States would agree to advise Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek to make peace with Japan as quickly as possible. [25]
Ambassador Nomura replied that no official negotiations had begun as yet, since all discussions that had occurred so far were "off the record" private conversations. Pointing out that he had directed all his efforts to achieving the two points mentioned by Foreign Minister Matsuoka, the Japanese Ambassador warned that the presentation of this dispatch to Secretary Hull would interfere with the establishment of the "understanding". Ambassador Nomura asked that the Foreign Minister approve of his withholding the message since he intended to bring up the subjects mentioned by Mr. Matsuoka at an opportune moment during one of his conversations with Mr. Hull. [26]
4. Hull-Nomura Conversation (May 14,1941)
(a) Secretary Hull's Report. [27]
Ambassador Nomura called at Secretary Hull's hotel apartment on May 14, 1941 to deliver a proposed amendment to the original draft under discussion. [28] The Japanese Ambassador had nothing to say about the points at issue except to stress that there was no danger to the United States from a war in Europe. When Secretary Hull emphasized the necessity of self-defense on the part of the United States, Ambassador Nomura replied that the United States, in the opinion of Japan, would not be in danger.
Repeating some points from his speech of April 24, 1941 to the American Society of International Law, the Secretary of State declared that the United States would be in great jeopardy if Chancellor Hitler's plan to attack South America proceeded unimpeded. According to Mr. Hull, the Japanese Ambassador was impressed with his statements since Ambassador Nomura responded that only a few individuals and small groups among the Japanese wanted war with the United States.
[23] II, Ibid.
[24] II, 27-28.
[25] II, 29.
[26] II, 30.
[27] "Memorandum by Secretary of State", May 14, 1941, S.D., II, 425-426.
[28] S.D., II, 426.
6
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
Ambassador Nomura brought up the difficult problem of reconciling the attitude of the United States towards the European war with Japan's obligations to Germany and Italy under the Tripartite Pact. Commenting that Ambassador Nomura was probably aware from newspaper stories that Ambassador Grew had called upon Mr. Matsuoka, who had been rather offensive during the visit in his references to the United States, [29] Mr. Hull said that he knew Mr. Matsuoka was a politician, who was addicted to the use of bluffing language. However, there was still some uncertainty as to whether or not the Foreign Minister would hinder or defeat further conferences in regard to peace. Ambassador Nomura agreed that Mr. Matsuoka was very much a politician, but denied that the Foreign Minister was powerful enough to defeat the purpose of their conversations. [30]
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report. [31]
According to Ambassador Nomura, the conversation of May 14, 1941 was quite pleasant throughout. Secretary Hull implied that a preliminary understanding with China and England would be necessary before the China affair could be settled. In a discussion of American self-defense, the Japanese Ambassador stated that since America was completely safe from invasion, it was difficult for the Japanese people to understand why so many in the United States desired to enter the war. The Secretary of State answered that his speech to the American Society of International Law, on April 24, 1941, expressed his own views concerning the dangers to America. An attack on South America would be one of Chancellor Hitler's first objectives after he had successfully conquered the rest of Europe. Chancellor Hitler would have to control the seas to do this, but there was always a possibility that an English Quisling would surrender the British navy to the Germans.
Ambassador Nomura reminded Secretary Hull that England had promised not to turn over its navy to the Germans under any circumstances, but Mr. Hull countered by recalling that though France had made similar promises, Darlan and Laval seemed to be ready to transfer the French fleet to Germany. Since there was a possibility of the British navy being turned over to the Germans, it was absolutely necessary for the United States to aid the Churchill government, not merely to protect democracy as a whole, but to protect the United States itself. According to Secretary Hull, it seemed to be Japan's policy to prevent the United States from aiding Britain, even if this meant war, for Foreign Minister Matsuoka had actually threatened war in his conversation with Ambassador Grew.
Ambassador Nomura then asked if the flight of Rudolph Hess to Scotland had any implications of peace, but Secretary Hull, replying that he knew of no such motives, stated that the flight was an indication to him of the German government's deterioration. (See Part C-Japanese-Axis Relations, Section 134.)
Despite the assurances of Ambassador Nomura, Secretary Hull was not convinced that the Japanese had given up hope of a southward expansion. The Secretary of State pointed out that Chancellor Hitler had been signing treaties only to break them ever since 1933, and many another treaty-makers in history had broken pacts to suit his convenience.
Ambassador Nomura concluded his report by urging the Japanese government to make every effort to convince Secretary of State Hull of its sincere intentions. Ambassador Nomura's position at this point in the negotiations is best expressed in his own words:
[29] See Section 5-(Ambassador Grew Interviews Mr. Matsuoka).
[30] S.D., II, 426.
[31] II, 31-33.
7
I firmly believe that we should enter into this Understanding while the United States is interested in the proposition and before any outside interference enters into it. Towards this end, I am making every possible effort. All the persons concerned in this matter are of the same opinion. [32]
5. Ambassador Grew Interviews Mr. Matsuoka. [33]
The interview of Ambassador Grew with Mr. Matsuoka had been marked by the belligerent attitude of the Japanese Foreign Minister who insisted that America's convoying of ships to Great Britain would certainly lead to war with Germany. According to Mr. Matsuoka, a neutrality zone in the Atlantic or any other ocean was contrary to international law, and Chancellor Hitler, who desired to avoid war, so far had shown great "patience and generosity" in not declaring war on the United States. Mr. Matsuoka doubted, however, that the German leader could exercise patience indefinitely.
If Germany sank American ships in the Atlantic, and if the United States then attacked German submarines, this would be an act of American aggression which would call into question the application of the Tripartite Pact. There was no doubt in Mr. Matsuoka's mind that war would then ensue between Japan and the United States. According to the Japanese Foreign Minister, the issue was exclusively in the hands of President Roosevelt, and he felt that the "manly, decent, and reasonable thing" for the United States to do was to declare war openly on Germany, instead of engaging in actual war under cover of neutrality.
When Ambassador Grew emphatically resented this statement concerning the "decent thing" to do, Mr. Matsuoka agreed to withdraw it, and when Mr. Grew reminded him that Japan had attacked China without a declaration of war, the Foreign Minister, remarking that the situations were entirely different, changed the subject. Each allegation of Mr. Matsuoka was answered in turn by Ambassador Grew who reminded him that far from breaking international law, the United States was determined to maintain the freedom of the seas against Germany's illegal submarine warfare. However, both Mr. Matsuoka and Mr. Grew finally agreed that further debate was useless, since a meeting of minds was impossible.
Mr. Grew discussed Japan's policy in the South Pacific, and stressed the fact that despite the assurances of Japan concerning its peaceful intentions, many highly placed Japanese were openly advocating the use of force. Mr. Matsuoka, deploring the use of a policy of force as well as anti-foreign agitation in Japan, stated that his government was about to ban publication of this type of propaganda for Japan was determined to carry out the southward advance by peaceful measures, "unless circumstances render this impossible". Answering a query concerning the circumstances he had in mind, the Foreign Minister indicated that the British were concentrating troops in Malaya. Though assured that this movement was simply a defense measure by the British, Mr. Matsuoka replied that the Japanese people considered the action provocative. If the Japanese public became further disturbed, pressure might be brought on the government to act.
Ambassador Grew explained that the United States was determined to support Great Britain; therefore, it could not complacently watch the destruction of the British lifeline from the East. In view of this, there was potential danger in the statement that Japan's peaceful intentions depended on "circumstances". Ambassador Grew regretted the negative aspect of current Japanese-American relations since he had hoped to establish something constructive, but the recent change of Japanese policy had made this impossible. Mr. Matsuoka replied that he was hopeful of establishing strong relations in the future, but that everything now depended on one man, President Roosevelt. Ambassador Grew ended the conversation by saying that, henceforth, Japan's relations with the United States would depend upon Japanese actions rather than words.
[32] II, 33.
[33] "Telegram: Ambassador to Japan (Grew) to Secretary of State", May 14, 1941, 5 P.M. (Received May 14, 9:55 A.M.) S.D., II, 145-148.
8
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
Immediately after the interview Ambassador Grew received a personal letter, written in the Foreign Minister's own hand, apologizing for his misuse of an English word in referring to America's aid to England. Intending to say "indiscretion", instead he had said "indecent" in remarking that he hoped the American government would be more cautious and careful in its actions. [34]
6. Hull-Nomura Conversation (May 16, 1941).
(a) Secretary Hull's Report. [35]
The Japanese Ambassador, accompanied by Colonel Hideo Iwakuro, Assistant Military Attaché, and Mr. Katsuzo Okumura, Second Secretary of the Japanese Embassy, called at Secretary Hull's apartment on May 16, 1941 at his request. Mr. Hull outlined the main points of an informal and unofficial oral statement, which he later handed to Ambassador Nomura. [36]
This oral statement declared that though there had been no time for a careful study of the proposals of the Japanese government, certain preliminary comments could be made. The American government understood that the purpose of the discussions with the Japanese Ambassador was to work out a formula whereby both countries would pledge themselves to preserve peace in the Pacific. In regard to the European war, the United States considered aid to Great Britain as an essential part of its program for self-defense. It was expected that a formula satisfactory to both Japan and the United States could be achieved for the European area, and certain suggestions for accomplishing this agreement were made.
Expressing the opinion that a treaty based on the principles of the submitted proposal could be arrived at by China and Japan, the oral statement suggested that the points contained in the official Japanese explanation of the proposal be included in the proposal itself. A request was made by the State Department that President Roosevelt be allowed to give Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, in confidence, advance notice of the basic terms by which China and Japan might agree to a peace settlement. Another provision, making Section V of the proposal applicable to both Japan and the United States in limiting their economic activities to peaceful penetration, was acceptable to the American government. [37]
During the course of the conversation on May 16, 1941 Ambassador Nomura asked Secretary Hull whether the United States might enter the European war, even if its territory were not attacked. Secretary Hull replied that it would be necessary for any country to act in self-defense against an aggressor who followed its announced purpose of unlimited conquest of other nations. Aid to Britain was an act of self-defense on the part of the United States, and any other actions would depend upon the measures of defense considered essential by the military authorities of the United States.
Ambassador Nomura emphasized Japan's desire for peaceful relations with the United States, though he indicated that it might be called upon to perform certain obligations to the Axis. Secretary Hull reiterated his remarks concerning the attitude of the United States in the matter of self-defense, and indicated that the Japanese would feel the same as the American people under similar circumstances.
[34] II, Ibid., 148.
[35] "Memorandum of a conversation", by Joseph W. Ballantine, Foreign Service Officer, detailed to the Department on special consultation, S.D., II, 427-428.
[36] "Informal and unofficial oral statement handed by the Secretary of State to the Japanese Ambassador (Nomura)", on May 16, 1941, S.D., II, 428-434.
[37] II, Ibid., 430.
9
Ambassador Nomura requested that the United States suggest to China at the earliest possible moment that it enter into negotiations with Japan for peace. Secretary Hull remarked that once the preliminary points had been cleared, the remainder of the proposal could be considered very rapidly. Concerning the question of Japan and China's joint defense against communism and the recognition of Manchuria, Mr. Hull declared that if China and Japan could reach an agreement on the other points, there would be little trouble in solving these difficulties.
The Secretary of State, mentioning the revision of Section V of the Japanese proposal, expressed the hope that other countries could be brought in to develop the economic activity of the Southwest Pacific area in a manner similar to the free trade program in South America. Then Mr. Hull, suggesting that Ambassador Nomura might wish to study the newly received American oral statement, stated that he would be ready to see the Japanese Ambassador at any time. Neither Ambassador Nomura nor his companions said anything concerning the oral statement, since they had had no opportunity to examine it. [38]
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report.
Either no specific report of this meeting was transmitted by Ambassador Nomura, or such a dispatch was not intercepted. However, Ambassador Nomura's report on the conversation of May 28, 1941 mentions a meeting on May 16, 1941. (See Part A—Section 15(b)).
7. Axis Nations Notified of Hull-Nomura Conversations.
Ambassador Nomura was notified by Foreign Minister Matsuoka, on May 15, 1941, that since Germany and Italy would be affected by the proposed "understanding" between Japan and the United States, the German and Italian Ambassadors in Tokyo had been told of the Hull-Nomura conversations in a general way. [39] The utmost secrecy had been sought because of the delicate nature of the negotiations, which Japan declared had been originated by the United States, and the Axis Ambassadors had been warned to divulge this information only to Chancellor Hitler, Premier Mussolini, and their Foreign Ministers. The Japanese Ambassadors in Germany and Italy had also been told of the nature of these discussions, and all those informed had been requested to exercise every precaution in guarding against publicity leaks. (See Part C—(e) Japanese-Axis Relations, Sections 137-139.)
Mr. Matsuoka told Ambassador Nomura that it was necessary to put in writing the Japanese requests to the United States to stay out of war and to promote peace between China and Japan. [40] This had been the subject of a previous exchange between Foreign Minister Matsuoka and Ambassador Nomura. [41]
8. Mr. Matsuoka Disavows Threats to Ambassador Grew.
It will be recalled that Secretary Hull had discussed with Ambassador Nomura a report of a meeting between Foreign Minister Matsuoka and Ambassador Grew, [42] who had commented on the truculence of the Foreign Minister's remarks in declaring that Japan would enter the war, if America attacked Germany. Mr. Matsuoka now sent word to Ambassador Nomura that he had neither the intention nor cause to threaten or intimidate Ambassador Grew, and, in addition, he had replied to Ambassador Grew's questions in a conversational tone. According
[38] II, Ibid., 428.
[39] 34.
[40] II, Ibid.
[41] "See Section 3 - (Ambassador Nomura Attempts to Restrain Mr. Matsuoka).
[42] See Section 5 - (Ambassador Grew Interviews Mr. Matsuoka).
10
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
to Mr. Matsuoka, the American Ambassador was easily excited and quite hard of hearing, and possibly he had misunderstood the Foreign Minister. The Japanese Ambassador was asked to explain this matter to Secretary Hull. [43]
9. American Newspaper Divulges Points of Hull-Nomura Conversations.
Ambassador Nomura reported to Tokyo on May 16, 1941 that the New York Herald Tribune of this date carried an article from Tokyo with the headline "Japan Asks the United States to Mediate Sino-Japanese Conflict". It revealed that a Japanese-American "understanding" had been presented to American authorities in Washington. [44]
According to Ambassador Nomura's report, the article stated that the United States was to help settle the China incident; America recognized Japanese leadership in China; Japan guaranteed the non-use of military force in the Southwest in return for American recognition of Japan's right to carry on economic activity in that area; Japan would agree to deal with Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, contrary to its previous declaration, and would permit a third power to mediate the China incident; Japan was to clarify its intentions with regard to its place in the Southwest Pacific, and promised not to take hostile measures against the United States. The article declared that the China incident probably would be settled, but because of various circumstances an "understanding" between Japan and the United States was impossible. [45]
Foreign Minister Matsuoka promptly confirmed the accuracy of the report, and ascribed the publicity leak to Japanese inhabitants of New York who had reported their suspicions to financial circles in Tokyo. Mr. Matsuoka emphasized his desire to check these leaks, and requested Ambassador Nomura to do likewise. [46]
10. Hull-Nomura Conversation (May 20, 1941).
(a) Secretary Hull's Report. [47]
Ambassador Nomura, accompanied by Colonel Iwakuro and Mr. Tadao Wikawa, an officer of the Cooperative Bank of Japan, visited Secretary Hull at his apartment on the evening of May 20, 1941. Mr. Ballantine and Mr. Maxwell M. Hamilton, Chief of the Division of Far Eastern Affairs for the State Department, were also present. To a question from Secretary Hull concerning the prospects of the proposal under discussion, Ambassador Nomura replied that since the Japanese Army, Navy, Foreign Office, and Cabinet had approved the document, it had been referred to the Emperor.
Stating that if the proposal failed he would be very much embarrassed, Ambassador Nomura implied that he had assured his government of the United States' agreement to the proposal. Asking that the proposal be viewed in a general way rather than criticized for its technicalities, Ambassador Nomura pointed out that there was no essential difference between his original proposal and the draft which had been finally approved by his government.
The Secretary of State remarked that there were two points in regard to China which would have to be discussed; first, the "joint defense against communism", and second, the stationing of Japanese troops in certain parts of Chinese territory. He did not wish to discuss the merits of the two points but would like to know on what basis Japan proposed to negotiate so that when
[43] II, 35.
[44] II, 36.
[45] II, 37.
[46] II, 38.
[47] "Memorandum of a conversation", May 20, 1941, by Joseph W. Ballantine, S.D., II, 434-437.
11
the United States approached Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek with its proposal for peace with Japan, some information could be given to the Chinese government. [48]
Colonel Iwakuro expressed his surprise at this question since he believed that the objective of the discussion was peace in the Pacific between the United States and Japan, with the China affair concerning only China and Japan. Mr. Hull agreed that the principal objective was peace in the Pacific, but emphasized that a treaty between Japan and China was essential to this peace. Mr. Hamilton remarked that public opinion was necessary for the success of all treaties, and if it were first agreed that Japanese troops would be withdrawn from China, and then another provision allowed Japanese troops to remain for "defense against communism", unfavorable publicity would arise.
Denying that troops would be retained all over China, Colonel Iwakuro foresaw no difficulty with Chinese authorities in keeping Japanese troops along the northern border since Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek would be very willing to cooperate in restraining Chinese Communists. Furthermore, the term "joint defense against communism" had been a slogan in Japanese-Chinese relations for years, and, consequently, it would be impossible for Japan to abandon it in its negotiations with China. In dealing with the United States, however, Japan might agree, after further study, to use broader language in discussing this point.
As for the wording of Section III of the proposal, the Secretary of State pointed out that if the principles of Prime Minister Konoye were enumerated as the Japanese desired, the term "joint defense against communism" would have to be included. On the other hand, Colonel Iwakuro remarked that if no specific principles were mentioned when accepting Prince Konoye's ideas, the proposal would thereby endorse the destruction of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek and the creation of a "New Order in East Asia", which Prince Konoye had also desired. However, the Japanese agreed to study the whole question further when the suggestion was made that "inimical foreign ideologies" could be substituted for the phrase "joint defense against communism".
Referring to Section V, "Activities of the Two Countries in the Southwest Pacific Area", Mr. Hull asked whether it would not be helpful from a Japanese point of view to recognize the right of a country to protect itself under international law, though qualifying the right to permit no occasion for acts of aggression. Colonel Iwakuro rejected this suggestion as merely confusing.
According to Mr. Hull, the proposed agreement would be strengthened if it emphasized that its central purpose was peace in the Pacific. When the Japanese pointed out that the first section of their proposal already conveyed this impression, Secretary Hull suggested that for the sake of emphasis all references to peace in the Pacific should be gathered together in one place in the document. This would impress the people of all nations with the fact that peace was to reign in the Pacific; thus, businessmen would feel confident in commencing financial and commercial operations in the Southwest Pacific. The Japanese agreed to study this matter, and the meeting was adjourned until the following evening. [49]
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report. [50]
On May 19, 1941 Ambassador Nomura sent an interim report to Mr. Matsuoka which stated that while trying to discover the American government's intentions through undercover channels, he was continuing his conversations with Secretary Hull. Declaring that the current diplomatic situation revolved around aid to Britain by the United States, Japan's relations to
[48] II, Ibid.
[49] II, Ibid.
[50] II, 39.
12
its Axis partners, the China incident, and the southward expansion of Japan, Ambassador Nomura indicated that there were considerable differences of opinion between the two nations and that there was no room for too much optimism. [51]
In his report on the conversation of May 20, 1941, Ambassador Nomura stressed his belief that Japan should support fully Secretary Hull's economic policy for the Far East, since Japan would profit from such economic development. According to the Japanese Ambassador, after the flight of Herr Rudolph Hess to England, talk of peace had cropped up in Paris and in Vichy, and also among the anti-war minority in the United States. Furthermore, Secretary Hull had remarked that if the "understanding" pact were established, it would be a step in the direction of permanent peace in the Pacific, and it would lead to the achievement of world-wide peace. [52]
11. Hull-Nomura Conversation (May 21, 1941.)
(a) Secretary Hull's Report. [53]
Ambassador Nomura, accompanied by Colonel Iwakuro and Mr. Wikawa, called at Secretary Hull's apartment on the evening of May 21, 1941 to continue the conversation which had been adjourned on the preceding evening. Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Ballantine were also present.
