"Germany Will Never Capitulate"


By ADOLF HITLER, Fuehrer of Germany

Following is an English Translation of Hitler's Speech at Munich, Germany, Broadcast in German by the Greater German Radio, November 8, 1943

(As recorded by the Office of War Information, Washington, D. C.)

Vital Speeches of the Day, Vol. X, pp. 108-115.

MY PARTY comrades, men and women; German racial comrades: Scarcely a third of a man's lifetime is included in the time that has passed since the day which we are commemorating today, and for the celebration of which I have returned for a few hours to your midst. Yet there is hardly a period in the history of mankind which has experienced in 20 years such mighty, world-shaking events, so influencing the fate of nations, it is fitting to call to mind in retrospect the main features of the events of that time.

Jewish Influence—1914—The German Reich is a constitutional, that is, a parliamentary-democratic monarchy. Through numberless breaches, Jewry has penetrated into the State, into political life, and particularly, into the so-called ruling class. Economic life became in all fields (as we know) its exclusive domain.

Maintenance of Peace—The political aims of the Reich of that time were directed only toward the maintenance of world peace. National defense resources were accordingly not utilized to the fullest possible extent, as regards either manpower or material. The mere fact that the Reich of that time, in spite of almost 30 million more inhabitants than France, possessed even numerically a smaller Army, is the best disproof of the claim made later that peace had been threatened by this State.

War of Coalition—The encirclement of Germany did not have any other purpose but the one which was quite frankly proclaimed by numerous Englishmen, namely, to destroy the Reich, as the organically strongest European power, by a war of coalition, in the same way in which England had fought in previous centuries first Spain, then Holland, and finally France, in long-drawn-out wars.

Shopworn Slogans—The small British Island which had gradually subjugated a quarter of the total surface of the globe through numerous acts of war, nevertheless, did not renounce using, at the beginning of and during the First World War, the shopworn moralizing phrases, which England had always taken into every war with her: "Fight for the freedom of small peoples! Fight for the reorganization of the world in the name of justice! Fight for democracy! Fight for the equality of all races!", and other similar high-sounding phrases.

No Decisive Victories—In spite of the fact that a tremendous world-wide superior force was bearing down on the German Reich of that time, no decisive victories against it were gained at any point, so that the final breakdown could be ascribed less to the deeds of the sword than to the influence of a subversive propaganda. An American president dangled before the democratic Germany of that time, the ideal of a new world order in 14 points. The people were politically too little trained to be able to see through this haze and mist, and above all they were too ingenuous in taking these democratic assurances seriously.

Weak Leaders Submit Without Fight

The leadership of the State consisted of weaklings who, instead of fighting as duty commanded to the last breath, followed the seemingly easier way of compromise and thus of submission. By so doing they were, however, driven by parties and leaders who were completely dominated by the outside world, not only spiritually but also materially. Thus the Ninth and the Eleventh of November came about. The German people, trusting in the solemnly given assurance laid down their arms, and even changed their form of Government.

Degenerate Democracy—Now the monarch deserted the Army and the people and went into the. . . . Most of the foundations of a true State authority were lost through a revolution of the most unprincipled degeneration, and in its place came a democracy more or less degenerate, bordering on anarchy. Thereby the conditions imposed by our enemies were not only met but actually surpassed. Hardly in any country in the world was Jewry able to celebrate such triumphs as in the November Germany of that day. And then, in spite of all, there began a period of the most abominable capitalistic exploitation and extortion, after continued moral and political acts of violence against our people.

Systematic Destruction—The aim was not only the destruction of German economy, as the foundation of our existence, but the annihilation of the physical existence of the people. Thus the democratic Weimar Republic was systematically tortured to death by the Western democracies. The prognosis of Clemenceau, that Germany had 20,000,000 people too many, was just as brutally frank as is the unveiled threat made by the British politicians of today that India has 100,000,000 or 200,000,000 people too many. The fulfilment of Clemenceau's demand was within reach. The general impoverishment of our people through economic and unemployment disintegration led to a constant limitation of the birth rate, to a mounting mortality rate, and thus, to an inescapable lowering of our population figures.

