April 26, 1945

United States Department of State Bulletin.

I wish, first of all, to speak of China's regard for the memory of Franklin D. Roosevelt, and I do this with deep emotion. To us he was not only the first citizen of the United States but also the inspired leader of the world, passionately devoted to the cause of peace and justice among nations. His vision and faith, his statesmanship and courage, have brought the victory of the United Nations within sight. He embodied the ideals and hopes of the peoples everywhere. He was rightly regarded as the leading proponent and architect of a durable system of peace, which was to crown our joint efforts in the present struggle. Only a fortnight ago he was still actively guiding the work of preparation for this great Conference. Although he has left us, his work will continue to guide us. In tribute to his memory and in recognition of all that he has done for us, let us concert our efforts and complete the important task ahead in the fullest measure.

China, perhaps more than any other nation, understands the necessity for the success of this Conference. For it is now universally recognized that, when the Japanese invaded Manchuria in 1931, to deprive China of over thirty million of her people and of the rich natural resources so essential to her national existence, the second World War had started.

Twice in our generation it has been necessary to mobilize the world's resources of men and material to arrest tyranny and preserve freedom. Twice in our generation we have had to learn by bitter experience that in an interdependent world war cannot be localized or peace isolated. Twice in our generation we have lost lives in tragic numbers and treasure in prodigious volume that could have been saved if peace-loving nations had united when peace was first threatened instead of waiting until aggression had engulfed half the world in flames.

In the fourteen years of savage warfare since 1931 China has endured every misery that the aggression of a major predatory power can impose. We sought, by all the means which were then available in the existing state of international organization, to obtain redress. Inescapably we learned that there was no hope of ultimate safety for any nation without a really effective system of collective security. Therefore, at the very inception of the idea of the United Nations, President Chiang Kai-shek advocated the early setting up of an executive council of the United Nations, since without such an authority a new world order cannot function.

Let us face hard facts: A long effort is required of all of us before an effective rule of law is established in world affairs. We in China knew it by bitter experience. The rule of law was to have been defended by the old League of Nations, but it was disregarded, as we learned to our cost, despite the most solemn covenants entered into by would-be defaulters.

To insure the fulfillment of our aims for an effective international organization, we must lose no time. We must not leave this Conference without achieving the high purpose for which we are assembled.

The new world Organization will have to deal with security arrangements as varied as the requirements of the situations to be met; there will be problems of what security forces are to be maintained, of manpower, of industrial organization, of military equipment, of security bases under the aegis of the United Nations, and also vital problems of economic recovery and development on which the life of every nation depends.

If there is any message that my country-which has been one of the principal victims of aggression and the earliest victim-wishes to give to this Conference, it is that we are prepared, in conjunction with other nations, to yield if necessary a part of our sovereignty to the new international Organization in the interest of collective security. We must all be ready to make some sacrifices in order to have a new international peace organization of any effectiveness. Among nations, no less than among individuals, we must forthwith accept the concept of liberty under law.

We, of the Chinese Delegation, come from a part of the world with teeming populations whom the cataclysm of this war has stirred to the very depths of their souls, they have witnessed the rise and fall of mighty empires; they have gauged by the precepts of their own philosophies the depth of villainies perpetrated by the exponents of brute force; and they have appreciated fully the majestic surge of the power of free men joined in comradeship. And they now strive ardently to attain the common goal of human liberty within a commonwealth of free peoples.

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