Secretary Hull outlined his experience of eight years in dealing with Latin American countries. A long tradition of distrust had to be dispelled by the determined effort of the United States to build up the good will and confidence of its neighbors without the use of force; thus, in a similar manner, Japan could exert a similar influence for good in the regions of Asia.
As for evacuating Japanese troops from China over a period of time, Secretary Hull thought that it would be feasible to utilize the seasoned troops of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek in protecting areas where the interests of foreigners were involved. Mr. Hull emphasized that he was not urging the merit of this proposal, but was only raising the question for consideration.
The Secretary of State again asked that the document under discussion be so phrased that its central purpose of peace in the Pacific could not be misinterpreted by anyone. It should be so clear and unequivocal that it would necessitate no explanation by its sponsors. A tentative draft of Section VI, which spoke of peace in the Pacific, was then drawn up to meet the approval of both sides after the Japanese had objected, on the grounds that it indicated American suspicion of Japan, to a previous provision which stated that action taken to protect national interests under international law was not to be made the occasion for aggression.
At the suggestion of Mr. Hull, the Japanese oral statement of May 12, 1941 was now labeled "Annex and Supplement". When the Japanese were asked for permission to incorporate excerpts from Mr. Hull's speech of April 24,1941 into the "Annex and Supplement" to clarify the United States' interpretation of self-defense, Mr. Wikawa expressed his belief that the American government's oral statement in which Mr. Hull's speech was included had been withdrawn.
After Mr. Hamilton replied that the oral statement had not been canceled, Colonel Iwakuro asked why such a simple "understanding" had to be so elaborately documented. Mr. Hull answered that it would be helpful to both sides to clarify the American attitude on the question of self-defense, adding that Mr. Matsuoka had commented favorably to Ambassador Grew on the speech. The Japanese reached no decision in the course of this conversation as to whether or not they would object to the insertion of Secretary Hull's remarks in the "Annex and Supplement".
[51] II, 40.
[52] "Memorandum of a conversation", May 21, 1941, by Joseph W. Ballantine. S.D., II. 437-439.
[53] II, Ibid.
13
Mr. Hamilton then questioned a reference in Section III to the Wang Ching-wei treaties, remarking that the United States had not recognized this regime and pointing out that the treaties mentioned were inconsistent with the principles which both the United States and Japan were ready to accept in the "understanding". Colonel Iwakuro declared that the Wang Ching-wei treaties were a practical application of the Konoye principles; thus, references to them clarified the position of the Japanese nation. Non-recognition of the Wang Ching-wei regime should not militate against a reference to the treaties, and in any case the "understanding" was a confidential document to which the United States would not have to refer in discussing the affair with the Chinese.
Mr. Hamilton pointed out, however, that the United States could not enter into any secret arrangements since such matters would be bound to be known after a few weeks. It was then decided to allow further study on the part of all concerned so that differences could be reconciled at the next discussion. [54]
Two days later, Ambassador Nomura delivered to the Secretary of State some changes which he desired to have made in his confidential memorandum of May 12, 1941. [55] It will be recalled that Foreign Minister Matsuoka sent these revisions to Ambassador Nomura shortly after the delivery of the principal document on May 12, 1941, but Ambassador Nomura had requested permission to withhold them until an opportune moment occurred.
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report
Ambassador Nomura made no special report on this conversation. However, on May 29, 1941, he submitted a composite report of several talks with Secretary Hull, including the conversation of May 21, 1941, which the reader will find in Section 15(b).
12. Foreign Minister Matsuoka Rebukes Ambassador Nomura.
Ambassador Nomura was reprimanded severely on May 24, 1941, by Foreign Minister Matsuoka. Unfortunately, most of the dispatch from Tokyo was not intercepted by American cryptanalysts so that all the reasons for Mr. Matsuoka's displeasure could not be ascertained. However, it appeared that Foreign Minister Matsuoka had received secret intelligence to the effect that Secretary Hull believed Mr. Matsuoka to be hostile toward the American-Japanese discussions for peace. According to Mr. Matsuoka, there were indications that Secretary Hull had received this impression in part from a conversation with the Japanese Ambassador. The Foreign Minister ordered Ambassador Nomura to reassure Secretary Hull immediately of Mr. Matsuoka's great desire for amity between Japan and the United States, and of his purpose to devise some method of stopping the horror of war which threatened to lead civilization into chaos. [56]
In his reply, Ambassador Nomura expressed his shocked surprise at the reprimand from his Foreign Minister, which he considered to be baseless. [57] Judging from his response to Mr. Matsuoka, some parts of the rebuke must have dealt with a discussion of Japanese diplomatic procedure, for Ambassador Nomura gave the details of his statements to President Roosevelt and Secretary Hull concerning the operations of Japanese diplomacy. According to Ambassador Nomura, Japanese diplomacy was the responsibility of the Foreign Minister, although important army and navy questions having great bearing on diplomatic policy were handled
[54] II, Ibid.
[55] "Statement handed by the Japanese Ambassador (Nomura) to the Secretary of State on May 23, 1941", S.D., II, 439 440.
[56] II, 41.
[57] II, 42.
14
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
in cooperation with the army and naval ministers. The Prime Minister of Japan also had a great deal of influence, and many Japanese officials and citizens of great ability advised the Foreign Minister. Both the Foreign Minister of Japan and the Secretary of State in the United States held similar positions.
Summing up the situation, Ambassador Nomura disavowed the intelligence in the hands of the Foreign Minister by stating:
Now, should I have voiced erroneous statements which in themselves are incredible, then by that fact alone I deserve punishment. Had I, as a military man, made any such statement, after it be proven, I believe that I should not be permitted to continue my existence. I am convinced that I have absolutely made no such statement. And as far as the Secretary of State is concerned, I do not believe by any stretch of the imagination that he labors under any misunderstanding. However, as you have requested in your wire, I shall outdo myself in extending my best efforts.
Regardless of the impressions imparted by newspaper dispatches from Japan, I am quite cognizant of Your Excellency's fundamental feelings with regard to the Japan-American question, and do not entertain a single doubt with regard to it. I have even told the Secretary of State as much one or two times. [58]
Mr. Matsuoka seemingly accepted Ambassador Nomura's explanation as to the part played by newspaper dispatches from Japan in creating the erroneous impression that the Foreign Minister was hostile to America. In asking Ambassador Nomura to clear up the matter as quickly as possible, Mr. Matsuoka requested also that the Japanese Ambassador try to ascertain the source of this misinformation. [59]
Though Ambassador Nomura stated that he had informed Secretary Hull of Foreign Minister Matsuoka's friendly feelings with regard to the Japanese-American question, Secretary Hull's memorandum concerning his conversation with the Japanese Ambassador records his impression, received from Ambassador Nomura, that Mr. Matsuoka was a politician who frequently spoke in reckless fashion to evoke popular support of his policy. [60]
13. Japan Seizes American Goods En route to Chungking.
Ambassador Nomura reported to his superiors on May 28, 1941 that American newspapers were publicizing the Japanese seizure of American goods in China, which had been destined for Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek. The American press believed that the Axis nations were about to exert economic pressure in unison, and so Ambassador Nomura now inquired concerning the procedure which the Japanese government intended to follow. [61]
14. Radio Address of President Roosevelt (May 27, 1941). [62]
President Roosevelt's speech of May 27, 1941, had been very mild in its treatment of Japan. No direct reference was made to Japan by name and the China affair had been touched upon very lightly. Since the Japanese Ambassador knew that there was considerable difference of opinion among the American Cabinet members concerning the contents of this speech, which had been conveyed to them before its delivery, he reported his conviction that President Roosevelt, despite his determination to carry out every essential measure of self-defense, was anxious to avoid provocation and desired to have the Japanese-United States negotiations continue. [63]
[58] II, Ibid.
[59] II, 43.
[60] S.D., II, 391, 412-413, 416. "The Ambassador not only did not take issue with anything I [Secretary Hull] had said, but I felt that he was really in harmony with the statements I made about Matsuoka".
[61] II, 44.
[62] Printed in Department of State Bulletin. May 31, 1941, (Volume IV, No. 101), 647.
[63] II, 45.
15
15. Hull-Nomura Conversation (May 28, 1941). [64]
(a) Secretary Hull's Report.
The Japanese Ambassador called at Secretary Hull's apartment on the evening of May 28, 1941. According to Secretary Hull, the Japanese Ambassador was misinformed in considering that Secretary Hull had spoken in a derogatory manner of Mr. Matsuoka's position in the Japanese government. Mr. Hull denied saying anything of this nature to any one. It will be recalled that Foreign Minister Matsuoka had just severely reprimanded Ambassador Nomura because he had learned from a secret source that Secretary Hull had an unfavorable impression concerning him.
Speaking of the difficulty arising from the divergent attitude of Japan and the United States toward the European war, Secretary Hull pointed out that Mr. Matsuoka had continually stressed Japan's obligations under the Tripartite Pact to support Germany in the event of America's entry into the war. Thus, unless Japan cleared up this difficulty, American critics of the "understanding" could point out that there was no assurance as to Japan's position toward Hitler, if the United States went to war to maintain the freedom of the seas.
Ambassador Nomura replied that though Mr. Matsuoka talked principally for home consumption in Japan, the Foreign Minister wanted peace with the United States. Once the "understanding" was achieved, the influence of Japanese extremists would be weakened, since the Japanese people were desirous of trading with the whole world. American embargoes had made the Japanese seek the control of an economic bloc, but normal trade relations would be more desirable.
Secretary Hull agreed that Ambassador Nomura and many of his associates were anxious for friendly relations, but he asked the Japanese government to clarify officially the points he had raised. Ambassador Nomura pointed out that it would be extremely difficult for the Japanese government to add anything to the submitted proposal, since the Japanese government had to deal with Germany and Italy as well as with the pro-Axis group at home. However, Japan would make independent decisions in interpreting the Tripartite Pact.
To Secretary Hull's inquiry concerning Japan's plans for withdrawal of its troops from China, Ambassador Nomura, answering that this would have to be negotiated by the Japanese and Chinese governments, indicated that two years would pass before complete evacuation would be effected. However, Japanese troops retained in China for joint defense against communistic activities would not be evacuated, and he did not know the number of troops that would be involved or the areas in which they would operate.
Remarking that the retention of Japanese troops in China would be detrimental to Chinese-Japanese friendship, Secretary Hull suggested that the experience of the United States in South America ought to convince Japan that a more profitable arrangement could be worked out to protect its interests without the use of troops. Ambassador Nomura agreed with Secretary Hull that the presence of Japanese troops in China would lead to provocative incidents, but he did not think it feasible at the present moment to carry out complete evacuation, since Japanese public opinion would not permit it. Ambassador Nomura then cited the severe Japanese criticisms of Prince Konoye for his moderate handling of the Chinese question in the face of the sacrifices Japan had made in that area.
Secretary Hull announced his plans to talk over the situation with the Chinese government in strict confidence before entering into any negotiations, and stated that he had raised the question of evacuating Japanese troops only because the conversations with the Japanese Ambassador were still in an unofficial and exploratory stage. However, Ambassador Nomura said he did not
[64] "Memorandum of a conversation", May 28, 1941, by Joseph W. Ballantine, S.D., II 440-443.
16
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
expect the American government to negotiate this question with the Chinese, since America would serve sufficiently the cause of world peace by merely bringing the Chinese and Japanese together into direct negotiations as it had done in 1895 and in the Russo-Japanese negotiations of 1905. When Secretary Hull inquired concerning the Chinese government's reactions to the proposed stationing of troops for joint defense against Communism, Ambassador Nomura replied that the Chinese government had become very much weakened as a result of the war, and that, if America would discontinue its aid, China would be forced to come to terms.
To Secretary Hull's request that the Japanese government consider the two points which he had raised, Ambassador Nomura replied that he believed his government would be unwilling to further clarify the relations of Japan and the United States toward the European war, but as for the second point concerning Japanese troops in China, he promised to consult further with Colonel Iwakuro. The conversation ended with Secretary Hull repeating his plan to talk to China about the proposals since the conversations were still in an entirely informal stage. This fact had also permitted him to discuss unofficially the question of Japanese troops in China. [65]
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report. [66]
Ambassador Nomura reported to Foreign Minister Matsuoka that he had held conversations with the Secretary of State on May 16, 20, 21 and 27, [67] 1941 but had not as yet come to any concrete agreement. According to Ambassador Nomura, Mr. Hull wanted to have all doubts eliminated from the minds of the people concerning the maintenance of peace in the Pacific. Stating that on one occasion Secretary Hull had expressed a desire to maintain the status quo in the Pacific, Ambassador Nomura had advised that this would be unacceptable to Japan since it hoped to take the leadership in the development of the southwestern area with the cooperation of the United States. However, he was able to report that the Americans wished to give both countries equal opportunities in this region.
Ambassador Nomura had also informed Secretary Hull that Japanese authorities saw no need for the clarification of the meaning of Article III of the Tripartite Pact. The Japanese Ambassador remarked to Foreign Minister Matsuoka that Secretary Hull and his colleagues were reluctant to place Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek in a difficult situation, and for this reason the United States was demanding Japan's peace terms before acting as a mediator in the China affair. The United States refused to refer to Japan's treaty with Wang Ching-wei's government or to the Tripartite Pact, but, according to the Japanese Ambassador, it was willing to make considerable concessions.
The questions of joint defense against Communism and the stationing of troops in China were to be negotiated directly by China and Japan, though the Japanese Ambassador desired the United States to suggest mediation to Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek as Dunn and Denby had done in the Sino-Japanese war and Theodore Roosevelt in the Russo-Japanese war. Mr. Hull explained that the United States did not want to use the word "Communism" in the texts because of its relations to Russia and China, but that some expression such as "subversive" would be acceptable.
Ambassador Nomura commented to Mr. Hull that they had held seven discussion, lasting from one to two hours, and although they had talked "off the record" and informally, they seemed to be repeating the same things over and over without achieving results. When Ambassador Nomura asked Secretary Hull for any further suggestions, and was told that two or three minor ones would be forthcoming in a few days, the Japanese Ambassador received the
[65] II, Ibid.
[66] II, 46.
[67] The State Department's Memorandum, S.D., II, 440, indicates that this last conversation was held on May 28, 1941.
17
impression that Secretary Hull was trying to estimate the effect the "understanding" would have upon other Cabinet members and American officials.
Emphasizing that the real purpose of the "understanding" was to change the psychology of both peoples from one of war to that of peace, Ambassador Nomura warned of the great danger that an incident might occur, while they were discussing technicalities, which would make an agreement impossible.
Ambassador Nomura considered it natural for the United States to estimate the actions of Japan in planning political or militaristic moves, and said that President Roosevelt's recent speech indicated the American government's concern about Japan's movements. [68]
16. Mr. Matsuoka Requests American Pressure on China. [69]
On May 31, 1941 Foreign Minister Matsuoka criticized Ambassador Nomura's report of May 29, 1941 [See Section 15(b)] for having lessened the dignity of modern Japan by requesting American mediation as had been done in the Sino-Japanese and Russo-Japanese wars. Claiming that Japan's position in the modern world was much different from that of earlier days, he stated:
The only thing that this Minister would have the United States do with regard to mediating in the China affair, would be for her to tell Chiang Kai-shek: "Negotiate with Japan. If you refuse, we shall stop all aid to you."
17. Publicity Leaks Concerning the Hull-Nomura Conversations.
On May 30, 1941 Tokyo sent an urgent dispatch to Ambassador Nomura, indicating that a Domei message of May 26, 1941 had quoted several American Senators to the effect that President Roosevelt's recent speech had not referred to Japan because Japan was moving away from the Tripartite Pact, and was about to restrict the use of military force in penetrating the South Pacific. The story had not been publicized in Japan because of its potentially bad effect on the Japanese extremists, but Mr. Matsuoka's message indicated that he was more indignant because the alleged facts were not true rather than because they had been publicized in America. [70]
It was evident that many persons in Japan of varying degrees of importance had become aware by now that Japanese-American negotiations were under way. [71] Both Foreign Minister Matsuoka and Ambassador Nomura, though differing in their viewpoints, knew that this knowledge would be a disrupting factor in the current conversations, since the pro-Axis military extremists of Japan would not remain quiescent in the face of a possible Japanese-American understanding.
Another news leak occurred on June 6, 1941, when Hallet Abend in the New York Times stated that Japan was considering a neutrality pact with the United States similar to the one she had contracted with Russia. [72] Ambassador Nomura, having called together the correspondents of the Associated Press, the United Press, the Tribune, Domei and Asahi to deny that there was any truth in this article, conferred also with Secretary Hull and advised him to take measures to counteract this report. As a result, President Roosevelt stated in his press
[68] II, 46.
[69] II, 47.
[70] II, 48.
[71] II, 49.
[72] II, 50, for complete text which is recorded here to demonstrate how much was known of the conversations in semiofficial circles.
18
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
conference on June 6, 1941 that he knew nothing about the matter, and pointed out that though the Japanese Ambassador and the Secretary of State occasionally had interviews, they discussed only ordinary affairs. [73]
18. Special Committee Meeting (May 30,1941). [74]
Mr. Hamilton met with Colonel Iwakuro and Mr. Wikawa to discuss one of the two points in the Japanese proposal which the American government had found difficult to accept. This was the proposed joint Chinese-Japanese defense against communistic activities. Colonel Iwakuro outlined the Japanese government's plans concerning this point by briefly reviewing Japan's efforts to keep communism out of Manchuria and Japanese territory. Drawing a rough map of the general region of North China, Mongolia, Manchuria and Siberia, he indicated the strategic problems involved in stationing Japanese troops for protection against communistic elements from Outer Mongolia, and for the maintenance of interior lines of communication.
Replying to a question concerning the number of Japanese troops to be kept in China, Colonel Iwakuro declared that one-tenth to one-fifth of the present number—a military secret—of Japanese soldiers in North China would be necessary. These troops would not interfere with Chinese internal affairs, nor would they be stationed in any other areas outside Inner Mongolia or North China. As to the length of time these troops would be maintained in China, Colonel Iwakura stated that they would be there only as long as necessary for protection against Communism. Since there was a possibility of war between Japan and Russia, the situation might be altered.
Stressing the views of the American government that no discussion of the merits of the question was to take place, Mr. Hamilton remarked that the American people would expect their government to follow its declared principles in presenting the Japanese proposal to the Chinese government. He discussed a possible formula wherein there would be no reference to stationing of Japanese troops in Chinese territory, but in which the withdrawal of Japanese troops from China would be arranged to have the troops of North China and Inner Mongolia evacuated last. Then, just before the Japanese were scheduled to evacuate completely, Tokyo could consult with Chungking concerning the measures necessary to suppress current communistic activities. The Japanese were anxious to have Mr. Ballantine and Mr. Hamilton write a tentative draft, but Mr. Hamilton, paying tribute to the knowledge and frankness in discussion of Colonel Iwakuro, urged further consideration of this point by each side. [75]
19. The United States Submits a Proposal to Ambassador Nomura (May 31, 1941).
It will be recalled that on April 9, 1941 an informal and unofficial proposal had been presented to the State Department through the medium of private American and Japanese individuals, with the approval and collaboration of Ambassador Nomura. [76] It had then been sent to Tokyo for the consideration of Foreign Minister Matsuoka who finally returned it, after considerable delay, with various revisions for submission to the Secretary of State. [77] On May 12, 1941 Ambassador Nomura had presented it to Mr. Hull, who then submitted the American draft on
[73] II, 51-52.
[74] "Memorandum of a conversation", May 30, 1941, by Joseph W. Ballantine, S.D., II, 444-445.
[75] II, Ibid.
[76] S.D., II, 398-402.
[77] S.D., II, 420-422.
19
May 31, 1941. [78] Various differences between the two versions of the proposal were to be the topic of several conversations in June. [79]
The United States again informed Ambassador Nomura, on May 31, 1941, that it would talk over in strict confidence with the Chinese government the general subject matter involved in the Hull-Nomura conversations, especially as related to China. [80]
20. Hull-Nomura Conversations (June 2, 1941).
(a) Secretary Hull's Report. [81]
Ambassador Nomura called at Secretary Hull's apartment on June 2, 1941 to say that he and his associates disagreed with nothing in the American proposal of May 31, 1941 with the exception of some of the phraseology which could be discussed by their representatives while he went to New York.
Deliberately asking Ambassador Nomura whether his government really desired to enter into a settlement for peace in the Pacific, Secretary Hull remarked that he raised the question because of the doubts created by the loud talking of Foreign Minister Matsuoka. The Japanese Ambassador replied that his government was anxious for a fair settlement of the American-Japanese difficulties. Although Mr. Hull expressed the hope that Japan was reconsidering its policy of stationing troops indefinitely in China, Ambassador Nomura offered no encouragement that Japan would change its course. [82]
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report.