Hitler s Struggle—Individual men rose in different places in Germany in protest against this process of decay and attempted, by (equally) various methods, to find ways and means to salvation. I, too, a soldier unknown and nameless, resolved in the days of the collapse (of the Reich), to oppose this process; to appeal to the Nation, in order to cure it of its internal malady, and to mobilize all the strength needed for the self-assertion of the State.

Nazis Rise and Fall, But Rise Again

In an unremitting and relentless struggle for the hearts and souls of individual men we were gradually successful in winning over hundreds, then thousands, and finally tens of thousands of followers. All of them felt themselves bound to (support) the proclamation of a national community which was to draw its strength from the entire people. Separation into classes and parties was rejected. After international Jews had corrupted the German economy by way of inflation and had destroyed the means of livelihood of millions, came the recognition of the unavoidable necessity for a solution of the problems besetting the Nation. On November 8, 1923, at the eleventh hour. . . .

Party Dissolved—And this attempt at liberation failed. The National-Socialistic movement suffered its most terrible set-back. It came to . . . in the struggle for the formation of the new Reich. The Party was forbidden and dissolved. The leaders were either dead, wounded, fugitives abroad or prisoners in German prisons. I, myself, was taken to Landsberg. Today when I am with you, I may well say that the cares which weighed upon us were lighter than those we have today.

Fanaticism and Persistence—Twenty years have passed since that November 8. If we recall it today with particular emotion, two thoughts move us: First, what a marvelous record our movement has made! How strong the faith of our unknown followers! How we succeeded through this fanaticism and through unshakable persistence not only in overcoming collapse (of) the movement in a few years, but also in finding new strength for its later rise! For how many people were there later in Germany who, especially after the assumption of power, behaved as if the victory of the National Socialist Party, the movement and its philosophy had in any case been a matter of course from the beginning.

Lacked Foresight—As far as the foresight of these people was concerned, just the opposite held true; for they were the ones who believed least of all in such a victory insofar as they did not see in the movement from the beginning a temporary, at least an insignificant phenomenon. They were convinced, especially after the Ninth of November, 1923, that this, as they thought, dead political party or even (its)philosophy would never again come to life. Indeed, even in November, 1923, the conviction that our struggle was hopeless was established more strongly in these circles than was the belief in our victory.

Socialist Renaissance—When at some time in the centuries to come the writing of history, uninfluenced by the pros and cons of a significant period, will survey critically the years of the National Socialistic renaissance, then it can in all probability hardly fail to come to the conclusion that we are witnessing the most wonderful victory of faith over the alleged elements of . . . .

Alternative Fate—The second thought, however, which impresses us today can only be this: "What really would have become of Germany and Europe if the Eighth and Ninth of November, 1923, had not occurred, that is, if the National Socialist world of ideas had not conquered the German Reich?

8th of November—The assumption of power in the year 1933 is indissolubly bound to the Eighth of November, 1923. On this day for the first time, there was a cleavage of spirits in the young movement; the weak were expelled, but those that remained were filled with a heightened and strengthened fanaticism. From that time forward came the period in which National Socialist ideas could win men more easily than before. The Party became the germinating source for the consolidation of our' world of ideas, for long before 1933 the National Socialist State had millions of followers in the community of our people in addition to those of the Party.

Germany Only Shield Against Bolshevism

But what would have become of Europe? What, above all, of our German Reich and our beloved homeland, if in consequence of a lack of faith and of a lack of readiness on the part of the individual to contribute his utmost to the movement, Germany would have remained what it was at that time, the impotent democratic State at the start of my career? When asked this question every thinking person virtually trembles, especially today, for no matter what Germany would otherwise look like, the Eastern European, inner-Asiatic-Bolshevik colossus would have completed its armaments and would never have lost sight of the goal of its planned destruction of Europe.

Army Lacking—The German Reich militarily, however, with its completely inadequate Reichswehr of 100,000 men, without an inner political ideology, and without material arms, would have made a show of resistance only for a few weeks against this world Power. Today it need no longer be proved how fallacious it was to think that Europe could be protected from Bolshevik Russia—let us say, by Poland. Then there is still another belief, namely, that one might perhaps have been able to appease the Bolshevik colossus by renouncing all ideas of (force), that perhaps their plans for world conquest would be forestalled by a peaceful and . . . disarming Europe.

