May 1, 1945

Information Bulletin, Embassy of the U.S.S.R.

The Soviet delegation considers the question of inviting Argentina to this Conference an important one. I will discuss this question in Russian, with which most of you are not familiar. I know, however, that Russian is quite suitable for a just cause.

The question of inviting Argentina to this Conference was brought up before the delegates only today and it had never been discussed previously by representatives of the four sponsoring powers. It is quite natural, therefore, that the Soviet delegation, desiring to acquaint itself with this question and to let all the other members of this conference do likewise, suggest that its discussion be postponed for a few days.

Anyone knows that in this war against our common enemy, Argentina has held a special place; it is equally well known that for these past years of war neither the foreign nor the domestic policies of the Argentine regime have always met with the approval of the other United Nations. You will know what I mean when I quote from a statement made by the former Secretary of State, Mr. Hull, and published on September 8, 1944:

"Secretary of State Hull yesterday branded Argentina as the headquarters for the fascist movement in this hemisphere and a potential source of infection for the rest of the Americas."

Allow me to quote another authoritative statement made by President Roosevelt on September 29, 1944:

"I have been following closely and with increasing concern the development of the Argentine situation in recent months. This situation presents the extraordinary paradox of the growth of Nazi-fascist influence and the increasing application of Nazi-fascist methods in a country of this hemisphere, at the very time that those forces of oppression and aggression are drawing ever closer to the hour of final defeat and judgment in Europe and elsewhere in the world."

I consider both statements authoritative and reliable.

But they were made several months ago. The situation in Argentina may have changed since then. I understand that certain representatives of American countries hold the view that the situation has changed for the better there. All I should like to ask of you is that the Soviet as well as other delegations be given a chance to acquaint themselves at length with the facts and to satisfy themselves that the situation in Argentina has really improved or that statements like the above correspond to the facts. But this takes time, or at least a few days.

Imagine what would happen if we acted rashly and invited Argentina to this Conference, although in the present war she has been assisting the fascists, who are our enemies, and failed to invite Poland, which is an Ally. Poland is known to hold in this war an honorable place among the Allied nations, which have devoted all their efforts to the struggle against our common foe. The heroic Polish people have been fighting in our ranks and making innumerable sacrifices. We cannot afford to forget about all this. To invite Argentina, which has been helping our common enemy throughout this war, and not to invite the Provisional Polish Government, which is now functioning in liberated Poland and enjoys an enormous prestige among the Polish people, would be taking a course that might affect adversely the prestige of this Conference.

No one can deny the fact that the Polish Government now functioning in Warsaw and all over Poland is a democratic government. This Provisional Polish Government is strongly supported by the people and is carrying on a struggle against our common enemy side by side with our Allies. We also remember that the Governments of the United States, Great Britain and the Soviet Union had undertaken to promote the reorganization of this Government on a broader democratic basis. I have no doubt that this excellent decision responds to the wishes of the Polish people, too, and so we must do our best to implement it as soon as possible. It is also obvious that the question of reorganizing the Polish Government is not a matter for this Conference. It has to be dealt with by the three Allied Governments and especially by the Poles themselves. We all want in Poland a government having a broader democratic basis, a government with which diplomatic relations will be established by all Allied Governments. This is understood. But if we are not supposed to undertake at this Conference the settlement of the Polish issue as a whole, neither must we ignore the fact that an International Conference is being held at this very moment which is not attended by representatives of the Polish people. In any case we cannot refuse a seat at this Conference to representatives of the Polish people, our heroic Ally, while granting one to representatives of Argentina, which in this war has not been helping us, but our enemies.

It may be argued that Argentina has sinned, but that her sins may be forgotten. This may be true; perhaps we should really forget Argentina's sins. But let me ask you: If certain sins committed by Argentina may be forgotten, why should we forget Poland's services, why should we forget the great services of the Polish nation in the struggle against our common foe?

We have at this Conference an Indian delegation. But India is not an independent state. We all know that the time will come when the voice of an independent India will be heard, too. Nevertheless, we share the view held by the British Government, which suggested that representatives of India should be granted a seat at this Conference, imperfect though her status is.

We have at this Conference a Philippine delegation. But the Philippines are not an independent country. We know full well that the time will come when we shall be able to hear the voice of independent Filipinos, too. But we have agreed with the United States Government, which suggested that the Philippines have a voice even with their present status.

The Soviet Union still has no diplomatic relations with certain governments represented at this Conference. In spite of this fact the Soviet Government, meeting halfway the suggestion of Great Britain and the United States of America, raised no objections to the invitation of all the delegations present here, no matter whether the countries in question maintain diplomatic relations with all of the sponsoring states. We felt that in this case we were bound to meet the wishes of Great Britain and the United States. All this was prompted by a desire on the part of the Soviet Union to come to terms with the other sponsoring governments on Conference matters.

Up to now all invitations to this Conference have been approved unanimously by the four sponsoring governments, which hold an equal position here. We consider this a very good rule and are opposed to any disruption of our unity.

I think that we should all value our unanimity and try to ensure that any new suggestion that has not been sufficiently studied by anyone be given serious thought. That is why we think it proper that the question of Argentina should be settled in exactly the same manner as others have been, but not in all haste.

The Soviet delegation suggests that the question of inviting Argentina to this Conference be postponed for a few days for further study.

This is the only request made by the Soviet delegation.

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