It is believed that Ambassador Nomura made no specific report on this conversation, which lasted only a few minutes, since his report on June 8, 1941 summarized several conversations. (See Section 22(b)).
21. Special Committee Meeting (June 4, 1941). [83]
Associates of Secretary Hull and Ambassador Nomura met at the Wardman Park Hotel, on the afternoon of June 4, 1941 to discuss unofficially various points of the Japanese and American drafts of the proposal which was first presented to Secretary Hull on April 9, 1941, the last version of which was returned to Ambassador Nomura on May 31, 1941. Mr. Kanome Wakasugi, Japanese Minister-Counselor, Mr. Koto Matsudaira, Second Secretary of the Japanese Embassy, Mr. Hamilton, and Mr. Ballantine were the conferees, and the American draft of May 31, 1941 was the basis for their discussion.
Many minor points involving translations of various phrases were discussed and noted for future decision. The Japanese requested the deletion of one important sentence in the first paragraph of Section II, which read, "Obviously, the provisions of the Pact do not apply to involvement through acts of self-defense." According to Mr. Wakasugi, Japan did not want to be bound by the United States' interpretation of "self-defense", and Japan could not commit herself in advance to future acts of other countries.
Mr. Hamilton said that it was understood from certain sources that the Japanese government desired to disassociate itself gradually from its Axis connections, and that one of the propositions
[78] "American draft proposal handed to the Japanese Ambassador (Nomura)", on May 31, 1941, S.D., II, 446-454, II, 58.
[79] The text of this proposal with various Annexes and Supplements was sent to Japan on June 9, 1941; II, 60-69.
[80] S.D., II, 454
[81] "Memorandum by the Secretary of State", June 2, 1941, S.D., II, 464-455.
[82] II, Ibid.
[83] S.D., II, 455-464.
20
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
of the proposed "understanding" was to facilitate Japan's movement in this direction. Mr. Wakasugi stated that this was a false impression since Japan, fully intending to discharge its obligations under the Tripartite Pact, desired to remain free to decide whether the actions of the United States in Europe would cause Japan to carry out its obligations.
Colonel Iwakuro agreed that Japan was not intending to drift away from the Tripartite Pact, and said, furthermore, that, if the United States entered the European war under circumstances which Japan interpreted as obliging her to act, Japan would take up arms against the United States. However, the "understanding" would solve the difficulties in the Pacific, although trouble might still arise from the actions of the United States in the European war. It was hoped that the improved relations resulting from the "understanding" might lead both countries to collaborate in working for world peace.
The Japanese also requested the deletion of an American "Annex", containing excerpts from Secretary Hull's speech of April 24, 1941 which outlined the United States' position in regard to self-defense. They based their claim on the grounds that if these excerpts were retained, Mr. Matsuoka would desire to include his statements in regard to Japanese obligations under the Tripartite Pact. Answering Mr. Hamilton, who declared that the excerpts would clarify the American position on self-defense, Colonel Iwakuro proposed that Mr. Hull's statement be sent separately to the Japanese government. Various other proposals for revisions in the draft were made at this meeting. [84]
22. Hull-Nomura Conversation (June 6, 1941).
(a) Secretary Hull's Report. [85]
Ambassador Nomura, with Colonel Iwakuro and Mr. Wikawa, called at Secretary Hull's apartment on the evening of June 6, 1941. When the Japanese Ambassador had first examined the American draft of May 31, 1941 he had felt that both parties were in close agreement, and that the "drafting committee" would be able to work out the details. Both Ambassador Nomura and Colonel Iwakuro stressed the sincere desire of their government to achieve an "understanding" as speedily as possible, and pointed out that despite the misunderstanding of the American government, Foreign Minister Matsuoka also was anxious for peace. Replying that he had no doubt of the sincerity of Ambassador Nomura and his associates, Mr. Hull indicated the desire of the United States to have peace in the Pacific, but emphasized his position in regard to self-defense against control of the seas by the Nazis.
To the suggestion of Ambassador Nomura that President Roosevelt request the Chinese government to negotiate with Japan, Secretary Hull replied that it would be advantageous for President Roosevelt to have an "understanding" with Japan as a basis for his discussion with the Chinese. There was a great need for clear cut and unequivocal terms in the proposed agreement so as to permit the document to speak for itself, and to allow no one to suspect the bad faith of either party.
Mr. Hull then handed Ambassador Nomura an informal and unofficial oral statement, outlining the reaction of the American government to the revisions proposed by the Japanese members of the "drafting committee" which had met on June 4, 1941. The Secretary of State referred specifically to the sections relating to China and the Pacific area where the Japanese proposed to omit clear cut provisions relating to non-discrimination in international commercial affairs. [86]
[84] II, Ibid.
[85] S.D., II, 465-467.
[86] "Informal and unofficial oral statement handed by Secretary of State to Japanese Ambassador (Nomura)", on June 6, 1941, S.D., II, 467-468.
21
Secretary Hull mentioned his disappointment in noting a vast difference between the proposal as revised by the Japanese and the original document on which earlier discussions were based, since the revisions stressed Japan's alignment with the Axis, resisted the placement of Japan's relations with China on a basis which would contribute to a lasting peace, and avoided clear cut commitments in regard to policies of peace and non-discriminatory conduct in the Pacific. Changes of phraseology were not important, but it was essential "that there be a meeting of minds and mutual understanding of the underlying purposes of the proposed understanding" before proceeding any further. [87]
When Ambassador Nomura and Mr. Wikawa had read the American oral statement and had informed Colonel Iwakuro of its gist, the Japanese Military Attaché expressed surprise that the American representatives felt the absence of a meeting of minds. Ambassador Nomura, remarking also that he and his associates were in perfect agreement with Secretary Hull as to the principles involved, stated that they would immediately review their proposed revisions in the light of Secretary Hull's oral statement. In a side remark to Mr. Ballantine, Colonel Iwakuro referred to Mr. Wakasugi's presence at the meeting on June 4, 1941 and mentioned Ambassador Nomura's part in bringing Mr. Wakasugi out of retirement. Mr. Ballantine gathered the impression that Colonel Iwakuro thought that Mr. Wakasugi's presence had not been helpful. [88]
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report. [89]
Ambassador Nomura commented that after presenting Japan's final draft to the State Department he had conferred several times a week with Secretary Hull until an American plan had been offered unofficially. Since there were several questions concerning the China incident left unanswered in this new document, Ambassador Nomura had decided to appoint a committee of associates to handle the problem, but several conflicts had arisen in the meeting.
Ambassador Nomura had then gone to see Secretary Hull on Saturday afternoon, June 7, 1941. [90] Secretary Hull informed him that the primary purpose of the "understanding" was maintenance of peace in the Pacific. This point was not to be glossed over or disguised, and when peace was effected, plans could be made for Japanese and American industrial, financial, and economic cooperation. In solving the difficult Pacific situation, the United States wished to keep the friendship of China to ensure free relations between the United States, China, and Japan. As Secretary Hull had stated in his report, [91] Ambassador Nomura suggested that President Roosevelt advised China to make peace, but Secretary Hull responded that this would depend upon the conclusion of the "understanding".
In repeating Secretary Hull's ideas on the question of America's right to self-defense against the encroachment of Hitlerism, Ambassador Nomura hastened to assure Foreign Minister Matsuoka that he was conscious of his superior's views concerning the necessity of keeping the United States out of the European war. According to Ambassador Nomura, the time was not ripe to try to change American thinking on this matter, nor was it an opportune moment to discuss a negotiated peace in Europe since President Roosevelt had denied the peace rumors emanating as a result of the return of Ambassador Winant to Washington. He also warned that the United States regarded the principle of commercial non-discrimination as of primary importance in the
[87] II, Ibid.
[88] S.D., II, 467.
[89] II, 53—56.
[90] The State Department documents do not record a conversation on June 7. It is probable that Ambassador Nomura either was mistaken in referring to Saturday, instead of Friday, or he was using Tokyo time in this report.
[91] S.D., II, 465.
22
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
Pacific, since Secretary Hull had declared that if Japan were unwilling to adopt this point there could be no "understanding".
Ambassador Nomura summarized his conversations with Secretary Hull up to this point as follows:
Well, I feel that it will be very difficult to get anywhere by outright dealings and feel the need of conducting some other sort of activities which might be more direct. Well, I and my associates are certainly not optimistic, but on the other hand, we are not pessimistic. We will do our very best to carry out your instructions. Unless something unforeseen happens within the next ten days, I think that the points now pending will so crystallize that I will be able to let you know something more or less definite. I do not doubt his zeal in the matter at all. I call on him two or three times a week. We confer until late at night and when I leave he always says, "Come back to see me anytime you wish." [92]
23. Tokyo Grows Impatient at the Delay of the United States' Answer.
Ambassador Nomura received a message from Tokyo, on June 7, 1941, complaining of the unreasonable delay of the United States in replying to Japan's revision of the "understanding". However, though Tokyo was anxious for a speedy answer, it warned Ambassador Nomura not to rush the United States authorities. [93] Two days later, on June 9, 1941 Ambassador Nomura was requested to telegraph the entire text of the so-called "unofficial American proposal" which he had received on May 31, 1941. [94] Complying with this request, Ambassador Nomura stated that though there were many points unacceptable to him in the proposal just transmitted to Tokyo, the United States authorities were willing to discuss the objectionable parts before submitting it to Japan. [95]
The Japanese Ambassador desired to eliminate references in the proposal to the right of self-preservation, and also Secretary Hull's speech from the Annex to the proposal. In regard to China, he was anxious to work out a mutually satisfactory clause regarding the desire of both countries for peace, and to substitute a clause regarding peace in the Pacific in place of the statement asking for justice and non-discrimination. Stipulations relating to the prevention of the spread of the European war, and to mutual efforts for future world peace and peace in the Pacific would be desirable.
From Ambassador Nomura's viewpoint, the United States should have recognized Japan's national aspirations in the Far East, and Japan should have accepted those of America in the Western Hemisphere, with neither country acquiring military bases in the territory of the other's particular interest.
Ambassador Nomura also reported that Secretary Hull had been ill for two days, but that various delays would soon be ended. [96] Though a preliminary American proposal was already in the hands of Tokyo authorities on June 9, 1941 Ambassador Nomura pointed out that the answer of the United States to the Japanese proposal would probably be forthcoming in a few days. [97]
24. Luncheon of Japanese-American Diplomats (June 9, 1941). [98]
On June 1941 Mr. Ballantine lunched with Colonel Iwakuro and Mr. Wikawa. Colonel Iwakuro attempted, by seemingly casual questions, to ascertain the attitude of the State Department
[92] II, 56.
[93] II, 57.
[94] S.D., II, 446-454; II, 58-69.
[95] II, 70-72.
[96] II, 72.
[97] II, 73.
[98] S.D., II, 468-470.
23
toward the Japanese proposal and its eventual outcome. Informing Colonel Iwakuro that the Secretary of State spoke for the American government in matters of foreign policy, Mr. Ballantine replied that he had nothing to add to Secretary Hull's statement of June 6, 1941 to Colonel Iwakuro and Ambassador Nomura. However, Mr. Ballantine offered to be of assistance, if any points were not clear, and promised to notify Secretary Hull of anything the Japanese diplomats might wish to say to him.
Colonel Iwakuro stated that they understood Secretary Hull's statement very well, but would like to delete the proposed sentence in the first paragraph of Section II which read, "Obviously, the provisions of the Pact do not apply to involvement through acts of self-defense". The Japanese did not intend to imply non-recognition of the American right of self-defense, but the phrase cited above seemed superfluous and would raise difficult questions at home for the Japanese government.
According to Colonel Iwakuro, the relations of Japan and the United States to the European war would have little effect on their relations to each other, and Japan's interpretation of its obligations under the Tripartite Pact would be influenced by the "understanding". Though Japan could not provide in any agreement for all possible situations where the United States might act in self-defense, the Japanese took no exception to the attitude of the American government in this matter. [99]
As for the section of the proposed "understanding" dealing with peace in the Pacific area, the Japanese intended to accept the American draft. Furthermore, they desired to place the mutual pledges of peaceful actions in the Pacific in the preamble of the "understanding" rather than in Section V as found in the American draft. Mr. Ballantine gathered the impression that the Japanese would agree to retain mutual pledges of non-discrimination in international commercial affairs in the Pacific, but would substitute the phraseology of Prince Konoye under caption three Section III in referring to Japanese peace terms for China.
In regard to the Japanese suggestion that President Roosevelt urge China to make peace with Japan, the Japanese pointed out that with Japanese-American difficulties about to be settled, only the Japanese-Chinese difficulties remained to disturb peace in the Far East. For this reason, the President, on his own initiative, should propose that China seek a settlement with Japan. [100]
Japan would not agree to limit the retention of its troops in China to one or two years, though the troops would be withdrawn as soon as the need for resisting communistic activities ceased to exist. The luncheon ended on a very cordial note, with Colonel Iwakuro expressing his determination to speak frankly on any difficulty, and Mr. Mikawa indicating that a newly revised Japanese draft would soon be ready for American approval. [101]
25. Dissension Among Japanese in Washington.
Tokyo issued a strong reprimand to its diplomatic representatives in the Japanese Embassy at Washington because of the disharmony existing between several of the members stationed there. The Foreign Office felt particularly concerned because Ambassador Nomura, a naval man and not a career diplomat, had found such a disconcerting state of affairs in the midst of a national crisis. [102]
A request from Tokyo that something be done to clarify messages sent from the Japanese Embassy added to the woes of the Japanese in Washington, who promised to do better in the future. [103] It is interesting to note that the obscurity of the messages, transmitted from the
[99] II, Ibid., 469.
[100] II, Ibid., 470.
[101] II, Ibid.
[102] II, 74.
[103] II, 75-76.
24
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
Japanese Embassy to Tokyo, was probably due to Ambassador Nomura's own phraseology. The Japanese telegraph officials reported that they were sending the messages in as close conformity as possible with the original draft in order to convey accurately the feelings of Ambassador Nomura, who had discussed matters with the Secretary of State. [104] Incidentally, American experts, translating the deciphered dispatches of Ambassador Nomura, also complained of the difficulties involved in rendering good translations of Ambassador Nomura's badly phrased reports. [105]
Some of the difficulties mentioned above undoubtedly arose because the Japanese were attempting to do too many things with an insufficiency of trained personnel. The usual consular work was suffering because additional men had to be assigned to handle the greatly increased volume of telegraphic work stemming from the intensified Japanese-American negotiations. An urgent call was sent to Tokyo for well trained diplomatic secretaries. [106]
26. Mr. Matsuoka Reaffirms Japanese Allegiance to the Tripartite Pact.
Foreign Minister Matsuoka administered another sharp rebuke to Ambassador Nomura on June 10, 1941 when he learned that Secretary Hull and the Ambassador had agreed to submit a proposal to a "drafting committee" representing both countries. [107] Mr. Matsuoka declared that it was necessary first for both countries to come to an agreement before any discussion on important points of disagreement took place.
The Foreign Minister emphasized that such discussions should have been handled by Tokyo rather than by Ambassador Nomura, and he feared that commitments had already been made which would be difficult to explain away. Therefore, all committee meetings were to be stopped at once until the full text of the unofficial American proposal could be discussed in Tokyo, and until further instructions could be issued for the guidance of Ambassador Nomura.
According to Mr. Matsuoka, good relations between the United States and Japan, though important, were not so important as the duty of the Japanese, under the Tripartite Pact, to keep the United States from entering the war, or to prevent any further anti-Axis measures. Reminding Ambassador Nomura of his conversations with him before the Japanese Ambassador's departure for Washington, Mr. Matsuoka expressed his regrets that there were any outsiders who unfortunately believed that Japan would not fight, even if the United States did so.
Since this erroneous belief seemed to be gaining strength as a result of the Japanese-American negotiations, Mr. Matsuoka stated that it was important for the Japanese to disavow it, especially since President Roosevelt and Secretary Hull were scheming to use the "understanding" to heighten this impression. Mr. Matsuoka's summary may be of interest:
Summing all this up, if the United States fights Germany, no matter what sort of agreement exists, after all it will inevitably have to be broken. That is clearer than the light of day. The important thing today is for us to maintain a relentless attitude. Even though it is beyond our power to make the United States feel friendly toward Germany, we must keep her from making an outright attack. Compared with this, any advice that the United States might give Chiang Kai-shek to make peace with us is of secondary importance. I think we all know that by now. [108]
A few days later, however, Mr. Matsuoka, having received Ambassador Nomura's explanation of the activities of the committee, [109] was somewhat mollified, and apparently agreed to permit
[104] II, 77.
[105] II, 78-79.
[106] II, 80.
[107] II, 81-83.
[108] II, 83.
[109] II, 70-73.
25
similar meetings of expert assistance to take place. But he did remind Ambassador Nomura that the preliminary proposal should have been telegraphed to the Foreign Office without delay, since it was useful for translation purposes as well as discovering the workings of the minds of President Roosevelt and Secretary Hull. [110]
27. Hull-Nomura Conversation (June 15, 1941).
(a) Secretary Hull's Report. [111]
Ambassador Nomura, Colonel Iwakuro, and Mr. Wikawa called at Secretary Hull's apartment to assure Mr. Hull that the Japanese government sincerely desired an "understanding" with the United States, and to certify that there was no hostile feeling among higher Japanese army and navy officials against the United States. Ambassador Nomura stated that it was necessary for him to report to his government just how matters stood at this time, and he would like to confer with Secretary Hull as to the points in the Japanese proposal to which the United States would either agree or disagree.
Replying that such procedure on his part might lead to a misunderstanding with the Japanese government, Mr. Hull suggested that the Japanese Ambassador submit a report concerning his own estimate of the situation. Since Mr. Hull and his associates had conversed a number of times with Japanese representatives, the American attitude on certain points should be very clear. When Mr. Hull referred to the sounding out of the Chinese government with regard to peace before any final move was made, Ambassador Nomura indicated that the weak Chungking government was maintained only by American help, and that if this were withdrawn Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek would be obliged to accept Japanese terms.[112]
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report. [113]
Ambassador Nomura reported to Tokyo that he had talked, on June 15, 1941, with Secretary Hull, who was sick in bed. Because of the unavailability of Secretary Hull on the preceding day, June 14, 1941, owing to sickness, Ambassador Nomura had talked to Assistant Secretary Welles about an espionage case on the West Coast. [114] According to Ambassador Nomura, Secretary Hull had stated that influential people in Japan did not wish to have an "understanding" between Japan and the United States, and, therefore, he desired Ambassador Nomura to find out whether his government was really in favor of effecting peace between the two countries.
Ambassador Nomura replied that the concessions made by the American government were not really worth consideration, and until the United States offered a concrete and fair proposal it would be useless to request further instructions on the basis of what had been offered. [115] However, despite this statement of Ambassador Nomura concerning the lack of concessions by the United States, he knew that both Secretary Hull and the State Department, in the face of a number of influential Americans who were advocating a general oil embargo against Japan, were exercising restraint because of the delicate nature of Japanese-American relations. They had also advised the press to remain calm during this period. [116]
[110] II, 84.
[111] "Memorandum of a Conversation", June 15, 1941, by Joseph W. Ballantine, S.D., II, 471-472.
[112] II, Ibid.; II, 78-79.
[113] II, 78-79.
[114] II, 85.
[115] II, 78-79.
[116] II, 86.
26
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
28. Special Committee Meeting (June 15, 1941).
Later, on this same day of June 15, 1941, Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Ballantine met Colonel Iwakuro, Mr. Wikawa, and Mr. Matsudaira to continue their discussions. The Japanese offered as a basis for discussion a revision of the Japanese draft of June 8, 1941 which had not been previously seen by the American experts. [117] In view of this, a request was made, and agreed to by the Japanese, that discussion be deferred until American authorities had studied its provisions.