Geese and Chickens—My party comrades, that strikes me just as if the geese and chickens were one fine day to make the foxes a solemn declaration that they no longer intended to attack foxes, hoping thereby to turn the foxes into vegetarians. This Bolshevik Asiatic colossus will continue to storm against Europe until in the end it is itself broken and beaten. And how they always maintain that, for example, Finland has jeopardized the peace of the world! And yet it was attacked, and without Germany's interference . . . its existence would have been put to a new and terrible trial as far back as 1941.

Shipped to Siberia—We need not waste a word about the result of this . . . Bolshevik action. Nor will anybody seriously believe that the Estonians, the Latvians, or the Lithuanians had, by chance, the desire to conquer the Urals. But nevertheless Russia decided to chase these people out of their countries and to ship them to Siberia. It is certainly not the intention of Rumania, either, to take possession of the Caucasus and the Baku oil fields, but Russia has set as its aim the occupation of not only the mouth of the Danube but also the Rumanian oil fields and, more than that, the entire Balkans, and the use of them as a springboard for further expansion.

2,000-year Threat—This onslaught from the east of Europe, threatening again and again for almost 2,000 years, can be successfully opposed and brought to a halt by one single State only—that is Germany. If this struggle is boundlessly hard even for our people, that is only proof that without Germany no State at all would be in a position to resist this plague; that every hope of the individual European peoples to stem (the Eastern hordes) by "good behavior" or by clever bargaining is the most childish stupidity or miserable cowardice, and above all, that the belief that another Power, perhaps even a non-European one, could take over instead of Germany the protection of this Continent, is not only senseless but betrays a real moral weakness. It is above all the most complete lack of . . . when many countries act as though they believed that the Jewish-plutocratic West could overcome the Jewish-Bolshevik East.

Opposite Effect—No, the opposite will take place. One day the Jewish-Bolshevik East will relieve Western Jewry of its burden of having to go on being hypocritical. Then . . . it can announce with complete frankness the final objective . . .—the Jewish democracies of the West . . . the previous plans (even) of Bolshevism. The same naive people, however, who believe today to have found in Stalin the spirit that will pull the chestnuts out of the fire will experience, perhaps sooner than they are able to fathom, that the spirits conjured from the underworld undermine them themselves, their own countries too. One thing, my Party Comrades, is certain. Without the Eighth of November, 1923, the National Socialist movement would not have become what it is. Without the National Socialist movement there would not be a strong German Reich today. And without this German Reich, which no doubt is militarily the most effective in Europe . . . there would already no longer be a European future.

England Cannot Repeat Coup of 1918

One thing must be emphasized—that England has again been the driving force in this war. The fact that it combines within itself, with Jewry, the original cause, expression, and conduct of the war corresponds to a repetition of the occurrence of the First World War. But when such powerful historical events do not lead twice to the same result, then it may be considered certain, that neither can the forces of that time be compared with the forces of today.

Different Germany—And it should no longer be a secret to anyone that the present Germany is a different State from the Germany of 1918, just as November 9, 1943, no longer resembles November 9, 1918.

Tremendous Struggle—The struggle in which we find ourselves since the year 1939 is too tremendous and unique to be measured with the yardsticks of small quarrels between States. We are now fighting in the 5th year of this greatest struggle of all times, but let us remember one thing. When he started, the enemy in the East stood barely 150 kilometers from Berlin. In the West his cohorts menaced the Rhine,

and the Saar region was situated in the fire of his artillery. At the Belgian-Dutch frontier the satellites bound by treaty to England and France lay in ambush merely 100 kilometers from our largest industrial region, while the democratic government of Norway affirmed the accords which were to lead them one day into the camp of our enemies. The Balkans were pregnant with the latent danger of the worst surprises. Through the behavior of her King and his clique, Italy was forced to . . . , and Germany thereby was placed quite alone on her own resources.

Ring Broken—Then, my fellow Party members, this National Socialist State destroyed this ring of encirclement with powerful, history-making blows, and through the heroism of its soldiers thrust back the front almost everywhere far more than 1,000 kilometers. Our enemies have become modest. What they today designate as victories, they formerly put down as quite insignificant operations for us. Solely through these "insignificant" operations undertaken at that time, was the strong field of battle created, on which the present struggle of the peoples is being essentially fought.

Proud Task—By the side of our great East Asian allies, the European peoples have, with clear insight, recognized the dimensions of the proud tasks and brought their proportionate sacrifices.

