Alliance With U. S. After War
COMMON TONGUE A BASIS FOR COMMON CITIZENSHIP
By WINSTON CHURCHILL, Prime Minister of Great Britain
Delivered at Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass., September 6, 1943
Vital Speeches of the Day, Vol. IX, pp. 713-715.
PRESIDENT Conant, Mr. Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Gentlemen of the University, Ladies and Gentlemen here assembled: The last time I attended a ceremony of this character was in the spring of 1941 when as Chancellor of Bristol University I conferred a degree upon United States Ambassador Winant and in absentia upon our president who is here today and presiding over this ceremony.
The blitz was running hard at that time and the night before the raid on Bristol had been heavy. Several hundreds had been killed and wounded, many houses were destroyed, the buildings next to the university were still burning and many of the university authorities who conducted the ceremony had pulled on their robes over uniforms begrimed and drenched.
But all was presented with faultless ritual and appropriate decorum, and I sustained a very strong and invigorated impression of the superiority of man over the forces that can destroy him.
Here now, today, I am once again in academic groves—groves is, I believe, the right word—where knowledge is garnered, where learning is stimulated, where virtues are inculcated and thought encouraged.
Here in the broad United States, with a respectable ocean on either side of us we can look out upon the world in all its wonder and in all its woe. But what is this that I discern as I pass through your streets, as I look around this great company. I see uniforms on every side. I understand that nearly the whole energies of the university have been drawn into the preparation of American youth for the battlefield.
For this purpose, all classes, courses have been transformed and even the most sacred vacations have been swept away in a round-the-year and almost round-the-clock drive to make warriors and technicians for the fighting front.
Stresses U. S. Responsibility
Twice in my lifetime the long arm of destiny has reached across the ocean and involved the entire life and manhood of the United States in a deadly struggle. There was no usesaying: "We don't want it, we won't have it; our forebears left Europe to avoid those quarrels; we have founded a new world which has no contact with the old"—there was no use in that. The long arm reaches out remorselessly and every one's existence, environment and outlook undergoes a swift and irresistible change.
What is the explanation, Mr. President, of these strange facts, and what are the deep laws to which they respond?
I will offer you one explanation. There are others, but one will suffice:
The price of greatness is responsibility. If the people of the United States had remained in a mediocre station, struggling with the wilderness, absorbed in their own affairs and a factor of no consequence in the movement of the world, they might have remained forgotten and undisturbed beyond their protecting oceans.
But one cannot rise to be in many ways the leading community in the civilized world without being involved in its problems, without being convulsed by its agonies and inspired by its causes, If this has been proved in the past, as it has been, it will become indisputable in the future.
The people of the United States cannot escape world responsibility. Although we live in a period so tumultuous that little can be predicted, we may be quite sure that this process will be intensified with every forward step the United States makes in wealth as in power.
Not only are the responsibilities of this great Republic growing, but the world over which they range is itself contracting in relation to our powers of locomotion at a positively alarming rate. We have learned to fly. What prodigious changes are involved in that new accomplishment.
Man Is Sailing With Eagles
Man has parted company with his trusty friend, the horse, and has sailed into the azure with the eagles—eagles being represented by the internal combustion engine.
Where then are those broad oceans or vast, staring deserts? They are shrinking beneath our very eyes. Even elderly parliamentarians like myself are forced to acquire a high degree of mobility.
But to the youth of America, as to the youth of all the Britains, I say, you cannot stop; there's no halting place at this point. We have now reached a point in the journey where there can be no pause. We must go on; it must be world anarchy or world order.
Throughout all this ordeal and struggle, which is characteristic of our age you will find in the British Commonwealth and Empire good comrades to whom you are united by other ties besides those of state policy and public need.
To a large extent there are the ties of blood and history. Naturally, I, a child of both worlds, am conscious of these. Law, language, literature—these are considerable factors. Common conceptions of what is right and decent, marked regard of fair play, especially to the weak and poor. A stern sentiment of impartial justice and above all the love of personal freedom, or as Kipling put it, "Leave to live by no man's leave underneath the law."