The conversation then turned to Japanese discriminatory commercial relations in China, e.g., Japanese special companies monopolizing the system of exchange and currency, and Japanese trade and traveling controls imposed in North China which interfered with the trade of any other nation. Although the Japanese contended that these companies were not monopolistic, since foreigners could purchase shares of the companies, the American diplomats pointed out that Japanese attempts to prevent trade competition of other nations were discriminatory. The Japanese maintained that the difficulties experienced by American firms in obtaining raw silk in China could be attributed to the preferential treatment accorded Japanese-supported companies, mines, and other economic enterprises which the Japanese had paid for in North China. However, the Japanese felt that these firms were not monopolistic and they stated that their operation should not preclude American participation in the Chinese silk industry. The Japanese added that because these businesses provided raw materials vital to their country and since Japan had paid for these supplies, they hoped that their retention would not be considered a discriminatory practice. Since Japan had paid for essential supplies, hoped that their retention by the Japanese would not be considered a discriminatory practice. With this exception, there would be no discrimination favoring Japan in the rest of the Chinese trade. This question was left for future discussion by the committee.
As for Japanese troops in North China, Colonel Iwakuro finally stated that they would definitely remain there without any time for their withdrawal. This answer was to be presented to China as a part of the general settlement between Japan and the United States, and Colonel Iwakuro hoped that some formula could be devised which would offset criticism from the United States. In addition, a tentative formula covering the relations of Japan and the United States with the European war was offered by Colonel Iwakuro. The Japanese stated that the restrictions presently imposed on goods would disappear as soon as hostilities ceased, and they insisted that, in times of peace, there were no general restrictions on American trade. Arrangements were then made to have another meeting on the following day. [118]
29. Special Committee Meeting (June 16, 1941). [119]
Five American and Japanese experts met on June 16, 1941 to continue the discussion of the previous evening. Those present were Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Ballantine, Colonel Iwakuro, Mr. Wikawa, and Mr. Matsudaira. Discussing exchange and currency control, Colonel Iwakuro stated that this would be the responsibility of the Chinese government after the peace settlement, though the Japanese would redeem the military script it had issued in North China.
When asked to interpret a provision of paragraph four of the "Agreed Terms of Understanding" which stated that China's control of foreign trade must not affect Sino-Japanese economic cooperation, Colonel Iwakuro replied that Japan would operate the studied Japanese proposal. [120]
[117] "Draft document received informally from associates of the Japanese Ambassador", June 15, 1941, S.D., II, 473-476.
[118] "Memorandum of a Conversation", June 15, 1941, by Joseph W. Ballantine, S.D., II, 472-473.
[119] "Memorandum of a Conversation", June 16, 1941, by Joseph W. Ballantine, S.D., II, 476-478.
[120] II, Ibid.
27
30. Special Committee Meeting (June 17, 1941). [121]
Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Ballantine, and Mr. Max W. Schmidt, of the Division of Far Eastern Affairs, met with Colonel Iwakuro, Mr. Wikawa, and Mr. Matsudaira on June 17, 1941. Mr. Ballantine suggested the inclusion of the word "unprovoked" in a rewording of a provision of the "understanding" to make it read:
The Government of Japan maintains that the purpose of the Tripartite Pact was, and is, designed to contribute to the prevention of the unprovoked extension of the European war.
According to Mr. Ballantine, this suggestion was made tentatively, since it was already part of a general idea which the United States wished to discuss. Furthermore, it was suggested that excerpts from the Secretary of State's speech, already objected to by the Japanese as part of the Annex and Supplement presented by the United States on May 31, 1941 should be incorporated in an exchange of letters between the Secretary of State and the Japanese Ambassador to clarify the attitude of the United States toward the European war.
Colonel Iwakuro replied that Japan would not favor the publication of Secretary Hull's statement in either an exchange of letters, or as an annex and supplement to an agreement, since the Japanese government had been fully informed of the attitude of the United States toward the European war. The question should be left for further discussion until after an agreement had been reached between the two countries. [122] Answering a query of Mr. Wikawa as to the type of reply to be expected, Mr. Hamilton said that it could not be treated as secret, but that it would not necessarily be published. To Mr. Hamilton's suggestion, corresponding to that of Secretary Hull's, that Japan indicate its understanding of the attitude of the United States toward the European war in regard to self-defense, Colonel Iwakuro asked whether the United States would accept Japan's own views on self-defense. Mr. Hull (sic) replied that the question would not have arisen except for Japan's attitude toward the European war as expressed in the Tripartite Pact. When Colonel Iwakuro responded that Japan in turn might want to send a letter incorporating statements by Japanese leaders, Mr. Hamilton pointed out that this would probably not lead to a meeting of minds. [123]
Discussing the satisfactory relations of the United States with Japan before the signing of the Tripartite Pact, Colonel Iwakuro said that the attitude of the United States left Japan with no other alternative but to join the Axis. Thus, before specific controversies could be solved, it would be necessary first to improve general American-Japanese relations. To a question raised concerning Japanese special companies, such as the North China Development Company and the Central China Promotion Company, Colonel Iwakuro replied that American companies would be allowed to operate in China, with the exception of certain enterprises, which, under Chinese law, must necessarily have more than fifty per cent Chinese ownership.
When Mr. Hamilton remarked that continual complaints were being received from American businessmen, who were suffering from Japanese restrictions of trade in China, Colonel Iwakuro replied that this situation was due to war conditions, and that, when peace arrived, all restrictions in trade and banking would be removed. Equal treatment would be accorded to the nationals of all other powers without any discrimination.
Concerning relations between the government at Chungking and the government of Wang Ching-wei after the proposed peace settlement between China and Japan, Japan desired representatives from both Chinese sections to be present at the peace negotiations, since it believed that both governments would eventually coalesce to form the Chinese government and to sign the peace treaty. This topic was left for future discussion.
[121] "Memorandum of a Conversation", June 17, 1941, by Max W. Schmidt, S.D., II, 478-483.
[122] II, Ibid., 479.
[123] II, Ibid.
28
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
To the suggestion of Colonel Iwakuro that Japan and the United States mutually recognize the defensive position which each country had in East Asia and in the Western Hemisphere, Mr. Hamilton commented that the "Good Neighbor" policy in the Western Hemisphere might be jeopardized, because this suggestion might offend some of the American republics. Mr. Hamilton recommended that this suggestion be excluded from the final proposal. [124]
The Japanese then asked the United States to state that it had no ambitions for new military or political bases in East Asia. After Colonel Iwakuro pointed out that there was no mention of military bases in Section VI, which declared that neither government had territorial designs in the Pacific, Mr. Hamilton indicated that the raising of the question of military bases at this time would create new issues, which could be left for discussion until after the "understanding" had been achieved.
Colonel Iwakuro suggested that the United States emphasize its peaceful intention by announcing that no new bases would be acquired, but Mr. Hamilton commented that since Japan had planned to establish bases in Thailand, Indo-China, Hainan, and other areas of the Southwest Pacific, the American public would object to restrictions on the United States' freedom. Furthermore, if Japan considered the question of military bases as separate from the acquisition of new territory, other questions would arise concerning Japan's plans for the South Pacific. When Japan claimed that it did not have territorial designs, did it intend to acquire military bases there?
Colonel Iwakuro replied that Japan did not intend to acquire military bases, but that this decision would be governed by the actions of the United States, for example, the acquisition by the United States of a military base in Singapore.
Though the Japanese urged all possible speed in the discussions so that they could inform Tokyo, Mr. Hamilton reminded them that four important questions were still outstanding:
1. Economic non-discrimination in China.
2. Stationing of Japanese troops in China.
3. Attitude of the two governments toward the European war.
4. The statement regarding military bases.
Because these points would have to be discussed with Secretary Hull, another meeting was arranged for the near future. [125]
31. Hull-Nomura Conversation (June 21, 1941).
(a) Secretary Hull's Report. [126]
Ambassador Nomura called at Secretary Hull's apartment at the latter's request to receive a completely revised American draft of the proposal. [127] Secretary Hull also handed the Japanese Ambassador an oral statement which he asked him to read. [128] Accompanying the oral statement and redraft were two annexes and supplements, one in regard to the China incident which would be published as coming from the Japanese government, and the other concerning commercial relations as coming from the United States. In addition, there were the suggested texts of letters to be exchanged in outlining the attitude of the two countries toward the Euro-
[124] II, Ibid., 481.
[125] II, Ibid.
[126] "Memorandum of a Conversation", June 21, 1941 by Joseph W. Ballantine, S.D., II, 483-484.
[127] "Draft proposal handed by the Secretary of State to the Japanese Ambassador (Nomura)", on June 21, 1941, S.D., II, 486-489.
[128] "Oral statement handed by Secretary of State to Japanese Ambassador (Nomura)", on June 21, 1941, S.D., II, 485-486, II, 87-89. This oral statement was returned to American authorities by Ambassador Nomura on July 17, 1941, S.D., II, 511-514.
29
pean war, and a suggested letter from Secretary Hull to Ambassador Nomura regarding nondiscriminatory economic cooperation between China and Japan. [129]
The oral statement expressed the appreciation of Secretary Hull for the efforts of Ambassador Nomura and his associates in bettering American-Japanese relations in the Pacific. However, though many Japanese leaders shared the views of the Japanese Ambassador concerning the desirability of peace, the United States had received reports from many world-wide sources that some Japanese officials were definitely committed to the support of Nazi Germany, and would fight on the side of Hitler should the United States enter the European war as a matter of self-defense. [130] (See Part C—e, Japanese-Axis Relations)
Since official spokesmen of the Japanese government were emphasizing Japan's obligations under the Tripartite Pact in an effort to influence Japanese opinion, Secretary Hull asked whether the adoption of the proposed "understanding" would achieve the desired results. The decision of Japan to retain troops in Northern China was also another source of difficulty since it conflicted with America's liberal policy of not interfering with the sovereign rights of another power. The United States desired a clearer indication than had yet been given of the Japanese government's wish to pursue a course of peace. [131]
After Ambassador Nomura had read this oral statement, Secretary Hull reminded him of Foreign Minister Matsuoka's announcements that any resistance to the aggression of Chancellor Hitler would call for action by Japan under the Tripartite Pact. As for American intentions concerning military bases in the Pacific, the United States had been gradually withdrawing from that region, and in 1922 had agreed not to fortify its territory in the western Pacific. In addition, the United States had been willing to renew this treaty in 1936.
In Secretary Hull's opinion, the Japanese government would be controlled in the future either by the pro-Nazi elements or by those opposed to a policy of aggression, and for this reason, the United States would gladly consider a program for cooperation along peaceful lines. Since both he and Ambassador Nomura shared the belief that an "understanding" at this time of world crisis was most important, Mr. Hull announced that though he would leave for the country to recuperate from his recent illness, his associates would be available for consultation with the Japanese Ambassador and his colleagues at any time. [132]
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report. [133]
Ambassador Nomura notified Foreign Minister Matsuoka that he had received from Secretary Hull the oral statement and revised draft of the proposal which were mentioned above. Expressing his dissatisfaction with this latest American proposal, since it was far from being in accord with Mr. Matsuoka's instructions, Ambassador Nomura announced that he was sending the documents to Tokyo. He was convinced that the Japanese government would not accept some of the American terms in regard to the United States' interpretation of self-defense and non-discriminatory commercial relations in China.
In another interview with Secretary Hull on June 23, 1941, Ambassador Nomura had told him frankly that he could not submit this proposal to his government. [134] Despite this last
[129] S.D., II, 489-492.
[130] II, Ibid., 485.
[131] II, Ibid., 486.
[132] II, Ibid.
[133] II, 78-79.
[134] On several occasions Ambassador Nomura dated his meetings with Secretary Hull one day ahead of the date given by Secretary Hull in his official documents; e.g., II, 78-79, in which Ambassador Nomura speaks of a meeting on June 22, noted by Secretary Hull, as taking place on June 21, and a meeting on June 23 which Secretary Hull recorded as occurring on June 22.
30
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
statement, Ambassador Nomura sent the texts of both documents to Tokyo on June 24, 1941, [135] and other messages, clarifying obscure points, were transmitted on the next day. [136] On June 24, 1941 Ambassador Nomura summarized the current American-Japanese diplomatic situation by indicating three important discrepancies in the demands of both sides:
1. When it comes to the European war, Anglo-American self-defense rights, and the Tripartite Pact, they will not yield to anything we advocate.
2. When it comes to the question of our stationing of troops for protection against Communists, they strangely enough declare that they cannot interfere with Chinese-Japanese peace terms, but in the same breath show considerable ire, declaring that this interferes with the sovereignty of a third power.
3. Secretary Hull's pet principle is that of commercial non-discrimination. He repeats that the Pan-American policy of the United States consists of this. He often says that if we applied the principle of non-discrimination to China and all the Pacific, we would have nothing to lose, and it would, as a matter of fact, be to our material interests. [137]
According to Ambassador Nomura, the United States would negotiate despite these discrepancies, if it were absolutely certain that Japan earnestly desired peace. However, the United States would not support Japan in its desire to station troops in China, nor in its ambition to exercise economic domination in the Pacific area. Yet, since Japan had been exempted from the freezing of foreign assets, the West coast espionage case involving Japanese naval officers had been settled in a friendly fashion, and Secretary Hull, despite illness, had received him three times, Ambassador Nomura believed that President Roosevelt and his immediate associates were anxious to achieve a peaceful settlement. On the other hand, reports from the American Embassy in Tokyo and from financial circles in New York indicated that many American officials doubted the sincerity of the Japanese government.
In view of all this, Ambassador Nomura believed it would be advantageous, despite the difficulties, to continue negotiations, since the freezing of Japanese credit and additional trade restrictions would follow the rupture of relations. [138]
32. Hull-Nomura Conversation (June 22, 1941).
(a) Secretary Hull's Report. [139]
Ambassador Nomura called at Secretary Hull's apartment on June 22, 1941 to announce his intention of sending to Tokyo Secretary Hull's oral statement of the preceding day. He could not account for the disagreement among Japanese authorities to which the American State Department had referred, because from the very beginning he had been conforming to the instructions of his government. Secretary Hull asked whether Mr. Matsuoka, as his recent message to Premier Mussolini had indicated, was using the United States to force China to agree with Japan, and at the same time was leaving Japan free to come into the European war.
Ambassador Nomura replied that though Japan did not want war with the United States, it did not wish to bind itself in advance to some future action. Ambassador Nomura then asked Mr. Ballantine to read to Secretary Hull a Japanese oral statement which suggested that the proposed exchange of letters between Secretary Hull and himself, as described in the documents submitted by Secretary Hull on June 21, 1941, be either omitted or modified. [140] Secretary Hull commented that he did not wish to embarrass the Japanese government, nor did he think the Japanese
[135] II, 87-92.
[136] II, 84-97.
[137] II, 79.
[138] II, Ibid.
[139] "Memorandum of a conversation", June 22, 1941, by Joseph W. Ballantine, S.D., II, 492-494.
[140] "Informal and unofficial oral statement handed by the Japanese Ambassador (Nomura) to the Secretary of State on June 22, 1941, S.D., II. 494.
31
government would want to embarrass the United States; his purpose had been to clarify the attitude of the Japanese government so that public opinion in America would not oppose the "understanding".
In reply to Secretary Hull's question whether Germany's entrance into war against Russia might not make it easier for the Japanese government to come to an "understanding", Ambassador Nomura replied that the Japanese government did not desire to repudiate its obligations under the Tripartite Pact. However, the matter would be referred to his government for further study.
The Japanese Ambassador also objected to the draft letter in regard to non-discrimination in international commercial relations, on the grounds that this matter would involve too many details for the present "understanding", and could be treated at a later time. As for the Japanese proposal that the question of troops in China be left for settlement between Japan and China, Secretary Hull pointed out the possible danger of the United States and Japan reaching an agreement which might not be followed by a similar concord between Japan and China, thus embarrassing the United States. According to Ambassador Nomura, this question would be studied further by his government despite Japan's long-established policy of keeping its troops in China for defense against Communism.
Secretary Hull did not offer to withdraw the exchange of letters, but it was decided to have the Japanese Ambassador refer the essential points of the letters to his government for study under an agreement that another alternative from the Japanese Ambassador might be acceptable. In view of the importance of the "understanding", Secretary Hull asked that Ambassador Nomura and his associates remain in touch with Secretary Hull's associates, who would keep him advised. [141]
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report.
It appears that no specific report concerning this meeting was transmitted to Tokyo by Ambassador Nomura. If he did so, the dispatch is not available.
33. Ambassador Nomura Defends His Actions.
It will be recalled that Foreign Minister Matsuoka had severely rebuked Ambassador Nomura for exceeding his authority in discussing certain details of the proposal which the Foreign Office considered part of its own province. On June 25, 1941 Ambassador Nomura replied that he had never transcended the limits of Mr. Matsuoka's instructions, but had devoted all his time to the betterment of Japanese-American relations as an important phase of Japanese national policy. Since there was sufficient reason to believe that the United States doubted the good faith of Japan, Ambassador Nomura had investigated the reasons for this attitude. [142]
Having discovered that two or three members of the American Cabinet, as well as some of the State Department officials, were not in favor of the proposed "understanding", the Japanese Ambassador remarked that groups in both America and Japan were not in sympathy with his actions and were doing their best to wreck the negotiations. Reminding Mr. Matsuoka that Secretary Hull had asked him on several occasions whether it was not true that certain influential groups in Japan were opposed to the "understanding", Ambassador Nomura indicated that he had strongly denied this charge, and had also refuted the impression that his views did not represent those of the Japanese Government.
The Japanese Ambassador appealed to his past record of friendship with the Foreign Minister and the trying circumstances under which he had assumed his present duties as evidence of his good faith and excellent motives in the current conversations. [143]
[141] II, Ibid.
[142] II, 98.
[143] II, Ibid.
32
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
34. Ambassador Nomura Urges the Adoption of the "Understanding".
On June 29, 1941 Ambassador Nomura reported to Tokyo that he was still awaiting instructions in regard to the documents presented to him by the Secretary of State, but meanwhile, he would offer his opinion as to the action Japan should take. Reiterating his former pleas for a speedy decision, Ambassador Nomura pointed out that though the United States was feverishly preparing to meet any eventuality, it was unlikely to enter the war for some time to come. Therefore, an "understanding" between Japan and the United States would help to restrain America from entering the war. Furthermore, Ambassador Nomura doubted the efficacy of the aid which the United States intended to give to Russia.
If Japan did not make haste in arriving at a decision, the United States might lose interest in the "understanding", and Japan would then have to expand to the south, with a probable collision with the Netherlands East Indies and an eventual diplomatic break with Britain and Australia. As for Japan's allegiance to its Axis partners, Ambassador Nomura stated that adherence to the Tripartite Pact would in no way affect the preservation of peace in the Pacific. He urged that the Japanese governmental authorities persuade the United States of its true interest in the proposed "understanding". [144]
35. Tokyo Warns Its Diplomats of a Crisis.
On June 30, 1941, shortly after Germany had attacked Russia, Tokyo issued a general warning to all of its diplomatic representatives throughout the world that Japan had entered a critical period. [145] All intelligence reports were to be dispatched to the Foreign Office as soon as possible, and all documents referring to these reports were to be destroyed by fire.
Instructions were issued concerning the evacuation of Japanese personnel, the voiding of leases for rented property, the safe custody of Japanese government-owned property, and various other items relating to the discontinuance of Japanese diplomatic relations in certain areas. These instructions were not too significant in regard to the Hull-Nomura conversations, since the uneasiness expressed by Tokyo was merely a reflection of the general spirit of many nations not at war at this time. However, the instructions indicated that the Japanese government was preparing for any eventuality.
36. America's Attitude Toward the German-Russian War (July 1, 1941).
Ambassador Nomura reported Acting Secretary of State Sumner Welles' discussion of America's attitude toward the German-Soviet war. Remarking that America was equally opposed to a communistic or Nazi dictatorship, Mr. Welles declared that the present concern of the United States was the destruction of Hitlerism throughout the world, and for that reason aid to Russia had been ordered. [146]
President Roosevelt confirmed this statement on June 24, 1941 and said that since Russia had made no request for aid as yet, he did not know what would have to be sent. However, Russia had been exempted from the order of the Secretary of the Treasury on June 14, 1941 which had frozen all European funds in the United States, and, thus, Russia had four hundred million dollars available in the United States for the purchase of American materials. Furthermore, the United States had not invoked the neutrality act in the German-Russian war on the grounds that the act was not necessary for the preservation of American lives and the public peace. Aid to Russia under the Lend-Lease Act was being studied.
[144] II, 99.
[145] II, 100.
[146] II, 101.