Historic Shame—If these sacrifices of the greatest European State allied with us have in the end become more or less useless, then can it be ascribed only to the planned sabotage of miserable cliques which, after years of weakness, stirred themselves at length to a single deed which, to be sure, they may lay claim as unparalleled in the history of shamclcssness.

Duces Rescue—I am glad that we have succeeded in rescuing from the clutches of the most miserable apparitions of this otherwise so monumental era the man who has done everything not only to make his country large, powerful, and happy but to allow it to take part in a historical struggle which will in the end decide the fate and culture of this Continent.

Vain Hopes—It goes without saying that the Italian collapse even in its consequences could not be without a reaction on the total development of the war. Even so the hopes of our enemies are vain in this instance, too. What they had frivolously hoped for did not enter the picture, and that element will not enter which they still hope to come from it. They had hoped that the German divisions in Italy would be cut off and annihilated at a blow; that the German-occupied islands would thus be lost; that the Balkans would fall into their lap like a ripe fruit; and that they would, therefore, be able to carry the war up to the German borders with one thrust. The onslaught to the Brenner Pass has turned into a snail-paced offensive far south of Rome. This offensive will still take its toll in blood, and not according to the estimates of our enemies, but . . . corresponding to our plans.

Enemy's Task—Each new landing will force them to accumulate even more shipping space. It will split the forces of our enemies and will (give) new possibilities to the (assault) by our weapons. But wherever any such landing takes place, it comes up against our preparedness and it will then certainly come to the realization, that—and this can be addressed to Churchill—it is one thing to land in Italy and to come up against Italians, and quite another thing to land at the Channel and in France, Denmark, or Norway and come up against Germans. And then it will also be proved whether our retarding tactics in several sectors mean weakness, or cool deliberation.

Eastern Front—The battle in the East is the hardest that the German people has ever had to carry out. What our men endure here cannot be compared in any way with what our enemy is accomplishing. But here also their final goal, that of bringing the German front to a collapse, will not only not be reached, but, as always in world history, the last battle alone will carry with it the decision. However, that country will (fight) this last battle to its advantage which utilizes this decisive hour with the greatest . . ., the greatest perseverance, and the greatest fanaticism.

Soldier and Nation to do Impossible

What I, therefore, demand of the German soldier is tremendous. It is the task of the front, however, to make possible in the end the seemingly impossible, and it is the task of the homeland to support and give strength to the front in its struggle against the seemingly impossible, or against that which seems impossible to bear; and to realize to its full extent that the destiny of our entire Nation, of women and children, and of our entire future depends on this, and that by exerting our ultimate effort the decision in our favor will be brought about; that every sacrifice they are bringing today would be in no proportion to the sacrifices that would be demanded of us, should we be unable to win the war; that all in all there can be no other thought (in our minds) than that of a ruthless conduct of the . . . in order to win the victory, no matter what the situation may be, regardless of where we may have to fight.

Italian Example—When the betrayal of the King of Italy and of the Crown Prince and his military clique became more and more obvious, our situation was not (favorable), and in the eyes of many it was desperate. The two Dictators of Democracy already believed themselves to be able (in Washington) to jointly celebrate, as an enjoyable spectacle, the destruction of the German Armies and the delivery of my friend (into their hands) and yet what appeared almost impossible, was made possible in a few weeks. Out of an almost unavoidable catastrophe, there grew up over night, a series of glorious deeds which brought about a complete restoration of our position, in many respects even an improvement.

Value of Faith—When this war is once ended, then at any rate, the greatest laurels will have to be credited to our faith and our steadfastness rather than to our unique energy and hence unique deeds.

German Soil—Furthermore, every German should remember that this struggle could just as well have taken place right from the beginning on German soil, without our doubting for even an instant that in this case also it would have been fought out with the utmost fanaticism.

Crucial Hour—Whoever is laden with so many laurels as is the German Army may well rest now and then when he is very weary. However, when the hour approaches, every musketeer at the front, every man and every woman at home must face the fight anew so that they may defend whatever Providence has given them to live and (work) for.