These are common conceptions on both sides of the ocean among the English-speaking people. We hold to these conceptions as strongly as you do. We do not war primarily with races as such, and as you have said, Mr. Governor, tyranny is our foe. Tyranny is our foe whatever trapping or disguise it wears, whatever language it speaks, be it external or internal.
March Against Tyranny
We must forever be on our guard, ever mobilized, ever vigilant, always ready to spring at its throat.
In all this we march together. Not only do we march and strive shoulder to shoulder at this moment under the fire of the enemy on the fields of war or in the air, but also in those realms of thought which are consecrated to the rights and dignity of man.
At the present time, Mr. President, we have in continual vigorous action the British and United States combined Chiefs of Staff Committee which works immediately under the President and myself as representatives of the British War Cabinet.
This committee with its elaborate organization of staff officers of every grade disposes of all our resources, and in fact it uses British and American troops, ships, aircraft, ammunition, just as if they were the resources of a single state or nation. I would not say there are never divergencies of views among these high professional authorities. It would be unnatural if there were not. That is why it is necessary to have plenary meetings of principals every two or three months.
All these men now know each other. They trust each other. They like each other and most of them have been at work together for a long time. When they meet they thrash things out with great candor and plain, blunt speech.
But after a few days the President and I find ourselves furnished with sincere and united advice.
This is a wonderful system. There was nothing like it in the last war. There never has been anything like it between two allies.
It is reproduced in an even more tightly knit form at General Eisenhower's headquarters in the Mediterranean, where everything is completely intermingled and soldiers are ordered into battle by the supreme commander or his deputy, General Alexander, without the slightest regard as to whether they are British, Americans, or Canadians, but simply in accordance with the righting needs.
Would Retain War Machinery
Now, in my opinion, it would be a most foolish and improvident act on the part of our two Governments, or either of them, to break up this smooth-running and immensely powerful machinery the moment the war is over.
For our own safety as well as for the security of the rest of the world we are bound to keep it working and in running order after the war, probably for a good many years, not only till we have set up some world arrangement to keep the peace, but until we know that it is an arrangement which will really give us that protection we must have from danger and aggression—a protection we have already had to seek across two vast world wars.
I am not qualified, of course, to judge whether or not this would become a party question in the United States and I Would not presume to discuss that point. I am sure, however, that it will not be a party question in Great Britain.
We must not let go of the security we have found necessary to preserve our lives and liberties until we are quite sure we have something else to put in their place which will give us an equally solid guarantee.
The great Bismarck—for there were once great men in Germany—is said to have observed toward the close of his life that the most potent factor in human society at the end of the nineteenth century was the fact that the British and American peoples spoke the same language.
That was a pregnant thing. Certainly it has enabled us to wage war together with an intimacy and harmony never before achieved among allies. This gift of a common tongue is a priceless inheritance and it may well some day become the foundation of a common citizenship.
Common Language Urged
I like to think of British and Americans moving about freely over each other's wide estates with hardly a sense of being foreigners to one another. But I do not see why we should not try to spread our common language even more widely throughout the globe, and without seeking selfish advantage over any, possess ourselves of this invaluable amenity and birthright.
Some months ago I persuaded the British Cabinet to set up a committee of ministers to study and report upon Basic English. Here you have a plan—there are others—but here you have a very carefully wrought plan for an international language capable of very wide transactions of practical business and of interchange of ideas. The whole of it is comprised in about 650 nouns and 200 verbs or other parts of speech, no more, indeed, than can be written on one side of a single sheet of paper.
What was my delight when the other evening quite unexpectedly I heard the President of the United States suddenly speak of the merits of Basic English. And is it not a coincidence that with all this in mind I should arrive at Harvard in fulfillment of the long-dated invitation to receive this degree with which President Conant has honored me? Because Harvard has done more than any other American university to promote the extension of Basic English.