33
Ambassador Nomura assured Tokyo that Japan was exercising a restraining influence on the entrance of the United States into war, but he believed that American public opinion was becoming more settled, and that decisive action only awaited the completion of preparations, which would be a matter of but a few months. Pointing out that many Americans believed in the inevitability of war, he indicated that all preparations were being made for a long struggle. [147]
Despite the views of Ambassador Nomura in the report described above, he informed his superiors, on July 2, 1941, that President Roosevelt had stressed, in a press conference on the preceding day, the hope that the United States could keep out of the war. Ambassador Nomura believed that this statement of President Roosevelt had been intended as an indirect reply to a speech of Prime Minister Konoye to allay any fears of Japan concerning a possible conflict between a Japanese-American "understanding" and the Tripartite Pact. Prime Minister Konoye had stated that the Tripartite Pact had been designed to keep both Japan and the United States out of the European war. [148] According to Ambassador Nomura, Postmaster General Frank C. Walker had conferred with President Roosevelt after the remarks of Prince Konoye, and President Roosevelt had decided to make an indirect reply to the Japanese Prime Minister. [149]
37. Special Committee Meeting (July 2, 1941). [150]
American and Japanese associates of Secretary Hull and Ambassador Nomura met for further discussion. Mr. Ballantine, Mr. Schmidt, Mr. Hamilton, Colonel Iwakuro, Mr. Wikawa and Mr. Matsudaira were present.
Mentioning the recent conciliatory interview Prime Minister Konoye had given to the American press, Mr. Wikawa stated that this had been in response to Secretary Hull's oral statement of June 21, 1941. For this reason, Prime Minister Konoye, emphasizing Japan's intention not to participate in or to assist any German program of world conquest, had stressed the absence of reasons for war between the United States and Japan. However, Mr. Ballantine pointed out that the interview had been granted to a Paramount Newsreel representative who had in turn given the information to a United Press correspondent. The interview was not too significant since the Prime Minister's remarks had not been published in Japan, and as reported in America, differed only slightly from previous comments of Japanese statesmen. [151]
In regard to the implication, in Secretary Hull's oral statement of June 21, 1941, of a division within the Japanese government, Mr. Iwakuro reported that secret information, acquired from State Department channels, indicated that the Hull-Nomura conversations had been closed, and that Japanese funds would be frozen in the near future. This information had resulted in unfortunate losses to the Japanese sinking fund allotted for the purchase of Japanese government bonds.
The Japanese representatives argued that once the "understanding" had been reached, Japan would be able to give evidence of her peaceful intentions, meanwhile, though recognizing the need for quick action, Japan was obliged to move cautiously. Much discussion then arose concerning the unanimity of the Japanese government concerning the proposed "understanding". The Japanese assured their American colleagues that with the exception of some small groups there was complete cooperation in Japan.
[147] II, Ibid.
[148] N.Y. Times, June 30,1941, 7:2.
[149] II, 102.
[150] "Memorandum of a Conversation", July 2, 1941, by Max W. Schmidt, S.D., II, 495-499.
[151] II, Ibid., 495.
34
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
Mr. Schmidt reminded the Japanese diplomats that many of their statesmen had emphasized Japan's commitments under the Tripartite Pact. Consequently, the people of the United States believed that certain Japanese elements, supporting Germany, would oppose an "understanding" with the United States which would prevent Japan's aid to Chancellor Hitler, if the United States went to war against Germany. Mr. Wikawa replied that statements of Ambassador Nomura to Secretary Hull concerning Japanese intentions had the official support of the Japanese Army, Navy and Foreign Office, and Colonel Iwakuro confirmed Japanese unanimity in this respect. Mr. Ballantine indicated that it was not a question of the unanimity of the Japanese government concerning the proposal under discussion, but since there was some doubt as to the peaceful intentions of the Japanese, it was felt that Tokyo ought to present some concrete evidence as a proof of its good will. [152] The Americans asked for some concrete evidence that the Japanese government as a whole was anxious for peace instead of military conquest. [153]
The Japanese diplomats remarked that the Hull-Nomura conversations were kept very secret in Japan, owing to the opposition which might arise from other countries and certain Japanese elements. Furthermore, public statements of Japanese officials were often largely for home consumption. According to Mr. Hamilton, similar secrecy was in effect in the United States, and since President Roosevelt and Secretary Hull were able to "apply the brakes" in matters of policy, it seemed possible for the Japanese government also to adopt peaceful methods. Colonel Iwakuro stated that in view of Japan's Tripartite Pact obligations, it would be difficult to act in this fashion until the "understanding" had been reached. [154]
Commenting that delays in the current conversations were making both countries feel that the other was "insincere" and "playing with the other", Colonel Iwakuro declared that since their primary objective was to prevent hostilities between the United States and Japan, an agreement to avoid war should be reached first. All other problems could then be settled in the favorable atmosphere resulting from such an agreement.
In the opinion of Mr. Ballantine, however, the essential points at issue were first, Japan's attitude toward the European war, and second, Japan's desire for peace. Agreeing with Colonel Iwakuro that an understanding on fundamentals would facilitate the solution of other problems, Mr. Hamilton mentioned that Secretary Hull could not ignore the evidence from Japan and other sources which indicated that important Japanese elements did not desire peace.
Suggesting that mutual recognition of the right of self-defense would suffice for the exchange of letters proposed in the American draft of June 21, 1941, Colonel Iwakuro remarked that the United States' assistance to Russia was not pleasing to Japan. He expressed his own personal opinion that discussions on the China incident be dropped until the United States and Japan had reached an agreement for peace in the Pacific. Mr. Hamilton responded that peace in the Pacific involved many countries, and, in addition, there could be no peace if certain Japanese elements were to force an attack on the United States at some later stage of the European war.
The most important part of the whole conversation occurred when the Japanese urged that an "understanding" be reached immediately, with details left for the future, so as to eliminate the possibility of war between Japan and the United States. Mr. Hamilton then repeated his statement that if Japan followed peaceful courses, there would be no danger of war. [155]
[152] II, Ibid., 496.
[153] II, Ibid., 496-497.
[154] II, Ibid., 497.
[155] II, Ibid.
35
38. Japan Decides to Move Southward and Act in Accordance with the Tripartite Pact.
That the Tripartite Pact was the basis of Japanese foreign policy was reemphasized in an Imperial conference report from Mr. Matsuoka to Japanese diplomats, which disclosed that pressure from various points in the south would be exerted to bring the Chungking regime in China to submission. Preparations for a southward advance by Japan were under way, and the policy already decided in regard to French Indo-China and Thailand was to be executed. Every effort was to be exerted to prevent the United States from entering the war, although if the need should arise, Japan would act in accordance with the Tripartite Pact. [156]
Tokyo also announced to its representatives that the divesting of English and United States interests in China might be necessary, depending upon the results of Japanese negotiations with the English speaking people. If things came to the worst, Tokyo asked that all areas concerned cooperate in either destroying or seizing mining and other industrial equipment and ships of England and the United States.
39. Ambassador Nomura Urges Japan Not to Act in Accordance with the Tripartite Pact.
Ambassador Nomura, on July 3, 1941, informed Foreign Minister Matsuoka that relations between Japan and the United States would worsen if Japan collaborated with Germany against Russia. Because peace had to be maintained in the Far East and Japan's obligations to China had to be fulfilled, he urged Japan to stay out of the German-Russian war. Pointing out that a quick agreement to a Japanese-American "understanding" would make the question of self-defense applicable to both Japan and America, he commented that this would make legitimate a future Japanese stand against Russia.
Ambassador Nomura warned that if Japan moved its army southward at this time, there was absolutely no hope of an agreement with the United States. Knowing from various warnings received from the Foreign Office that a serious move was about to be made by his country, the Japanese Ambassador urged a speed decision as to the American "understanding", no matter what policy in regard to Russia was going to be followed. [157]
40. Ambassador Nomura Reassures Secretary Hull.
On July 4, 1941 Ambassador Nomura handed a note to Mr. Ballantine with the request that its contents be telephoned to Secretary Hull as soon as possible. This was done on July 5, 1941 by a member of the State Department. The text follows:
WASHINGTON, July 4, 1941.
MY DEAR MR. SECRETARY: I am glad to inform you that I am now authorized by the Foreign Minister to assure you that there is no divergence of views in the Government regarding its fundamental policy of adjusting Japanese-American relations on a fair basis.
Yours very sincerely, K. NOMURA. [158]
41. Interview with Ambassador Nomura.
(a) State Department's Report. [159]
On July 5, 1941, Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Ballantine called on Ambassador Nomura to deliver Secretary Hull's comments on Ambassador Nomura's letter of July 4, 1941. The State Depart-
[156] II, 103-104.
[157] II, 105-106.
[158] S.D., II, 499.
[159] "Memorandum of a conversation", July 5, 1941, by Joseph W. Ballantine, S.D., II, 499-502.
36
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
ment notified Ambassador Nomura that it had instructed Ambassador Grew in Tokyo to deliver to Prime Minister Konoye a message asking for assurances that reports of an imminent attack against Russia by Japan were without foundation. [160] Mention was also made of American efforts to maintain peace in the Pacific, and the statements of Ambassador Nomura and other Japanese leaders confirming Japan's support of this policy were cited.
Mr. Hamilton indicated that the telegram had been sent before Ambassador Nomura's letter of July 4, 1941 had been received. Though the letter contained assurances of friendliness on the part of Japan which were very pleasing to the United States, Mr. Hamilton remarked that answers of the Japanese government to the fundamental questions raised in Secretary Hull's oral statement of June 21, 1941 would be very helpful. The oral statement had not implied a divergence of views among the Japanese concerning the desirability of the proposed "understanding", but it had asked for evidence which would contradict the impression that certain elements of the Japanese government favored Hitler's world conquest rather than a course of peace.
Ambassador Nomura replied that a comparison of the original proposal and the American revision revealed important differences of viewpoints, which the Japanese government recognized. His letter of July 4, 1941 expressed the desire of his government to continue the conversations until the differences were eliminated. The China incident affected public opinion in Japan much more than in the United States, and, therefore, the Japanese government had to move very cautiously in this matter. However, the Japanese Ambassador promised to inform his superiors of the American viewpoint.
Mr. Hamilton then read to Ambassador Nomura a clipping from the New York Times relating to Japan's plans to acquire naval air bases in French Indo-China and Thailand, which would permit Japanese forces to threaten the Burma Road, Singapore and the Dutch East Indies. In view of this, he asked the Japanese Ambassador to explain the contradictory aspects of Japan's discussing a peace settlement for the Pacific while preparing for war. (See Part C—(g) Japanese-French Relations, which indicates that all of Japan's secret plans for the Far East were divulged to the State Department by United States Communication Intelligence).
The Japanese Ambassador replied that his country was forced to prepare for all possible eventualities since newspapers in the United States were full of plans for the encirclement of Japan, aid to China, Malaya and the Netherlands East Indies, visits of American squadrons to Australia, American aid to the Russian Far East, and the acquisition of air bases in Siberia. In addition, the possibility of a petroleum embargo by the United States against Japan made it necessary for Japan to make preparations for defense.
According to Mr. Hamilton, the United States was not preparing to acquire bases in Siberia, and he commented that there was a great difference between preparatory defense measures at home and seizing bases by force abroad. Ambassador Nomura declared that the Japanese government desired peace, and it had no intention at the moment to move either against Russia or southward. It was imperative, therefore, that the "understanding" be concluded as speedily as possible to avoid further aggravations resulting from action and counter-action by both Japan and America. Agreeing with these views, Mr. Hamilton commended Ambassador Nomura's statesmanlike remarks.
Mr. Hamilton then mentioned that associates of Ambassador Nomura had discussed the possibility of Japan's willingness to withdraw all their troops in China within two years. Replying that he was not conversant with details of this matter, the Japanese Ambassador men-
[160] "Statement handed by the American Ambassador in Japan (Grew) to Mr. Tomohiko Ushiba, Private Secretary of the Japanese Prime Minister (Prince Konoye)", on July 6, 1941, S.D., II, 502-503.
37
tioned that the treaty with Mr. Wang Ching-wei would keep Japanese troops in China as long as the Anti-Comintern Pact was valid, which might be for two years but, perhaps, for much longer.
Throughout the whole conversation Mr. Hamilton emphasized that he spoke in the name of Secretary Hull, and at the end he informed Ambassador Nomura that the State Department expected a reply to the message sent to Prime Minister Konoye.
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report. [161]
Unfortunately, two-thirds of Ambassador Nomura's report to Tokyo was not intercepted by American cryptanalytical agencies. The intercepted part referred only to the question of Japan's acquisition of bases in French Indo-China and Thailand, and outlined Ambassador Nomura's exposition of Japan's needs for self-defense. There was very little information of value in this message. [162]
42. Ambassador Nomura Analyzes President Roosevelt's Diplomatic Activities.
Ambassador Nomura submitted to Tokyo, on July 7, 1941, a long analysis of American public opinion in relation to President Roosevelt's diplomatic moves. [163] The Japanese Ambassador had learned that the United States was already using convoy systems, although Senator George, the Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, had said that the Lend-Lease Act had been passed with the understanding that there would be no convoys, or that convoys would not be instituted without the consent of the Senate. Therefore, Senator George had attacked the government's use of convoys, and the attitude of his committee had stiffened toward the President. However, President Roosevelt had answered this opposition through Secretary Knox, who, speaking in Boston on June 30, 1941 had demanded that the United States Navy take action in the Atlantic immediately. According to Ambassador Nomura, President Roosevelt intended to use Secretary Stimson and Secretary Knox in imposing his definite decision on an indecisive Congress.
As a result of Secretary Knox's speech, a demand arose for a Senate investigation to determine whether or not convoys were being used, but Secretary Knox, in a press conference of July 2, 1941 denied their use. The Japanese Ambassador pointed out that they were already in operation. Moreover, Ambassador Nomura claimed that in the fall of 1940, President Roosevelt had instructed influential members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to use one of the incidents that were occurring between the United States and Japan as a pretext for war. President Roosevelt dropped the plan when members of the committee objected, and in the beginning of 1941, President Roosevelt entirely changed his attitude and earnestly desired an adjustment of United States-Japanese relations. [164]
According to this same report, President Roosevelt had first hoped, through aid to Britain, to ensure a British victory without entering the war, but Germany's victories in the Balkans and Crete had caused him to change his policy. At that time he had not yet formulated a new policy, and because of the problem of regulating relations with Japan he had postponed his fireside chat for two weeks.
In the view of the Japanese Ambassador, President Roosevelt's move to send aid to Russia had brought an unfavorable reaction from the America First Committee, which claimed ten million members. He also believed that President Roosevelt's calling Colonel Charles Lindbergh a "Copperhead" had been a great failure. Furthermore, twenty-six million Methodists,
[161] II, 107.
[162] II, Ibid.
[163] II, 108.
[164] II, Ibid.
38
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
Baptists, Presbyterians, Congregationalists and Disciples had passed resolutions opposed to war. In view of this disunity in public opinion and in Congress itself, President Roosevelt was undecided as to his future policy, but was determined to decide on some definite course of action.
Ambassador Nomura believed that Japan was America's foremost concern at this time. One way of solving President Roosevelt's dilemma would be to achieve a Japanese-American understanding, but even though President Roosevelt and Secretary Hull were desirous for peace in the Pacific, they doubted Japan's sincerity.
Ambassador Nomura warned his superior that if Japan expanded toward the south, the United States, despite the unpreparedness of the American army, would use the navy which was prepared for war with Japan. Thus, popular opinion would be unified, and America's dilemma would be solved, since its wish to fight on only one front could be realized in view of the German-Russian war, which would permit it to neglect the Atlantic. [165]
43. Mr. Matsuoka Replies to President Roosevelt.
On July 8, 1941 Mr. Matsuoka handed to Ambassador Grew, at the request of Prime Minister Konoye, a message for delivery to the President of the United States. [166] Declaring that Japan sincerely desired to prevent the European war from spreading to Greater East Asia and to maintain peace in the Pacific, it stated that so far Japan had not considered the possibility of joining the hostilities against Russia. A confidential copy of the Japanese oral statement delivered to the Russian Ambassador in Tokyo on July 2, 1941, which indicated that Japan would preserve its neutrality with Russia, was attached to this message. The Japanese government also asked whether or not, as indicated by reports from a variety of sources, it was the intention of the President of the United States to intervene in the European war. [167]
During this interview, Ambassador Grew read to Mr. Matsuoka a statement from Secretary Hull, which refuted certain reports emanating from Tokyo concerning the uncertainty of America's foreign policy. [168] Several articles in Japanese newspapers had revealed Japan's fears that the United States and Great Britain would use Russia for military purposes against Japan. In addition, the Japanese press considered American aid to Russia as an unfriendly gesture against Japan.
According to Secretary Hull, the attitude of the United States in regard to the European war had been very clearly stated many times. Its sole aim was to protect the Western Hemisphere against German armies and, accordingly, aid was being given to Great Britain and to any other nation in opposition to those armies, e.g., Russia. All such aid was given in defense of America, and in no way did it threaten the security of nations not on the side of Chancellor Hitler. [169]
44. Ambassador Nomura Reports German-British Peace Negotiations.
While waiting for a reply from Tokyo in response to his telegrams asking for prompt action, Ambassador Nomura reported the existence in American financial circles of a great many rumors concerning American intervention for a German-British peace treaty. [170] According to one rumor,
[165] II, Ibid.
[166] "Statement handed by the Japanese Minister for Foreign Affairs (Matsuoka) to the American Ambassador in Japan (Grew)" on July 8, 1941, S.D., II, 503-504.
[167] II, Ibid.
[168] "Memorandum by the Ambassador in Japan (Grew)", July 8, 1941, S.D., II, 505.
[169] II, Ibid.
[170] II, 109-110.
39
an American-born German was working in the United States to bring about peace, and through the efforts of several prominent Americans he had been introduced to Secretary Hull with whom he had conferred concerning peace terms. However, neither President Roosevelt nor his associates would consider the project, though a number of cabinet members were in favor of it. Ambassador Nomura hastened to add that he could not vouch for the accuracy of this story, [171] but Mr. Matsuoka replied that he was very much interested in such reports, and asked for further details when available. [172]
45. Secretary Hull Refutes Ambassador Nomura's Report.
Complying with the request of the Japanese Foreign Office, on July 14, 1941 Ambassador Nomura supplied some interesting details of the secret activities of a German agent in America who was attempting to bring about peace between England and Germany. [173] According to Ambassador Nomura, a certain ----- [a] accompanied by ----- [a], had been introduced to the Secretary of State through the good offices of a relative of Secretary Hull, ----- [a]. Ambassador Nomura stated that his tendencies were pro-Japanese.
The Japanese Ambassador reported that ----- [a], an American of German extraction, who had lived in Berlin from 1920 to 1939 as representative of American financial interests, had become intimate with Hitler, Goebbels, and Goering. Owing to his favorable position he had been able to protect the ----- [a] properties in Germany, and had underwritten the Japan Electric Company through the New York organization of ----- [a].
----- [a] had returned to the United States by way of Mexico, carrying with him an offer of a European peace plan made by Chancellor Hitler and Minister Goebbels, and bearing written documents from Nazi officials. Chancellor Hitler proposed to open peace negotiations with Britain at any time through the intercession of the United States. The integrity of the British Empire would be preserved; France, Belgium, and Holland were to continue in existence; Poland and Czechoslovakia were to be eliminated; Norway and Denmark were to be left out of the discussion.
Ambassador Nomura also reported that on February 15, 1941 a meeting had been held at the State Department with ----- [a], Secretary Hull, the head of the European Division and other competent heads of departments, as well as two members of the Intelligence Section participating in the conversations. ----- [a] had presented Chancellor Hitler's and Minister Goebbel's letter, and he had also requested that a telephone communication be established from the State Department to the Nazi authorities so that his official position in relation to Germany could be established. This had been done, and Minister Goebbels had substantiated his claims.
Four conversations were held between ----- [a] and the State Department officials until April 11, 1941 when in the company of a State Department staff member he had gone by clipper to Berlin via Lisbon. After a conversation with Nazi authorities, he had returned to the United States, on May 27, 1941 under an assumed name to continue negotiations, in the course of which he had already talked with President Roosevelt. According to the Japanese Ambassador, ----- [a] had been charged with negotiating the sale of German ships to the United States, as well as making peace proposals. In addition to ----- [a], a secret German army representative was negotiating in Washington.
[a] DoD: All names withheld.
[171] II, Ibid.
[172] II, 111.
[173] II, 112-116.
40
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
The foregoing had caused a great disturbance in the State Department because of the differences of opinion among several members. Ambassador Nomura pointed to the fact that at the time the State Department representative, accompanying ----- [a], had conferred with Herr Hess, Marshal Goering, Minister Goebbels and the heads of the German army, Herr Hess had stressed the desire of the German leaders for peace. According to Ambassador Nomura's report, the United States and Great Britain had made a mistake in thinking that the massing of German troops on the Russian border was a form of deception and that no attack would be made. On the other hand, the Germans had believed that help to Russia from England and the United States was beyond possibility. Therefore, both governments had erred in their calculations.