Enemy Moves—On this every propaganda of our enemies must come to nought. Just as during the time of the World War, they do not hope as much for a victory of their arms as (they hope) for the effectiveness of their phrases, of their threats and their (bluffs). First they threaten with time, with hunger, with the winter, and so on, then (they threaten) that the bomb terror alone would suffice to wear down the German people internally: (but) while in the First World War the German people collapsed internally, almost without any (outside) influence by the enemy, todaythey will never lose their power of resistance, not even under the (pressure of the) greatest hardships.

Party's Role—Here above all, the National Socialist Party has the task of being a model through its leaders and through its members. The burdens of the struggle in the homeland, just as much as at the front, will be borne, first and foremost, by the Party comrades.

Merciless War—Regardless of whether they are men or women, they will then form the regiment of unbending resistance. They will have to help the weak, and support the strong, (they will have to) bring the unworthy to his senses and, if necessary, even call him to order, or to destroy him. For there is one thing about which there can be no doubt, this war is a merciless one, and the aims of our enemies are accordingly satanic.

British Hate—If a British newspaper writes that the German people should be surrendered to Russian Bolshevism for so and so many years so that the latter could carry out its "measures" on them; or, if English priests pray that Bolshevism may succeed in decimating or even totally exterminating the German people at some later date, then the only answer in this case is a fanaticism, just as great, which forces everyone to exemplary fulfillment of his duties. Too many sacrifices have been made for anybody to have the right to exclude himself from these sacrifices for the future.

Heroes' Example—Everyone of our courageous soldiers who fought somewhere in Russia and is not going to come back to the homeland has a right (to demand) that others be just as brave as he himself was. For he didn't die so that others would surrender the very thing for which he fought; but he died so that by his sacrifice and by the sacrifices of all the comrades and all the fellow citizens at the front and in the homeland, the future of this homeland, the future of our Nation might be saved.

Allies Should Solve Own Problems

I mentioned already that our enemies believe, above all, that they will be able to wear down the German people today with bluff and with propaganda, with bluff by acting as if victory were already won. If it wouldn't be so serious one really could laugh sometimes about this practice. At a time when they chase from one conference to the other to smooth over their various disagreements, to find possibilities to gain some footholds, (at such a time) they act as if they were already the victors. They call together commissions to work on the shaping of the post-war world. It would be much more useful if they would occupy themselves with the shaping of their own world at this present moment.

Hungry People—They call together commissions which are charged with seeing to it that the world will be supplied with food after the war. It would be better if they would supply with food at this time their own people, millions of whom are threatened by famine at this very moment. It is typical British-Jewish, shameless impudence that they act today as if they would be at all in a position to master the problems of the world, they who were not even able to master their own problems and who needed the war to escape the accounting which would have been demanded of them for not solving their own problems.

U. S. Unemployment—A country like America has 13,000,000 unemployed, and the leadership of this country, which was unable to master this problem, acts as if it would be in a position to master the labor problem of the rest of the world. Of course they could organize capitalistic exploitation again. The fact that, on account of such exploitation, their own people were also perishing is another matter in which they are not very much interested.

Propaganda Ruses—Finally, their propaganda measures in some instances go in directions which are still familiar to us from the World War. First: they try, in the first place, to create the impression in the German people and even more in the people of our Allies, by means of a flood of paper, that the war is not only won, that it is already decided, but also that inside the nations great masses are longing for this development to occur. There is one answer we must give here, at this point: I do not know whether there are persons among the German people who really hope to gain something by a victory of the Allies. These could only be people who think exclusively of themselves; criminals who are willing to serve as executioners of their own people. Everybody else, however, who belongs to his people, knows exactly what a victory of these enemies would mean. Therefore, there are no groups in Germany who hope for this victory; there are today only some few criminals who believe perhaps that they can thus build up a better future for themselves.

Death Threat—However, let nobody be doubtful, let nobody deceive himself about this one thing: We shall take care of these criminals; that which happened in the year 1918 will not repeat itself a second time in Germany. At a time . . . At a time when such great sacrifices have been demanded from thousands, nay tens of thousands, hundreds of thousands of courageous soldiers, we shall not shrink from bringing other people to terms who are not ready to make these sacrifices. If tens of thousands of the very best people, if our dearest fellow citizens can die, then we certainly shall not shrink from putting to death without much ado a few hundreds criminals at home.