The first work on Basic English was written by two Englishmen, Ivor Richards, now of Harvard—of this university—and Ogden of Cambridge University, England, working in association. The Harvard Commission on English Language Studies is distinguished both for its research and practical work, particularly in introducing the use of Basic English in Latin America, and this commission, your commission, is now, I am told, working with the secondary school in Boston on the use of Basic English in teaching the main language to American children and in teaching it to foreigners preparing for citizenship.
Future Empire of the Mind
Gentlemen, I make you my compliments. I do not wish to exaggerate, but you are at the headstreams of what might well be a mighty fertilizing and a health-giving river.
It would certainly be a grand convenience for us all to be able to move freely about the world—as we shall be able to do more freely than ever known before as the science of the world develops—to be able to move freely about the world and to find everywhere a medium, albeit primitive, of intercourse and understanding.
Might it not also be an advantage to many races and an aid to the building-up of our new structure for preserving peace?
All these are great possibilities, and I say, let us go into this together. Let us have another Boston Tea Party about it.
Let us go forward, as with other matters, other measures, similar in aim and effect. Let us go forward in malice to none and with good-will to all.
Such plans offer far better prizes than taking away other people's provinces or land, or grinding them down in exploitation. The empires of the future are the empires of the mind.
It would, of course, Mr. President, be lamentable if those who are charged with the duty of leading great nations forward in this grievous and obstinate war were to allow their minds and energies to be diverted from making the plans to achieve our righteous purposes without needless prolongation of slaughter and destruction.
Nevertheless, we are also bound, so far as life and strengthallow and without prejudice to our dominating military task, to look ahead to those days which will surely come, when we shall have finally beaten down Satan under our feet and find ourselves with other great Allies at once the masters and the servants of the future.
Regrets Failure of the League
Various schemes for achieving world security while yet preserving national rights, traditions and customs are being studied and probed. We have all the fine work that was done a quarter of a century ago by those who devised and tried to make effective the League of Nations after the last war.
It is sad that the League of Nations failed. If so that is largely because it was abandoned and later on betrayed, because those who were its best friends were, till a very late period, infected with a futile pacifism, because the United States, the originating impulse, fell out of the line, because while France had been bled white and England was supine and bewildered, a monstrous growth of aggression sprang up in Germany, in Italy and Japan.
We have learned from hard experience that stronger, more efficient, more rigorous world institutions must be created to preserve peace and to forestall the causes of future wars.
In this task the strongest victorious nations must be combined, and also those who have borne the burden and heat of the day and suffered under the flail of adversity.
And in this task, creative task, there are some who say, let us have a world council and under it regional or continental councils. And there are others who prefer a somewhat different organization.
All these matters weigh with us now in spite of the war, which none can say has reached its climax, which is perhaps entering for us, British and Americans, upon its most severe and costly stage.
But I am here to tell you that whatever form your system of world security may take, however, the nations are grouped and ranged, whatever derogations are made from national sovereignty for the sake of the larger synthesis, nothing will work soundly or for long without the united effort of the British and American people.
If we are together nothing is impossible. If we are divided all will fail.
I therefore preach continually the doctrine of the fraternal association of our peoples, not for any purpose of gaining invidious material advantages for either of them, not for territorial aggrandizement or the vain pomp of earthly domination, but for the sake of service to mankind and for the honor that comes to those who faithfully serve great causes.
And here let me say how proud we ought to be, young and old, to live in this tremendous, thrilling, formative epoch in the human story, and how fortunate it was for the world that when these great trials came upon it, there was a generation that terror could not conquer and brutal violence could not enslave.
Let all who are here remember—as the words of the hymn we have just sung suggest—let all of us who are here remember that we are on the stage of history and that whatever our station may be, whatever part we have to play, great or small, our conduct is liable to be scrutinized not only by history but by our own descendants.
Let us rise to the full level of our duty and of our opportunity and let us thank God for the spiritual rewards He has granted for all forms of valiant and faithful service.