Ambassador Nomura also emphasized that one of the reasons for the unsatisfactory progress of the American-Japanese negotiations was that Americans held the erroneous belief that there was a connection between the German peace movements and the Japanese negotiations. [174]
This extraordinary document elicited a very unusual response from Secretary of State Hull. In the files of United States Communication Intelligence, attached to the copy of the deciphered dispatch which contained this report of Ambassador Nomura, is a statement signed by Mr. Hull. It reads as follows:
The entire subject matter in the communication of Ambassador Nomura to Tokyo No. 506 of July 14, 1941 beginning with "part 1 of 5" and including parts 2, 3 and 4, (through paragraph 7 of "part 4 of 5") in its entirety is wholly false and unsupported by a single fact or circumstance, other than that during the forepart of this year, secured an ordinary American passport to visit Germany and Italy allegedly on private business for a group of American persons in relation to a proposed purchase of German and Italian ships in North and South American ports, solely for the account of private American interests. The United States government in any event was not concerned in any way whatsoever.
/s/ CORDELL HULL [175]
46. Ambassador Nomura Pleads for Speedier Action from Tokyo.
The first week of July, 1941 passed and still no reply came from Tokyo to Secretary Hull's oral statement of June 21, 1941, though Ambassador Nomura had sent several requests for speedy action. On July 8, 1941 Mr. Matsuoka inquired as to the meaning of the words "his associates" in a passage of the oral statement referring to the Japanese Ambassador and his associates. [176] Mr. Matsuoka also requested the texts of the letters which had been suggested for exchange in accordance with the revised American proposal of June 21, 1941. [177] These were sent by Ambassador Nomura. [178]
In view of these tantalizing requests, which indicated the interest of the Japanese Foreign Office in Secretary Hull's oral statement, Ambassador Nomura finally sent a very urgent plea for a definite decision, since the document had been in the hands of Mr. Matsuoka for two weeks. Remarking that American diplomats were very anxious to discover Japan's real intentions, Ambassador Nomura declared that the Americans, who were losing hope of ever seeing an improvement in Japanese-American relations, were beginning to doubt that the current
[a] DoD: All names withheld.
[174] II, 116.
[175] II, 112. Attached and signed by Mr. Hull.
[176] II, 117.
[177] II, 118.
[178] II, 119-120.
41
negotiations would ever amount to anything. Reliable information disclosed that Japanese delays were having an unfortunate effect in the United States, and this, coupled with the American belief that Japan would try to capitalize on the Russian-German war either by moving north against Russia or south against British and Dutch interests, jeopardized the whole Japanese-American situation. Both President Roosevelt and Secretary Hull, who had talked with the Japanese Ambassador seventeen times, according to Ambassador Nomura's own count, were very concerned. The United States Navy also considered the situation to be grave.
According to Ambassador Nomura, the Americans would not give in if Japan remained adamant. He believed that there was a great danger of the United States breaking off negotiations at the first opportunity rather than becoming less hostile. Indicating that the three main difficulties in the way of an "understanding" were first, the interpretation of the right of self-defense, second, the stationing of troops in China, and third, non-discrimination in commerce, Ambassador Nomura remarked that he was at his wit's end, but still did not want to break off negotiations. Expressing his willingness to present any other proposal which Mr. Matsuoka desired, the Japanese Ambassador urged that a decision be reached as quickly as possible on the proposals he had already submitted. [179]
47. Ambassador Nomura Requests Permission to Return Home (July 10, 1941).
On July 10, 1941 Foreign Minister Matsuoka directed Ambassador Nomura to send Minister-Counselor Wakasugi back to Tokyo so that certain information concerning the current negotiations could be supplied without dependence on telegrams. [180] Replying immediately to this directive, Ambassador Nomura requested that he be permitted to return to Japan to report the facts in person since his leaving would have no serious effect on the United States.
Pointing out that the United States had been eager to adjust Japanese-American relations immediately after the war had broken out between Russia and Germany he indicated that the United States was now very suspicious of Japan. A speedy conclusion of current negotiations would make possible a settlement of certain difficulties, but under present circumstances there would be no time for Tokyo to recall Mr. Wakasugi in order to obtain the facts of the situation, and then to reappoint him to continue the negotiations. Ambassador Nomura felt that the severance of diplomatic relations between Japan and the United States was much more imminent than the Japanese believed it to be. In view of these circumstances, Ambassador Nomura indicated that it would be useless for him to remain in the United States. [181]
On the same day, July 11, 1941, that Mr. Matsuoka delivered a severe rebuke to Ambassador Nomura concerning the diplomatic standing of his staff members in the minds of American representatives (See Part A—Section 48—Mr. Matsuoka again Rebukes Ambassador Nomura), Mr. Matsuoka refused to permit Ambassador Nomura to leave his position and return to Japan. Emphasizing his realization that there would be nothing better than to hear Ambassador Nomura report on the situation in person, the Foreign Minister declared that the critical nature of United States-Japanese relations made it increasingly necessary for Ambassador Nomura to remain where he was. Citing Emperor Hirohito's wishes concerning Ambassador Nomura's continuance at his post, Mr. Matsuoka pointed out that the return of the Japanese Ambassador at this time could not be permitted because of its effect on public opinion. Even if the achievement of an "understanding" seemed hopeless, it would be best for Ambassador Nomura to remain at his post to the last and to make the best of the situation. [182]
[179] II, 121-123.
[180] II, 124.
[181] II, 125
[182] II, 126.
42
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
Three days later, on July 14, 1941, Ambassador Nomura again asked that he be allowed to give up his post in the United States. [183] Apologizing for any displeasure which he had caused Mr. Matsuoka because of his inexperience, he explained that his intention had been to remain and to do his utmost in the United States until the critical diplomatic situation had reached a possible solution. Expressing regret that his telegram had caused his country so much embarrassment, he promised to be especially cautious in the future, although he pointed out that his previous training had permitted him to exercise his own judgment to such an extent that he could not guarantee the absence of further difficulties. Ambassador Nomura expressed his views as follows:
Therefore, no matter from what angle I regard the question, I cannot help but keenly feel that I should resign as soon as possible for the good of the country. In view of the political situation, I earnestly hope that you will not hesitate in transferring my duties to ----- person whom you have selected as being more in accordance with your desire. I fully realize that I am not the right man. I am, in fact, no more than a temporary stop-gap. As I have assured you previously, I have no intention whatsoever of bringing any degree of disaster to this position before my return to Japan. I most earnestly hope that you would consider this point carefully. [184]
Reiterating his opposition to the recalling of Mr. Wakasugi, he remarked that the point in question had been an "off the record" discussion of a private nature and was not important enough to require a personal report. Furthermore, Mr. Wakasugi had been sent to assist Ambassador Nomura in the performance of his duties, and wished to remain in Washington as long as Ambassador Nomura was stationed there. However, the Japanese Ambassador remarked that he would offer no further opposition, if Mr. Matsuoka insisted on Mr. Wakasugi's return to Japan. [185]
48. Mr. Matsuoka Again Rebukes Ambassador Nomura (July 11, 1941).
It will be recalled that Mr. Matsuoka had inquired of Ambassador Nomura concerning the meaning of the words "his associates" in a passage of the oral statement. [186] Ambassador Nomura responded that the term "associates" referred to all persons who had conferred at his orders with representatives of the United States; that is, Mr. Kaname Wakasugi, Mr. Katsuzo Okumura, Mr. Koto Matsudaira, Colonel Hideo Iwakuro, and Mr. Tadao Wikawa. [187] This explanation occasioned another severe rebuke to the Japanese Ambassador by Foreign Minister Matsuoka.
In a long dispatch on July 11, 1941, Mr. Matsuoka declared that the individuals named above were merely members of Ambassador Nomura's staff and were not his associates. [188] This condition would remain true until the Foreign Minister named one of them to a specific commission, and even Colonel Iwakuro, who had taken a prominent part in some of the special committee meetings, especially in military discussions, was not to be considered as an associate. Special warning was issued by the Foreign Minister concerning Mr. Tadao Wikawa, who was not connected with the Prime Minister or with any other member of the Japanese cabinet, and who was held in low esteem even by members of the Finance Ministry, to which he had been attached. Mr. Matsuoka directed Ambassador Nomura to correct immediately the misconception of United States authorities that the men mentioned above were his associates.
[183] II, 127.
[184] II, Ibid.
[185] II, Ibid.
[186] II, 117.
[187] II, 128
[188] II, 129.
43
Mr. Matsuoka also objected to the implication contained in the oral statement that as long as there were questionable persons in the Prince Konoye cabinet, the understanding "could not be effective even if it were signed". According to Mr. Matsuoka, such a statement was a demand that the Japanese reorganize their Cabinet. For this reason Mr. Matsuoka declared that not only the government of Japan but its representatives had a perfect right to reject the oral statement, but in view of the delicate situation of the Japanese-American relations, as well as that of the rest of the world, he had decided to suffer in silence.
The Foreign Minister expressed the hope that Ambassador Nomura had insisted upon a full discussion of various points with the Americans to obtain detailed explanations since "the instrument has had only a very few, if any, comparable parallels in the history of the world". [189] Several points were then discussed by Mr. Matsuoka, who requested Ambassador Nomura to correct certain misconceptions of the Americans. First, both Prime Minister Konoye and Foreign Minister Matsuoka had been falsely quoted by the press concerning their remarks subsequent to the signing of the Tripartite Pact. Mr. Matsuoka had actually said that:
Japan had every intention of being loyal to the terms of the Tripartite Pact, and should the United States go to war forcing a clash between Japan and the United States, there would be, without a doubt, a horrible effect on all mankind.
Mr. Matsuoka claimed that if all the statements that he had made in Parliament and elsewhere were read carefully and calmly, it would be discovered that he had never exceeded the limits of the remarks expressed above. Complaining bitterly of many misquotations in the press, Mr. Matsuoka stated that he had adopted a policy of refusing to grant any interviews, except to persons whose characters were guaranteed by the United States Embassy, and for whose actions the United States Embassy agreed to be held responsible.
It is interesting to note that in this instance, as in the case of Mr. Matsuoka's complaints against the American and British Ambassadors to Tokyo for misquoting and mistranslating his remarks, [190] no specific instances of misquotations were given. It may be safe to assume, therefore, that Mr. Matsuoka objected to the interpretation placed upon his remarks by certain elements of the press. Although the press' interpretation of Mr. Matsuoka's attitude might have been faulty, the following passage in his secret dispatch speaks for itself:
If the United States expects Japan to double cross her Axis partners, or even wishes Japan to assume a luke-warm attitude towards them on the basis of any of these public statements, the United States is being unreasonable, and is in for a disappointment. I am convinced that if the United States were in the same position as we, she would assume the same, or possibly an even stronger, attitude. [191]
Denying that there was a split between members of the Japanese cabinet, and calling all stories to this effect "lying reports", Mr. Matsuoka remarked that such rumors had been started from outside by those who had not been able to obtain cabinet appointments. Remarking that important matters had to be discussed thoroughly from all possible angles, Mr. Matsuoka indicated that this was being done in Tokyo at the moment.
Since rumors of dissension in Japan might have reached President Roosevelt and Secretary Hull, Mr. Matsuoka requested that Ambassador Nomura make every effort to correct such an erroneous opinion, for there was absolutely no difference of viewpoints between Prime Minister Konoye and himself concerning the necessity of improving Japanese-United States relations. Both were anxious to bring about an "understanding pact", as Mr. Matsuoka had made quite clear to Ambassador Nomura from the very beginning of his mission, and the War and Naval Ministers, as well as all the other ministers, were in complete accord in this matter. Ambassador
[189] II, Ibid.
[190] See Volume I, Section 62—(England's Concern over Japanese Policies), 166.
[191] II, 129.
44
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
Nomura was requested to explain the situation to President Roosevelt and Secretary Hull so that they would make no mistake. [192]
The tone of Mr. Matsuoka's reprimand was so indignant that Mr. Taro Terasaki, in a separate dispatch, advised Japanese representatives in Washington that Mr. Matsuoka's message had contained merely the Foreign Minister's immediate reactions to the oral statement. An expression of the official Japanese attitude concerning the American revision of the proposal would be sent to Washington in the very near future. [193]
49. Ambassador Nomura Replies to the Rebuke of the Foreign Minister (July 14, 1941).
A few days later, Ambassador Nomura replied to Mr. Matsuoka's reprimand. Agreeing with the Foreign Minister as to the importance of the oral statement of the United States, Ambassador Nomura did not believe that the Americans were trying to revise the Japanese cabinet, since their only aim was to discover the sincerity of the Japanese in improving mutual relations. [194]
The feeling of the Americans which had disturbed Mr. Matsuoka had arisen from a misunderstanding, because the American Embassy in Tokyo often sent home disturbing reports, and frequently prominent Japanese, who wished to thwart the Japanese-American negotiations, had also done damage. In addition, Germany and China had tried to end the negotiations, and Germany had originated a broadcast containing rumors of Mr. Matsuoka's resignation. On various occasions from the very beginning of his assignment, Ambassador Nomura had received Mr. Matsuoka's instructions concerning the desire of the Japanese for peace, but whatever the American representatives had been persuaded of Japan's good intentions, rumors from the financial circles of both nations had upset the situation.
Ambassador Nomura's disturbed state of mind concerning his failure to achieve his objectives in his post as Japanese Ambassador is demonstrated in the following passage:
I believed and never once doubted that it was at this stage the serious policy of the Imperial government to improve Japanese-American relations. But, since then, Oh, how often have I met with opposition! How often have I lost faith in my subordinates! But, in spite of that and enduring it all, to this day I have held to my post and while enduring every sort of bitterness I have stuck to my ideal; that is because I have had faith in what I conceived to be the primary policy of our Government. As I reflect upon the general atmosphere in this country when I took office, I can see how relations between our two countries were following an ever-roughening road. I thought that perhaps I could make our two countries each understand the position of the other; but, alas, I can see that that was only an airy story told in a dream! [195]
In view of these unfavorable conditions and the evident dissatisfaction of some Japanese elements, Ambassador Nomura had become convinced that it would be hopeless to deal with the Secretary of State alone; thus, it had been decided to begin unofficial negotiations with certain other prominent Americans as well as with Secretary Hull. Seventeen private discussions had been held with Mr. Hull and several conferences with Postmaster General Frank C. Walker. Since Germany and China were also using secret agents, Ambassador Nomura was convinced that his method of undercover negotiations was the most productive.
As for the significance of the word "associates", according to Ambassador Nomura, the word simply meant cooperators, for example, Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Ballantine, and the Postmaster General were associates of Secretary Hull. The United States government did not believe that Colonel Iwakuro and Mr. Wikawa were authorized to represent the Japanese government, for it recognized that just as the Postmaster General and Secretary Hull understood the precise limits of their respective jurisdictions, so did Ambassador Nomura's subordinates.
[192] II, Ibid.
[193] II, 130.
[194] II, 131-138.
[195] II, 132.
45
The Japanese army and navy had been requested to send a competent man as assistant to the Japanese Ambassador, and Ambassador Nomura had supposed that Colonel Iwakuro was sent after consultation between the Foreign Office and military officials. Although Ambassador Nomura was grateful for the warning concerning Mr. Wikawa, after some difficulties at first, the man had been very useful as an interpreter in dealing with important American officials. Since Ambassador Nomura had used the word "associates" innocently, he had been very much perturbed to find he had been acting against Mr. Matsuoka's wishes.
The most important question, however, was whether or not Japan would adjust its relations with the United States at this critical moment, or give up all attempts to solve the difficulties. Warning that if this question were decided too quickly, a good opportunity for solving the problem would be lost forever, Ambassador Nomura then spoke of the necessity for ceasing all further bickering over unimportant details, and stressed his determination to exercise his own judgment until he was ordered back to Japan:
I, therefore, do not wish to waste time at this critical moment bickering over the question of procedure. Besides, for compatriots to be arguing over details and to be casting suspicion on one another in the face of a serious crisis threatening the country would cause the enthusiasm and courage of those who are sincerely working in this matter to wilt, and would interfere with the progress of the negotiations. Since I feel this very keenly, I do not wish to go further into a discussion of the details. [196]
50. Interview with Ambassador Nomura (July 14, 1941).
(a) State Department's Report. [197]
Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Ballantine called on the Japanese Ambassador to express Secretary Hull's regrets at his inability, because of illness, to see Ambassador Nomura on the preceding day when he had called at Secretary Hull's hotel at White Sulphur Springs. The American representatives expressed their readiness to convey to Secretary Hull any new impressions which the Japanese Ambassador wished to communicate.
Ambassador Nomura said that he had informed Mr. Cecil W. Gray, Assistant to Secretary Hull, of his recently received instructions from Mr. Matsuoka to stress the unanimity of important Japanese leaders, such as the Prime Minister and the Minister of War, Navy, Home Affairs and Foreign Affairs, in their desire to improve relations with the United States.
Repeating his remarks, made on other occasions, that there was no question on this point, Mr. Hamilton pointed out that Secretary Hull in his oral statement of June 21, 1941 had cited evidence proving that important Japanese elements did not desire the policy of peace, which was the principal objective of the proposed "understanding". In view of this evidence, Secretary Hull desired to learn if Japan were willing to prevent these elements from crippling the effectiveness of a Japanese policy of peace.
Replying that Secretary Hull had previously mentioned this division in the Japanese government, Ambassador Nomura stated that though there might be rumors concerning a split in Japanese opinion, the Japanese government as a whole desired peace. [198]
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report. [199]
Ambassador Nomura reported to Foreign Minister Matsuoka that he had sent his best wishes for a quick recovery to Secretary Hull who was recuperating at a summer resort away from Washington. On July 14, 1941 Mr. Hamilton had returned the visit of Ambassador Nomura to assure the Japanese Ambassador of Mr. Hull's gratitude for his kind thought. Ambassador
[196] II, 137.
[197] "Memorandum of a conversation", July 14, 1941, by Joseph W. Ballantine, S.D., II, 505-506.
[198] II, Ibid.
[199] II, 139.
46
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
Nomura requested Mr. Hamilton to convey to Secretary Hull his assurances that all authorities in Japan, despite rumors to the contrary, were united in the hope that relations between Japan and the United States could be settled harmoniously.
Replying that Secretary Hull considered peace desirable between the United States and Japan, Mr. Hamilton hoped that Japan would not war against other countries. Ambassador Nomura then answered that the United States as well as Japan was obtaining military bases in other countries. [200]
51. Foreign Minister Matsuoka Condemns the Oral Statement and Attacks Ambassador Nomura (July 14, 1941).
On July 8, 1941 Foreign Minister Matsuoka had requested official confirmation of his belief that the oral statement presented by the United States on June 21, 1941 would not be included as an integral part of the proposal for an "understanding". [201]
Though he had received no reply from Ambassador Nomura as late as July 14, 1941 concerning his inquiry, Foreign Minister Matsuoka could no longer contain his indignation at the oral statement. Administering another severe rebuke to Ambassador Nomura, he called the oral statement a "detestable document", [202] whether or not it was intended to be included as part of the proposal for the "understanding".
Mr. Matsuoka objected to what he considered was an attempt by the United States to direct the affairs of Japan:
For one country to tell another totally independent power how its Government should be organized and criticize important elements in that Government and to suggest that this person or that person be eliminated, is unheard of. Under these circumstances, even if we would conclude this understanding, its result would be nil. I might say that it would be a mere phantasm. In the last paragraph just before the note there is something abominable written. They ask that we change the set-up of our Government and its attitude. Such a thing belongs to the realm of the fantastic. If my memory serves me rightly, during the summer of 1905, in connection with the Tangiers incident, the German Kaiser asked the French to banish Theophile Delcasse, but France did not listen, of course, and the incident was never settled harmoniously. A country can only tell its dependencies and protectorates such things as that. If you will carefully scrutinize this oral statement, you can well see that so far as the present government of Japan is concerned, it is enough to cause a rupture in the negotiations. [203]
Claiming that he had considered every angle of the present negotiations in the hopes of settling the current difficulties pleasantly and without harshness, Mr. Matsuoka indicated that the oral statement had disturbed him deeply.