Different Today—During the World War, of course, things were different; during the World War the sacrifices of the soldiers were taken as a matter of course; but just as normal was the crook, earning immense sums on the one hand, or the war profiteer; or, on the other hand, the deserter, or, finally in the fourth place, or in the third place, the man who caused the Nation to disintegrate internally and who was paid for it from the outside—all these elements were immune for all those (months and years). They were spared at that time. Only the courageous soldier had to sacrifice his life. But that is different today.

Off with Head—My old comrades-in-arms will still recall how we were embittered by these circumstances after the World War; how we all of us said at the time: "It is a dirty shame that something like this is at all possible, that the brave man at the front must give his life, while at home the rascals do their dirty work." Of course, there may be such rascals today also, and of course, there are some. But they have only a single chance of surviving, that is, to lie low. If we lay our hands on one of them, then off goes his head.

Easy to Do—And he can be convinced that it is much harder for me to give the command for just a small operation at the front, knowing that perhaps hundreds, and perhaps even thousands, of men will fall as a result of it, than it is for me to sign a sentence for the execution of a few dozen rascals, swindlers, or crooks.

No Chance—Therefore, these hopes will remain vain. Moreover, the State of today is so thoroughly organized that these elements cannot work at all. The conditions indispensable for their work do not exist. . . .

German Victims of Bombs Will Be Avenged

What the German Homeland here has to bear is known to all of us. What my personal feelings are regarding this, you cannot imagine. When this war began the American

President hypocritically approached me with the request that we should pledge ourselves not to wage a war with bombs. We did this and also kept (our promise). This was only done for the purpose of giving the others time to prepare for this war (type of) themselves, in order to start it at a given time. Hitler's Sorrow—I should like to express two things here: first, what I had wanted to prevent were the sacrifices among women and children, the sacrifices on the part of the homeland altogether. What sorrows me is that all these people lose their possessions. Almost trivial in comparison with these are the damages caused to our cities, for this must be clearly understood by us: Those we will rebuild and more beautifully than ever. If it is possible for a nation, to fight against a whole world, if it is possible for a nation to build six or eight million, or ten million cubic meters of concrete into fortresses in one year, if it is possible for a nation to build thousands of armament factories, it will no doubt be possible for us to build two or three million homes each year. In less than 3 years the homes will be rebuilt without exception. Let them destroy as many as they will.

Contrasting Plans—The Americans and the English are at present planning to rebuild the world. I am at present planning to rebuild Germany and all our . . . will be: While this reconstruction of the world by the Americans and the English will never take place, the reconstruction of Germany by National Socialism will be carried out completely and according to plan. And for this purpose our mass organizations, starting with the O. T. (Organization Todt), to the Reich Labor Service, including all the rest of German industry, will be drafted. Let's put an end to the (so-called) war criminals! Here they will find a useful occupation for the first time in their lives.

Revenge will Come—That was the first thing I had to say, regarding this, and the second thing, well believe it or not, but the hour of revenge will (come) ! For thank God, even if we cannot reach America for the time being, another State lies well within our reach and this one we will deal with.

Will to Win—And thirdly I would like to add: If our opponent thinks that by this he will decrease the intensity of the Germans will to war, he is laboring under a misapprehension. Especially he who has once lost what he had, can have only one wish; namely, that the war will never be lost, for only a victorious war can help him win it back again. Thus the hundreds of thousands who were victims of the bombings are the advance guards of revenge.

Hitler Stays With Determined Nation

Does our opponent really doubt that I am participating in domestic work and conferences, as I used to? When the war began, I immediately, as the result of Chamberlain's announcement—and their capitalistic understanding naturally was that the war must last at least 3 years, that is the shortest possible time . . . their investments—I immediately had a 5-year program drawn up. Since then I have had this program extended. In the same manner in which we formerly handled our long-term plans we now handle this one, too. The gentlemen may be assured, that the war was by no means agreeable to us, for we did have peace-time programs.

No Surrender—So we had peace programs. I regret very much that I cannot carry them out at this tune, and that I cannot create anything more useful. But since this is not possible, we will at least never surrender prematurely, but look at time as our ally. Let this war last as long as it may. Germany will never capitulate. And never will we repeat the error of the year of 1918, namely, to lay down the arms a quarter-hour before 12 o'clock. You can count on this: Germany will be the very last one, to lay down her arms, and that will be 5 minutes past 12.