Attacking Ambassador Nomura and some of his associates for maintaining views entirely at variance with the government of Japan, and insinuating that the Japanese Ambassador's opinions had been influenced by the United States, Mr. Matsuoka expressed himself as follows:
This Oral Statement: You, Sir, and your so-called fellow travelers, have an attitude which is entirely at variance with the attitude of our present Government and the horrible thing about it is that you have willingly allowed the United States to mold your opinions. Saddest of all, here in Japan you have a few adherents. For the representative of a country to directly oppose the Government he represents is almost unforgivable and I know of no precedent for it in our history. For a representative of a given country to allow foreign leaders to influence him and for him, in turn, to try to influence his Government belongs not only to the realm of the preposterous, but also to that of base rudeness. [204]
[200] II, Ibid.
[201] II, 111
[202] II, 140-143.
[203] II, 140.
[204] II, 141.
47
In explaining the delay in replying to the oral statement which had been in his hands for some time, Mr. Matsuoka claimed that he would have immediately expressed his resentment but for the fact that he wished to avoid offending the United States and had desired to bring the negotiations to a successful conclusion.
Reminding Ambassador Nomura that if Japan had presented a similar oral statement to the American government, the United States would have been very indignant, the Foreign Minister stated that it might be possible to adjust Japanese-American relations at some remote time in the future, but that "this sort of hideous document", standing like a shadow between the two nations, would be detrimental to mutual friendship.
Unless the United States rescinded the oral statement, Japan would not consider a plan for an "understanding", since it could not change its present cabinet. Mr. Matsuoka instructed Ambassador Nomura, therefore, to inform the American government that its oral statement was "extremely hateful to us", and without any delay to return the oral statement with the veto of the Japanese government and with the explanation that the long delay had occurred because of the wish of the Japanese not to hurt American feelings. Mr. Matsuoka then promised to send a revised proposal to Washington in a day or so. [205]
52. Foreign Minister Matsuoka Submits New Proposals (July 14, 1941).
Mr. Matsuoka finally sent to Ambassador Nomura a series of proposals, which had been discussed in Tokyo in secret conferences lasting for several days. Recognizing that many points of the American proposal differed from the suggestions of the Japanese, Mr. Matsuoka stated that they had finally decided upon a solution which was in keeping with the plans of the Japanese army. [206] He pointed out that they had decided to adopt several of the American clauses, despite their disagreement with them, but that some other clauses were not in conformity with the fundamental national policy of the Japanese and, therefore, were revised for reasons which he gave in detail.
In the clause outlining the attitude of America and Japan in regard to the European war, Mr. Matsuoka insisted on the retention of the principle that both nations would do their utmost to bring about international order by an early restoration of peace in Europe. He also suggested that in the phrase "assist in the bringing about of a settlement of the European war" there be inserted another phrase "at a fitting opportunity in the future" to make it easier for acceptance by the United States.
Analyzing the document, clause by clause and step by step, Mr. Matsuoka gave very detailed instructions to Ambassador Nomura. He insisted that the minutes of the negotiations should contain the repeated warnings of Japan that it did not approve the unfriendly actions of the United States against Germany.
As for the bringing about of peace between Japan and China, the Japanese claimed that it was hard to accept American provisions which drastically revised the gist of their original proposal. Indicating that the phrase "Chiang Regime" would be used instead of the title "Chungking Government" or the "Government of China", Japan wished merely to inform the United States that it earnestly desired to make peace with China, and that the intervention of the United States was requested. This did not mean that Japan wished an agreement with the United States concerning peace with China, since the China incident could not be decided by the intervention of any third country. Furthermore, the United States was to promise to stop assisting Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, if he would not listen to its request.
[205] II, 143.
[206] II, 144-152.
48
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
Concerning commerce between both countries, Japan accepted the American proposal but eliminated the American annex. As for economic activities of both countries in the "Pacific Area", Japan changed the latter phrase to "Southwestern Pacific", because that was where the need for cooperation was felt the most. In regard to the policy of both countries relating to the political stability of the Pacific area, Japan considered that the question of Philippine independence concerned the United States alone, though the independence of these islands and friendly treatment to Japanese residents should be guaranteed. [207]
An interesting sidelight on the reaction of certain Japanese diplomats to the comments of Mr. Matsuoka was found in a message from Mr. Terasaki, the Chief of the American Division of the Foreign Ministry at Tokyo, to Counselor Iguchi at Washington, in which he stated that both messages had been written by Foreign Minister Matsuoka himself. [208] Since the Foreign Minister had understood the American oral statement to mean that the United States was demanding a revision of the Japanese Cabinet, Mr. Terasaki suggested that Ambassador Nomura immediately send an explanation to offset this impression. [209]
53. Interview with Ambassador Nomura (July 15, 1941).
(a) State Department's Report. [210]
At the direction of the Secretary of State, Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Ballantine called on the Japanese Ambassador, on July 15, 1941, to discuss with him three points that had vital bearing on an amicable relationship between Japan and the United States. The first point concerned the oral statement given to Ambassador Nomura by Secretary Hull on June 21, 1941, and Mr. Hamilton expressed Mr. Hull's regrets that no reply had been made by the Japanese.
Ambassador Nomura responded that his letter of July 4, 1941 to Secretary Hull had been intended as an answer by his government to the American oral statement. Since the Japanese government was acting as a unit in spite of certain disagreements on policy, it felt that the United States should not question the attitude of individuals as had been done in Secretary Hull's proposal, since the suggested reconstruction of the Japanese cabinet amounted to an interference in Japan's internal affairs.
Immediately correcting what he believed to be a misinterpretation of the oral statement, Mr. Hamilton disclaimed any desire of the United States to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries. To clarify American aims, Mr. Hamilton said that the proposed understanding was based on a policy of peace. Because certain Japanese leaders obviously desired to support Nazi Germany in its movement for world conquest, it was necessary to know the attitude of the Japanese government as a whole.
Stating that his government was bound to an alliance with Germany and Italy, Ambassador Nomura replied that Japan, nevertheless, wished to pursue a course of peace. Declaring that his government had misunderstood the oral statement, the Japanese Ambassador admitted that his seventeen conferences with Secretary Hull had enabled him to understand fully the aims of the United States government. Mr. Hamilton then suggested that Ambassador Nomura explain these aims to his government to clarify all misunderstandings.
In connection with the second point, Mr. Hamilton asked about the recurrent rumors of Japan's plans to acquire naval and air bases in French Indo-China. Although without specific information from the Japanese government, Ambassador Nomura answered that Japan was
[207] II, 152.
[208] II, 153.
[209] II, Ibid.
[210] "Memorandum of a conversation", July 15, 1941, by Joseph W. Ballantine, S.D., II, 506-509.
49
obliged to take precautionary measures against the encirclement being established by the alliance between China and Great Britain and by the increased aid of the United States to the Chungking government. Mentioning that if the United States were in Japan's place it would have acted earlier, the Japanese Ambassador pointed out that the military occupation of Iceland and the possibility of taking Dakar and the Azores were examples of American attempts to maintain their security. Mr. Hamilton reminded Ambassador Nomura that the overrunning of many countries by Germany provided sound reasons for these actions.
After discussing America's Good Neighbor Policy, which Ambassador Nomura admired and hoped that Japan would imitate, the conversation turned to the third and last point under discussion, Japan's obligations to the Axis under the Tripartite Pact. Expressing Japan's hopes that the United States would not enter the European conflict, Ambassador Nomura felt sure that there was nothing incompatible between the terms of the Tripartite Pact and the friendly relations of Japan and the United States. In the event of America's entering the war, Japan would have to use its own judgment whether the terms of Article III of the Tripartite Pact were applicable. The meeting then ended on the same note of cordiality that had been present throughout the entire conversation.
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report. [211]
Ambassador Nomura reported that on the evening of July 15, 1941 Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Ballantine had called on him to inquire concerning the accuracy of information which indicated that Japan was planning to acquire naval and air bases in French Indo-China. (See Part C—(e) Japanese-French Relations.)
Ambassador Nomura replied that he knew nothing about these plans except what he had read in the newspapers, but in view of the assistance being given by both Britain and the United States to Chungking and the recent cooperation between the United States and Russia, Japan felt that it was being encircled. It was not surprising, therefore, that such rumors were current, especially since the United States had already occupied Iceland and was alleged to be seeking bases at Dakar and in the Azores. Ambassador Nomura promised, however, to present an official reply after he had an opportunity to consult his government.
The American representatives then asked whether or not, in addition to the Tripartite Pact, Japan had a special agreement with Germany and Italy whereby it would go to war against the United States in case the latter entered the European war. According to Ambassador Nomura, there was no such agreement, but in case the United States did enter the war, the duties specified in the third clause of the Tripartite Pact would come into effect. There was no need of asking Tokyo about these duties since all were acquainted with them. Japan was not able to tell at the moment whether everything the United States would do in the future could be considered self-defense, and for this reason, each movement would have to be considered individually. From the viewpoint of national defense, the United States was the safest of all countries, for there was little danger of invasion from Canada or Mexico. Pointing out that he had already discussed this situation with Secretary Hull, the Japanese Ambassador repeated his arguments about the much greater danger of invasion, as contrasted with the United States, which Japan was experiencing. [212]
[211] II, 154.
[212] II, Ibid.
50
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
54. Ambassador Grew Delivers an Oral Statement to the Japanese Foreign Office.
On July 16, 1941 the American Ambassador to Japan, Joseph C. Grew, handed an oral statement to the Japanese Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs, Chuichi Ohashi. This was a reply to the message sent to the President of the United States on July 7, 1941 by Prime Minister Fumimaro Konoye, who had asked if reports that the American government was planning to intervene in the European war were true. [213]
The oral statement declared that the policy of the United States was founded on the inalienable right of self-defense, and, benefiting from the experience of some fifteen countries in Europe which had been given categoric assurances by Germany that they would not be molested, the United States intended to employ any reasonable precaution necessary to ensure its present or future territorial integrity. Germany would be prevented from controlling the seas or obtaining any other strategic advantages which would directly threaten American security, for if the United States were to desist in any way from this basic policy, it would undoubtedly facilitate the aims of the aggressor nations to conquer the world by force.
55. Dissolution of the Japanese Cabinet (July 17, 1941).
On July 16, 1941 Mr. Matsuoka sent word to Washington that the Japanese Cabinet would have to resign. He ordered that the matter of the oral statement be attended to at once before the dissolution of the Cabinet took place. [214]
On the following day, July 17, 1941, Prime Minister Konoye and his whole Cabinet resigned. Emperor Hirohito accepted the resignations but asked Prime Minister Konoye to continue the administration of national affairs temporarily until he could select a successor. [215] However, the Japanese Emperor requested Prime Minister Konoye to form a new Cabinet, and though it was supposed that much totalitarian and military pressure had been at work to influence his selections, Prime Minister Konoye omitted Mr. Matsuoka. [216]
Admiral Teijiro Toyoda assumed the responsibilities of the Foreign Office on July 17, 1941, and Admiral Isoroku Yamamoto replaced Mr. Ohashi as Vice Foreign Minister.
56. Mr. Wakasugi Confers with Mr. Hamilton (July 16, 1941). [217]
In the late afternoon of July 16, 1941, Mr. Wakasugi, the Japanese Minister, called to see Mr. Hamilton in regard to the conversation which had taken place between Ambassador Nomura, Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Ballantine on the preceding evening. Mr. Wakasugi stated that although both he and the Japanese Ambassador understood fully the terms of the agreement, his government had interpreted them as a mark of American interference in Japanese internal affairs. Because of the governmental crisis that had now arisen, the Ambassador deemed it advisable to return the oral statement which Secretary Hull had given him on June 21, 1941.
Since Secretary Hull had handed this document to Ambassador Nomura personally, Mr. Hamilton expressed his disinclination to accept it without first receiving authorization directly from Mr. Hull. At this point, however, Mr. Hamilton took the opportunity of reiterating that the real purpose of the proposal was to establish peaceful relations between the two countries. Explaining further that the United States had no wish to interfere in the internal affairs
[213] "Oral Statement Handed by the American Ambassador in Japan (Grew) to the Japanese Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs (Ohashi)", July 16, 1941, S.D., II, 509-510
[214] II, 155.
[215] N.Y. Times, July 17, 1941, 1:5.
[216] N.Y. Times, July 19, 1941, 1:4.
[217] "Memorandum by the Chief of the Division of Far Eastern Affairs", Maxwell M. Hamilton, July 16, 1941, S.D., II, 511-12.
51
of any government? Mr. Hamilton called for a copy of Secretary Hull's statement of July 16, 1937, and underlined the words, "We advocate abstinence by all nations ----- from interference in the internal affairs of other nations". Mr. Hamilton remarked that Secretary Hull's statement had summarized a fundamental principle which the United States had consistently adhered to in its dealings with all nations.
To Mr. Hamilton's suggestion that the Japanese Ambassador make a report embodying his own views of the oral statement, Mr. Wakasugi replied that this had already been done. Nevertheless, he requested the marked copy of Secretary Hull's statement for Ambassador Nomura. Stressing the urgency of the situation, Mr. Wakasugi also asked that Mr. Hamilton inform Secretary Hull as soon as possible. Mr. Hamilton agreed, but requested that the Japanese Ambassador not press the matter further until he had conferred with Mr. Hull.
57. Japanese Foreign Office Delivers Oral Statement to Ambassador Grew.
On July 17, 1941 Mr. Ohashi, the Japanese Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs, handed an oral statement to American Ambassador Grew, which acknowledged receipt of the American reply, dated July 16, 1941, to Prime Minister Konoye's letter of July 7, 1941. [218] Mr. Ohashi stated that the Japanese government did not intend to enter into a discussion concerning the points brought out in Ambassador Grew's letter, but it could not ignore the claims of the United States to invoke, without limitations, the right of self-defense. Neither could it concur with the indictment of Germany nor with the statement that those who urged the United States to desist from such a policy would be aiding aggressor nations.
58. Mr. Wakasugi Returns the American Oral Statement of June 21, 1941.
In accordance with the desire of the Japanese Ambassador to return the American oral statement of June 21, 1941, Mr. Wakasugi, the Japanese Minister, called on Mr. Hamilton on the afternoon of July 15, 1941. [219] Having now obtained permission to accept the document, Mr. Hamilton, reading a prepared statement in order to avoid any misunderstandings, received the oral statement in the name of Secretary Hull. He reminded Mr. Wakasugi that the oral statement was not, in itself, an official communication, but was simply a record of a statement voiced by Mr. Hull. Although both Ambassador Nomura and Mr. Wakasugi had professed to understand the true meaning of the document, though the Japanese government had not, Secretary Hull realized that retention of the statement might be a source of embarrassment. [220]
Emphasizing that the United States was concerned only with the policy of the Japanese government as a whole, Mr. Hamilton expressed the desire of his country to find in the attitude, utterances and acts of the Japanese government a sincere desire for peace. After expressing his appreciation for the attitude of the United States in regard to this matter, and assuring Mr. Hamilton that he understood fully American aims, Mr. Wakasugi returned the original copy of Secretary Hull's oral statement of June 21, 1941.
[218] "Oral Statement handed by the Japanese Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs (Ohashi) to the American Ambassador in Japan (Grew)", July 17, 1941, S.D., II, 513.
[219] "Memorandum by the Chief of the Division of Far Eastern Affairs", July 17, 1941, S.D., II, 513-514.
[220] "Statement by the Chief of the Division of Far Eastern Affairs (Hamilton) to the Japanese Minister (Wakasugi)", July 17, 1941, S.D., II, 514.
52
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
59. Welles-Nomura Conversation (July 18, 1941).
(a) Acting Secretary Welles' Report. [221]
In the evening of July 18, 1941 Ambassador Nomura called on Mr. Sumner Welles to discuss Japan's isolation which had resulted from the closing of the trans-Siberian railroad. Under the Tripartite Pact, Germany could have rendered assistance to Japan as long as this communication line remained open, but the war with Russia had greatly altered this situation. However, with the cooperation of the United States Navy in the Pacific, the Japanese Ambassador felt certain that Japan would not be isolated.
When Mr. Welles questioned Ambassador Nomura regarding Japan's foreknowledge of the German attack upon Russia, he replied that neither Foreign Minister Matsuoka nor the Japanese government had been given any prior notification. The Acting Secretary of State then reminded Ambassador Nomura that without prior notice to Japan the German government had also entered into a non-aggression agreement with Russia shortly after Japan and Germany had signed an Anti-Communist Pact. This proved that a treaty with Chancellor Hitler was not worth the paper it was written on. According to Mr. Welles, the United States government would undertake negotiations only with a power that kept its obligations and regarded its words as sacred.
Ambassador Nomura then stated that he felt more sanguine with regard to the improvement of relations between the two countries under the new Japanese government, and had already asked for instructions in regard to the informal conversations with Secretary Hull. Both Mr. Welles and Ambassador Nomura expressed the common hope that no new developments would arise with the creation of a new Japanese Cabinet and that peace would be maintained in the Pacific.
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report.
There is no report in the United States Communication Intelligence files concerning Ambassador Nomura's reactions to this conversation.
60. Mr. Wakasugi Explains the Nature of the Japanese-American Negotiations to Tokyo.
Believing that the Foreign Office in Tokyo had certain misconceptions concerning current Japanese-American negotiations, Mr. Wakasugi attempted to explain to his superiors in Japan the informal and unofficial character of the Hull-Nomura conversations. [222] Pointing out that the disturbance created in Tokyo by Ambassador Nomura's use of the word "associates", and the furor resulting from the American oral statement of June 21, 1941, gave evidence that Japanese authorities had received false impressions, Mr. Wakasugi asked that the new Foreign Minister be made aware that the negotiations in America were for the most part undercover operations without official sanction from either side. All the conversations were entirely "off the record" and were held away from the State Department, since it had been agreed that nothing official would be initiated until a common basis for an "understanding" could be reached. If no unanimity could be attained, the unofficial talks would be completely disregarded.
Mr. Wakasugi also reminded the Foreign Office that written memoranda did not constitute official negotiations, as was the impression in Tokyo. Admitting that the Japanese had used undercover methods in Washington, Mr. Wakasugi declared that though this was not a normal diplomatic procedure, it was the only course available under the circumstances.
[221] "Memorandum by the Acting Secretary of State", July 18, 1941, S.D., II, 515-516.
[222] II, 156.
53
Summing up the situation in the light of actual events, Mr. Wakasugi agreed that no real advantage had accrued to the Japanese, and in view of the situation in China, Japanese representatives could not be very optimistic. Commenting that the Japanese representatives had done the best they could, even though the Foreign Office might be dissatisfied, Mr. Wakasugi remarked that it was now too late to retrace their steps; therefore, he requested further consideration. [223]
Ambassador Nomura informed Tokyo of his certainty that there had been no change in the fundamental Japanese policy of desiring to improve Japanese-American relations on a fair basis. However, he asked that his messages pertaining to the unofficial negotiations with Secretary Hull be studied so that instructions from the new cabinet might be sent to him. [224]
Remarking that he had studied carefully the instructions sent by the Foreign Office concerning the deletions, additions, and revisions which were to be made in the proposal for an "understanding", Ambassador Nomura pointed out that there were wide differences between the proposals of Japan and the United States. Furthermore, he expressed doubt that these new instructions (See Appendix II, No. 139) would help the negotiations.
61. Ambassador Nomura Requests Instructions from the New Japanese Cabinet.
Ambassador Nomura requested the Foreign Office to advise him of its views on two points: first, the attitudes of the two countries concerning the war in Europe, and second, the China incident. As for the first point, Ambassador Nomura claimed that President Roosevelt did not desire to announce at this time that Japan and the United States wished to mediate for peace in the European war. Reference in the proposal to this mediation would be deleted, therefore, and the phrase "encourage world peace" would be inserted. Ambassador Nomura believed that since a compromise had already been achieved, it would be disadvantageous to revive the question.
As to the rights of self-defense, the Japanese Ambassador believed that the United States desired to make the wording of this paragraph as elastic as possible so that it could be applied to any one of various possible developments in the European war. On the other hand, the Japanese could not permit such wide latitude in the interpretation of self-defense since a war could be begun in the name of self-defense. Ambassador Nomura suggested that it would be wise to compromise on some wording in the proposal which would prevent aggressive action, but which would permit self-defense. However, the interpretation of the United States was entirely unacceptable.
As for Part B of the proposal which pertained to the China incident, Ambassador Nomura reported that the Americans would not permit the deletion of the Annex on the grounds that if an agreement could not be reached concerning the contents of the Annex, there would be little use in discussing the actual proposal. Since the United States had been asked to advise China to negotiate peace, the Americans desired to be advised of the basis on which a peaceful settlement would be made.