Blood Toll—They cherish the hope that they can wear us down through costly sacrifices of blood. . . . Blood sacrifices are such that they amount to three to four of our opponents to each German. 'As hard as that is, these blood sacrifices can only obligate us,—can only obligate us. It will never happen again that, as in the World War, when we lost 2,000,000 men, and when in the end this loss was without purpose, that once more we .. . . a single human being.

Not in Vain—This, also, the soldier will know at the front, when from the battle of material and of the most strenuous efforts after trying hours he comes to realize. . . It simply must not be in vain that we are making this sacrifice here. From this, our people must benefit.

Enemy Rumors—Then, when for a short time . . . you read at least three or four times every week that either I have had a nervous breakdown, or that I am already on the way out; at other times that I fired my friend Goering, and—or wait, that Goering has gone to Vienna and fired me; and then . . . has . . . the . . . that the Wehrmacht had replaced the Party, and that the Party had replaced the Wehrmacht, and then in this case they say Reichswehr suddenly instead of Wehrmacht. And then again the generals have made a revolution against me, and then again I have had the generals arrested, have had them locked up, and so on.

No Break—You may be convinced everything is possible; but that I lose my nerves is completely out of the question.

Old Hopes—My party comrades! Twenty years ago I really had nothing before me. At that time I had worked for 4 years and had toiled hard, and had my thoughts fixed with a burning heart on one thing; namely, on the success of this movement and on the salvation of the Fatherland, and then everything was destroyed at a blow.

Stands Firm—At that time, when the . . . thought that they could drag me before the court and then break me before the court, and when they then thundered at me and . . . , then I didn't hesitate and despair, but in those months I wrote "Mein Kampf." And today they can also be convinced that it can never be said of me that I can ever be affected by despondency. I have studied too much history not to know that great victories have never been achieved except through suffering and under the greatest tribulations. There is no great hero in world history who has not remained steadfast in the face of the greatest tribulations.

Real Test—Anyone can endure . . . times, but when it thunders and storms, only then do strong characters reveal themselves. Any weakling can stand victories, but when the going becomes rough, only then it becomes evident who is a real man, and who doesn't lose his nerve in such times, but who remains cool, and daring, and who never in the least has any thought of capitulation.

German Faith in Providence Strong

And now I should like to say something to those people who talk about religion. I am also religious, deeply and intrinsically religious. And I believe that this Providence lives in man and that whoever cannot survive any of the trials which Providence imposes on him—and furthermore is broken by them—is not predestined by Providence to something greater; that it is a necessity following a law of nature, that, in a selective process, only the strongest survive and we must state it here frankly: If my own people would

be broken by such a trial I could not shed any tears about it. It would not have deserved anything else and it would be its own fate for which it would only have itself to blame.

Sound People—But that that should happen I will never believe, for thank God I have not come to know the German people from the social sphere of the politicians, the big industrialists or the so-called intellectually prominent; but, thank God, I have come to know the German people in the mixture of the masses and this mass of the people is healthy, is thoroughly sound.

1918 Hitler—Believe me, if in 1918 I had been a member of the Democratic Party I also would have despaired of Germany. As it was, I was then a member of the German Armed Forces, a musketeer among millions of them, and that has given me my faith. And my whole fight in the movement for the soul of the German people and the soul of the broad masses, the millions of workers and peasants—only this fight has made me really strong, because it acquainted me with the most precious thing there is, the unspoiled strength of the broad masses, of the millions of fellow citizens from whom finally evolved the National Socialist idea of the State from which our people's community sprang.

Unwavering Leaders—Now every one of these foreign statesmen should free himself from one thought, the thought that the German leadership will ever lose its nerve or that by any chance they should ever weaken.

God's Role—I believe that God helps the one who helps himself, that is, the one who never gives up in any emergency and in any danger. But above all my dear fellow citizens, consider what shameless ingratitude toward Providence it would be if one of us would ever really become unnerved.

Kind Providence—What blessings have we not received from this Providence? What successes has Providence not given us? What magnificent victories has Providence not let us win? In these few years we have completely changed an almost desperate situation in which our country, our Reich, found itself. Has this Providence not led our Armies far beyond the borders of the Reich? Has not this Providence let us master hopeless situations like the Italian collapse? And then would we want to be so contemptible, and despair of or doubt this Providence?