Reporting that deletion of the Annex would mean the finish of the discussions, Ambassador Nomura advised that in future discussions of the Annex some troublesome questions would be forthcoming from the United States in regard to the stationing of anti-Communist troops and non-discrimination among Far Eastern business firms. He requested, therefore, that he be advised of the Foreign Office's views on these subjects. The Japanese Ambassador also warned that controversy was to be expected because of the Japanese deletion of the Annex relating to trade between the two countries. The granting of equal treatment in the Philippines to Japanese
[223]Ibid.
[224] II, 157.
54
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
residents, as well as to Filipinos, and the question of Japanese immigration to the United States were further difficulties foreseen by Ambassador Nomura.
Believing that both Americans and Japanese could find a way to agree on the interpretation of self-defense, Ambassador Nomura reported to his superiors that the garrisoning of Japanese troops in China to combat Communism would be very difficult for the Americans to accept. As for the occupation of French Indo-China, Ambassador Nomura reported that a peaceful penetration would not disturb American public opinion, but a resort to military force would bring the negotiations to an end.
Ambassador Nomura reported that Secretary Hull was expected back in Washington in the near future, and that he himself had accepted an invitation to visit Admiral Pratt's home in Maine. [225]
62. Ambassador Nomura Visits Rear Admiral Richard K. Turner. [226]
After first attempting to contact Admiral Stark and possibly Admiral Ingersoll, Ambassador Nomura called on Admiral Richard K. Turner, on July 20, 1941, to discuss with him certain points that needed to be clarified before any peaceful relationship between the United States and Japan could be based on a sound foundation. Insisting that he was not a trained diplomat and had accepted the post only at the insistence of high ranking naval and the more conservative groups of army officers, he nevertheless realized that the difficulties existing between the United States and Japan must be eliminated satisfactorily or a devastating naval war would ensue.
After numerous conferences with Mr. Hull, the Ambassador was convinced that a perfect concord was impossible, and that because of Japan's commitments to Germany, any agreement reached would have to be informal. He insisted, however, that the treaty with Germany would in no way restrain his country from acting according to its own convictions and for its own ultimate purposes.
Continuing then a discussion of the points which Japan considered essential for an agreement with the United States, Ambassador Nomura mentioned the right of either power to take the necessary steps to ensure self-defense as the basic principle for such a proposal. Using the export restrictions imposed on Japan as an example, the Ambassador pointed out that his country's economic position was now extremely unfavorable, and uninterrupted access to certain raw materials would be indispensable to its correction.
A second point causing friction between the two countries, according to Ambassador Nomura, was the increased support given to the Chungking regime by both the United States and Great Britain. The Japanese government attributed the continuation of the China incident to the constant supply of pilots and planes, and the assistance in the improvement of the Burma Road which America and Britain were continuing.
Since Japan considered the stationing of troops in Inner Mongolia for the suppression of the Chinese Communists in that region essential to the maintenance of its own security, the Japanese Ambassador included this as his third and last point.
Although anticipating an intensified American press campaign against Japan as the result of action in French Indo-China, Ambassador Nomura informed Admiral Turner that within the next few days Japan would occupy French Indo-China purely as a precautionary measure. From his manner, it was evident that the Japanese Ambassador feared that the United States would make further military or economic moves as a result of this action. However, as a conciliatory
[226] II, Ibid.
[227] "The Director of the War Plans Division of the Navy Department (Rear Admiral Richard K. Turner) to the Chief of Naval Operations (Admiral Stark)", July 21, 1941, S.D., II, 516-520.
55
measure, Ambassador Nomura suggested that were America to accept the conditions he had discussed, the Japanese would not take part in Atlantic warfare.
Promising to pass this information on to Admiral Stark, Admiral Turner, commenting briefly on the Japanese Ambassador's disclosure of Tokyo's plan to seize French Indo-China, explained that the security of America was largely dependent upon Great Britain, for, if that country were to collapse to the German military power, Nazism would be able to direct its ambitions toward the Western Hemisphere. The occupation of Indo-China by the Japanese would threaten the British position in Singapore and the Dutch position in the Netherlands East Indies, and it would also strike a severe blow at the integrity of the defense of the British Isles. From the military standpoint then, the United States was interested in sustaining the status quo in the southern portion of the Far East. Admiral Turner further indicated that though the Japanese actually had nothing to fear from the English, Americans or Dutch in these regions, if faced with German power, their problem would be great.
Since his government was collaborating with the Axis nations at this time, Ambassador Nomura felt bound to support their policies, and he ended the meeting with a request for permission to discuss these same matters with Admiral Stark in the near future.
63. Mr. Wakasugi Visits Acting Secretary of State Welles.
(a) Acting Secretary Welles' Report. [227]
At the request of Mr. Welles, and in the absence of the Japanese Ambassador from Washington, Mr. Wakasugi called for further discussion of the topics introduced in the informal conversations of Secretary Hull and Ambassador Nomura. After first assuring the Japanese Minister that he was authorized to express the views of Secretary Hull, Mr. Welles stated that the objective of these talks was the maintenance of peace in the Pacific by the abandonment of the policies of force or conquest by all nations in this area.
Recalling both Secretary Hull's and his own reiterated expositions of American basic policies, Mr. Welles insisted that the principles of his government would not permit it to aid in the encirclement which Japan feared. From various sources, however, (See Part C—(g) Japanese-French Relations) Mr. Welles had learned that Japan planned to occupy Indo-China in the near future as a precautionary and defensive step against this so-called threat to her security. Since such a move would be at variance with any agreement between the United States and Japan, the Acting Secretary of State felt free to ask frankly the intentions of Mr. Wakasugi's government.
It was realized that the installation of a new government in Japan had somewhat delayed the clarification of Japanese policies with regard to the Pacific, and the United States would be patient until Japanese public opinion would permit the carrying out of a new policy. The seizure of French Indo-China, however, would force all other nations to reconsider their positions.
In reply, Mr. Wakasugi stated that the Japanese Embassy had received no information concerning Japan's intention to seize Indo-China. (See Part C—(g) Japanese-French Relations for information which casts doubts on the accuracy of this statement.) With regard to the new Japanese government, he agreed with Mr. Welles' belief that since Foreign Minister Toyoda was in close accord with the attitude of Ambassador Nomura toward the United States, friendlier relations between the two countries should be achieved. Realizing from Mr. Welles' statements that the occupation of French Indo-China would seriously endanger such a goal, Mr. Wakasugi promised to convey this information to Ambassador Nomura immediately so that he could return to Washington to discuss the matter personally.
[227] "Memorandum by the Acting Secretary of State July 21 1941 S.D., II, 520-522.
56
THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report. [228]
According to Ambassador Nomura's report of Mr. Wakasugi's visit on July 21, 1941, the Acting Secretary of State said that he had given careful study to recent world conditions, and, in the light of these developments, he wished to express the opinions reached by Secretary Hull and himself regarding the unofficial discussions which had been taking place between Ambassador Nomura and Secretary Hull. Though the objectives of the Japanese representatives were identical with those towards which Secretary Hull was striving, the United States had received definite information from various sources that Japan was planning to disturb the peaceful status of certain areas. Such actions would conflict with the views expressed by the Japanese Ambassador during all the conversations.
Quoting a statement of Ambassador Nomura in which he said that Britain, the United States other nations were pressing Japan in an "encirclement", Mr. Welles indicated that such an expression was similar to the former complaints of Germany. Mr. Welles assured Mr. Wakasugi that Japan misunderstood the United States since the American government had no intention of encircling Japan, and was continuing the talks between Ambassador Nomura and Secretary Hull solely because of its desire to maintain peace. Mr. Welles informed Mr. Wakasugi that if Japan seized the southern portion of French Indo-China within the next few days, as his information indicated, such an act would definitely violate the spirit of the current Japanese-United States conversations which were being held to ensure peace in the Pacific. Mr. Welles then asked that he be advised of the Japanese viewpoint in this regard.
Mr. Wakasugi replied that he was aware that the present conversations were designed to improve Japanese-United States relations and that he was hopeful of their success. He asked if the "reliable source of information" mentioned by Mr. Welles referred to the United States Embassy in Japan. According to Ambassador Nomura, Mr. Welles avoided a clear answer but made a reply that the report was an accurate one. (See Part C—(g) Japanese-French Relations of this volume for the source of Mr. Welles' information.)
Mr. Wakasugi stated that he would report the matter to Ambassador Nomura, and in the meantime, requested permission to make an informal inquiry concerning the possible effect on the Japanese-United States conversations of Japan's planning to make a move into French Indo-China. Mr. Welles replied that such an act would truly violate the spirit of the discussions, and implied that further conversations would be in vain. However, Mr. Welles pointed out that the new Foreign Minister of Japan was a close friend of Ambassador Nomura, and moreover, since the new Cabinet had just taken over, it probably had not decided upon a definite policy as yet. The United States would await developments, therefore, before ending the discussions with the Japanese Ambassador.
Mr. Wakasugi promised to report immediately the details of this conversation to Ambassador Nomura, and then withdrew. [229]
64. Welles-Nomura Conversation (July 23, 1941).
(a) Acting Secretary Welles' Report. [230]
Two days after the conversation between Mr. Wakasugi and Mr. Welles had taken place, the Japanese Ambassador called on the Acting Secretary of State to discuss the prospective Japanese occupation of French Indo-China. Claiming to be not officially informed, Ambassador Nomura stated that he had learned from press reports that the Japanese government had con-
[228] II, 158.
[229] II, Ibid.
[230] "Memorandum by the Acting Secretary of State", July 23, 1941, S.D., II, 522-526.
57
cluded an agreement with Vichy to send military forces to occupy certain portions of southern Indo-China. (See Appendix II, 819-821, 860)
Stressing the critical economic situation of Japan, especially with regard to such raw material as food supplies and fertilizer, Ambassador Nomura pointed out that deGaullist French agents and Chinese agitators were endangering the flow of goods from these territories to Japan. This was his government's main reason for taking action in that area. The second reason arose from the policies of certain foreign powers who seemed bent on destroying the military security of Japan.
Recognizing the hostile attitude of the press and the American public as a whole toward these recent developments, the Japanese Ambassador still hoped that the government itself would not "reach hasty conclusions", since any retaliatory measures, such as restricting oil exports to Japan, would only inflame Japanese public opinion. If given a little time to express its policies more clearly, Ambassador Nomura felt certain that the new Japanese Cabinet would reach a satisfactory agreement with the United States in spite of the opposition of "third powers".
Mr. Welles replied to Ambassador Nomura, as he had done to Mr. Wakasugi, that the policy the Japanese government was about to pursue was diametrically opposed to the one discussed in the informal conversations with Secretary Hull. He then took up the reasons which Ambassador Nomura had offered in explanation for the approaching action of his country, and refuted them one by one.
First, since any agreement reached with Vichy France must have resulted from pressure brought to bear on that government by Berlin, America could only regard such an agreement as Japan's offering assistance to Chancellor Hitler in his policy of world conquest. Secondly, with regard to Japan's need of raw materials, Mr. Wells was sure that the Japanese Ambassador realized that any satisfactory proposal reached between the two countries would have been predicated on equal economic opportunity and economic security for Japan, as well as other countries concerned in the Pacific. Therefore, the need for military precaution to prevent encirclement could not be regarded as a valid reason for Japan's aggressive steps. Furthermore, Mr. Welles felt certain that neither the governments of Great Britain, the Netherlands, nor even that of China constituted a menace to Japanese interests in the Pacific.
Passing over the activities of Chinese agitators and deGaullist sympathizers as not worthy of mention, Mr. Welles insisted that his government could see no reason for Japan's occupation of French Indo-China other than for purposes of an offensive in the South Seas area. If this were so, the following Japanese purposes which were detrimental to the United States could not be ignored: first, the Japanese government intended to pursue a course of force and conquest, and second, in occupying French Indo-China it was taking the last step before seizing additional territories in the South Seas.
In view of these intentions of Japan, further conversation between representatives of the two countries seemed to be baseless. However, the United States government was still willing to attempt the settlement of this question peacefully and would continue to show the utmost patience in its dealings with Japan. Ambassador Nomura agreed that such had been the stand of American representatives throughout these meetings.
Not attempting to place the blame on either country, the Japanese Ambassador felt, nevertheless, that the procrastination which had prevented these talks from reaching a successful conclusion was largely responsible for Japan's present action. Promising to report this discussion to Tokyo, the Japanese Ambassador parted from Mr. Welles with the intention of discussing the matter further with Secretary Hull, who was to return to Washington in the near future.
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THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
(b) Ambassador Nomura's Report. [231]
Ambassador Nomura informed Tokyo that he had called on Acting Secretary of State Welles, on the afternoon of July 23, 1941, to explain that Japan's occupation of French Indo-China was essential to its national security and economic safety. Furthermore, he explained that Japan was forced to act in face of embargoes which were being imposed by various countries. Since Japanese penetration of French Indo-China was being carried out peacefully, and with the full approval of the Vichy government, Ambassador Nomura hoped that the United States would not move hastily and would wait for further developments since an export embargo on oil for Japan would greatly disturb the Japanese people. According to Ambassador Nomura, the new Japanese Cabinet was anxious to bring the Japanese-United States conversations to a successful conclusion.
Mr. Welles replied that he could not reconcile the Japanese policy in French Indo-China with the basic principles of the plans under discussion by Secretary Hull and Ambassador Nomura. Since neither Great Britain nor the United States intended to attack French Indo-China, it was felt that Vichy had submitted as a result of Hitler's pressure, and that Japan intended to use French Indo-China as a base for further southward moves. Moreover, the United States was not making any hasty conclusions since its actions would simply reflect Japan's policies.
In answer to an inquiry from Ambassador Nomura, Acting Secretary Welles said that the Panama Canal had been indefinitely closed for repairs and no particular nation was suffering discriminatory action. Mr. Welles reported that Secretary Hull would return to duty very shortly and would discuss the situation with Ambassador Nomura. [232]
65. Tokyo Informs Ambassador Nomura that Japan Will Occupy Part of French Indo-China.
On July 23, 1941 Foreign Minister Toyoda informed Ambassador Nomura that Japan had come to an agreement with the Vichy government concerning the joint defense of French Indo-China. Japanese occupation would take place in the southern part of French Indo-China on or about July 28 or 29, 1941. [233]
Ambassador Nomura was instructed to inform the United States that the territorial sovereignty of French Indo-China would be respected and there would be no interference in the domestic administration of French Indo-China. Furthermore, Japan was definitely interested in the Hull-Nomura discussions and was making this report to the United States about French Indo-China merely because it desired to reach an "understanding" with the United States. [234]
Foreign Minister Toyoda informed Ambassador Nomura that he had not yet decided on a definite foreign policy because of his having accepted his post only recently. He explained that the occupation of French Indo-China was unavoidable since it had been decided by the Japanese Cabinet before he assumed office, and was designed to be carried out peacefully for joint defense of French Indo-China. Though he intended to try to decrease friction between Japan and the English speaking powers, Admiral Toyoda warned that certain actions by the United States, such as freezing of assets, would create a very critical situation. [235]
[231] II, 159.
[232] II, Ibid.
[233] II, 160.
[234] II, Ibid.
[235] II, 161.
59
66. Details of the Secret Japanese-French Agreement.
Tokyo sent advance warning to Ambassador Nomura that a statement concerning French Indo-China would be issued at noon of July 26, 1941, Tokyo time (10:00 P.M. Washington time). [236] The statement would stress Japan's interest in the joint defense of French Indo-China and the friendly relations existing between France and Japan. [237]
The details of Japanese procedure in this instance were of great importance, for the knowledge of the contents of these secret reports to Ambassador Nomura gave American State Department officials an intimate understanding of the Far Eastern situation. (See Part C—Section (g) Japanese-French Relations.)
According to previous reports from Tokyo, Japanese Ambassador Kato had interviewed Foreign Minister Darlan in Vichy, and had presented to him Japanese demands concerning joint protection and military cooperation in French Indo-China. A reply was requested from the French by July 19, 1941. Ambassador Kato then interviewed Marshal Petain on July 15, 1941 and Admiral Darlan on July 16, 1941, and on both occasions he requested an immediate reply from Vichy.
On July 19, 1941, Foreign Minister Darlan replied to Ambassador Kato that Japan's demands would require consultation with Germany since France had an armistice agreement with the latter and was not in a position to make a decision alone. The Japanese considered this to be a pretext, and on July 20, 1941, Ambassador Kato returned to Admiral Darlan and demanded that all of the Japanese proposals be accepted immediately. Afterwards, the Japanese Ambassador conversed with another French official and discovered that France was inclined to accept the demands.
On the following day, July 21, 1941, Foreign Minister Darlan made an official reply:
(1) The French government cannot but submit to the demands of the Japanese government.
(2) The French government guarantees joint defense of French Indo-China on the basis of cooperation with the Japanese government; however, she will not participate in aggressive war.
(3) As soon as informed of the locales wherein Japanese troops will be stationed, France will evacuate them.
(4) The Japanese government will make public a declaration that she will respect the territorial integrity of Indo-China and French sovereignty over the Indo-Chinese Federation, and will make this statement at the earliest possible moment. [238]
According to the secret report from Tokyo, Admiral Darlan had used the phrase "cannot but submit to the demands of the Japanese government" to avoid criticism from the French both at home and abroad. The Vichy Foreign Minister also stipulated that Japan must not demand the retirement of French Indo-Chinese troops nor confiscate the material the French troops were using. If the Vichy government were to order French troops to be withdrawn from the areas in which they were stationed, unfortunate incidents would probably ensue because of the troops' displeasure with the order.
Ambassador Kato received the Vichy reply as an acceptance of all the Japanese demands. He handed Foreign Minister Darlan a prepared memorandum of acceptance and asked that the treaty be inscribed as an official document, whereupon he handed Admiral Darlan a proposal and a suggested text for a public statement. The French in turn offered several points, which were included in the correspondence, as follows:
(1) Support on the part of the Japanese government for supplementary defensive measures of the French Indo-China troops.
(2) Continued use of the existent military facilities by the French Indo-Chinese forces.
(3) A statement as early as possible from the Imperial government to the effect that the territorial integrity of French Indo-China and French sovereignty will be respected.
[236] II, 162-163.
[237] II, 164.
[238] II, 165.
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THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR
(4) The term concerning the temporary evacuation of French Indo-Chinese troops shall be eliminated. [239]
The work on the correspondence was finished on July 22, and on July 23, 1941, in the presence of Rear Admiral Sumita and Governor General Jean Decoux, an agreement was signed at Hanoi. The Japanese army was scheduled to enter southern French Indo-China on July 28 and 29, 1941. [240]
67. Tokyo Assures the United States of Its Peaceful Intentions Despite the Occupation of French Indo-China.
Foreign Minister Toyoda continued to assure Ambassador Nomura that the occupation of French Indo-China was not intended as a blow to the current Japanese-American conversations. Stating that the recent occupation had been a matter of necessity for the maintenance of peace in the Pacific, and claiming that Japan's peaceful attitude was evident from its patience during the long drawn-out negotiations with French Indo-China, Foreign Minister Toyoda denied an American allegation that Japan had assured its Axis partners that the Japanese-American conversations would last only until Japan had completed its southward movement.
He denied also that Japan intended to wreck the conversations, for he insisted that the Japanese government had become united and was very anxious that the discussions be continued. He directed Ambassador Nomura to explain immediately to the United States Japan's real intentions in regard to French Indo-China. [241]
In another dispatch, Foreign Minister Toyoda expressed his hope that both the leaders of the United States and Japan would display a high degree of statesmanship in maintaining peace in the Pacific. However, the possibility that the United States would freeze Japanese funds or institute a general embargo on petroleum would have an adverse effect on many aspects of Japanese life, and would compel Japan to resort to retaliation. This would lead to a collapse of Japanese-American economic relations and would probably hasten the development of war. Instructions were issued to Ambassador Nomura, therefore, to confer with his financial adviser in requesting the United States to give favorable consideration to these economic factors. [242]
A message from the Japanese Financial Ministry to its representative in America ordered him to cooperate with Ambassador Nomura in expressing Japanese appreciation to American authorities for the exemption of Japan from the general freezing of assets which had been applied to Germany and Italy. [243] However, since rumors relating to the freezing of Japanese assets had arisen, Japan announced that it would be forced to take retaliatory measures, if necessary, by refusing to pay the principal and interest on debts in the United States,