Cause for Thanks—I bow in gratitude before the Almighty that he has blessed us thus and that He has not sent us more severe trials. For it could just as well have happened that this battle should have spilled over into German territory, and we would have had to fight in Germany, but I would have fought there also—everywhere and at every place—and I would never have capitulated. Thus with the gracious help of the Almighty we managed successfully to carry this struggle on against a world of superiority far beyond the borders of the Reich, and in view of this could there be anyone who can still be shameless enough to despair, or even doubt the blessing of Providence? He would only deserve that the . . . God forsake him.

Proud to Lead—Because I believe in the justice of this God, I cannot do anything but hold the banner high, especially in storm and strife, and I am proud to be the leader of this Nation, not only in happy days, but especially in hard ones, and I am happy that in those days I can again give strength and confidence to the Nation, and that I can, and may, give comfort (and strength) to the entire German Nation; and that I can say to it: German Nation, be completely reassured; whatever may happen, we will master everything. At the end there is victory.

Party Strength Lies in Common People

After the World War was over and I spoke in public for the first time I said something like the following: We should not haggle with fate at all. For 4 years we were accompanied by good fortune such as God could grant only to one who had been chosen. We almost won the victory. And then our people became ungrateful. In spite of these victories they suddenly lost their morale, lost their faith and became weak, and because of this they no longer deserved the favor of the . . . and I have so often said—as you will remember yourselves—that Providence has made it clear to us, very clear, that she (gave) us that, which we deserved.

No Repetition—It shall be our pledge today that this will never be repeated. That we shall not become presumptuous and that we shall never. . . Providence when we have to give up a few kilometers somewhere, or even have to give up a few hundred kilometers, even if we are forced to do so by the necessities of war, when we are so far away from the homeland. . . . They would be doing exactly the thing which during the World War we considered to be the worst thing that could happen, and this we must not repeat a second time.

Bearers of Faith—(To this) . . . The National Socialist leadership and above all the Party . . . as the foremost bearer of faith. That is a task of all my followers, the task of all my Party comrades, both men and women, above all, that they are the bearer of this faith.

U. S. Comment—I am really so proud when an American newspaper writes: "The (good fortune) of National Socialism is," for example, "the women." It writes: "No doubt, National Socialism has done a great deal for the German woman. It has elevated her socially; it has . . . in organizing her into tremendous organizations. It sends women from a (cultured) environment into the factories to take jobs, so that they may take leaves," and so on, and so on. And it writes, "Of course, we couldn't do that in the democracies, and because of the fact that we cannot do that, we must therefore exterminate the National Socialist women in the future; for they are fanatical, and they cannot be taught anything."

Most Fanatical—That is correct. I know that in all these years it has been especially the women, and above all among the common people, who have been my most fanatical followers. This must continue to be so to an even greater extent in the future. The broad masses of the people must stand in (the ranks of) this movement. The women must merge into the movement, and both together, men and women, must lend support to the people, particularly in bad times, and it is already that way.

Party's Power—When . . . bombing raids come, then it is above all the Party, which, here again, sees to it that order is maintained, and that all is done which is humanly possible. My Party comrades,. can you imagine at all that in the First World War we could have suffered and endured even for one month what we have now been bearing for years? Can you imagine that? That is the merit of our movement, that is the merit of the manly education of our people, that is the National Socialist woman.

Proud Confidence—And as long as this power remains with us, we do not need to despair, but, on the other hand, we look into the future with proud confidence. I have come here only for a few hours in order to speak to you, followers of long standing. Tomorrow I shall have returned. I leave you with a pleasant memory of my comrades-in-arms, a pleasant memory of a great period in the past. But youshould leave here with the fanatical confidence and with the fanatical belief that nothing else can exist for us but our victory.

Not in Vain—For that we are fighting, for that very many have already died, for that others will also make the supreme sacrifice, for that generations, who already . . . will live. For the blood that is shed here today our Nation will be amply repaid. It will again grant an existence to millions of men in new homesteads. We will, therefore, remember once more our comrades who as National Socialist fighters have paved the way, which can be no other way than that of the greatness of our Fatherland, the greatness of our German nation, our National Socialist Party, our German Reich. Sieg Heil!