Mendele: Yiddish literature and language ______________________________________________________ Contents of Vol. 07.128 December 19, 1997 1) rock on my heart (Marvin Engel) 2) Dobrushin (David Goldberg) 3) "In Ades" (Mel Poretz) 4) "fonye" (Jules Levin) 5) a shtayn ayf mayn harts and Yiddish maps (Cherna Wolpin) 6) hekdesh, not hegdesh (Sema Chaimovitz Menora) 7) Shuls and Temples (Burton M. (Berel) Leiser) 8) shpeter mit a sho (Claus Buryn) 9) Yiddish expression: A shtayn afn harts (Miriam Isaacs) 1)---------------------------------------------------- Date: Thu, 18 Dec 1997 20:04:26 -0500 From: marvin engel Subject: rock on my heart Pamela Quilt asks (7.125) about the Yiddish equivalent to 'rock on my heart'. Let me be one of the many to respond: es ligt mir vi a shteyn oyfn harts (and several slight variants, often preceded by a heartfelt oy!) On another topic: I became a loyal mendelayner less than a year ago and remained unaware of the genesis of the group until it was outlined by mikhl herzog (7.124) I had heard a great deal about mendele long before I got wired up however. There aren't that many Yiddish users in the world. Can't we few get along? I did not expect to tap into the world of liguistics, but it has been a serendipitous addition for me. Some I tune out, but much of the academic discussion I find stimulating and rewarding. Why must this be a zero-sum game? Is it an onerous task to answer such kashes as Pamela Quilts? Yes, I'm sure someone will refer her to a learned tome that she should have tried before asking mendele. But I get a big extra kick out of mendele by being able to help someone else. No can do if I'm restricted to reading only the learned writings of academics! And if academics only speak to academics, where does that get us? That sounds like a twist on something out of Gulliver's Travels. nisht shayn! Please! Let us all enjoy this precious little community of maziks, nudniks and even outright narishe layt. lozt mikh yetst op. ikh gey davenen---in the subjunctive, of course. Marvin Engel Rockville, MD 2)---------------------------------------------------- Date: Thu, 18 Dec 97 17:58:38 -0500 From: david.goldberg@smtpgwy.mla.org Subject: Dobrushin Now that we have some biobibliography and a bit of hagiography in place regarding Yekheskl Dobrushin, has anyone read him? I have a little, and found in him a familiar chronology of intellectual twisting and turning in ideological winds. I would be grateful if anyone can add to my limited impressions, which focus on Dobrushin's writings touching on the interplay between nationalism, folklore, and children's literature. Some of the changing positions taken by Dobrushin in his discussions of Yiddish literature for children follow (I paraphrase something I wrote elsewhere): 1919: Dobrushin argues that the absence of moralizing and ideology in primitive folk art makes it attractive and appropriate for children. ("Primitive Folk Art and the Art Book for Children," _Gedankenfang_, 1922) 1932: Dobrushin denounces his earlier critical writings as formalist and nationalist (introduction to _In Iberboy_). In "The Social Evolution of the Yiddish Lullaby," (post?)dated 1922, Dobrushin divides Yiddish lullabies into those that express national and "mercantile" yearnings, those that express proletarian yearnings, and those that express a conflict between the two. Folk art is here seen [in the revised and guarded eyes of the early 1930s] in terms of ideology, and Jewish and proletarian perspectives are posited (damningly for the former) as mutually exclusive. While he does not return to the issue of fairy tales at this point, the emphasis on ideological content reverses his position on the benefits of ideology-free children's literature. 1935: Now Dobrushin follows the revised official position on fairy tales, articulated by Gorky and Marshak in 1934, which (1) calls for the creation of new fairy tales with revolutionary morality and (2) rediscovers traditional folktales as a reflection of the "common people and their relation to their labor." Previously the official position on fairy tales was that they were distractions from hard reality that encouraged passivity, superstition, and childhood fears (e.g., Krupskaya, 1926). Dobrushin argues in 1935 that fantasy built on accounts of witches and goblins and spirits (by using their Yiddish names he identifies superstition in Yiddish folklore as Jewish superstition) is destructive or dangerous in that it undermines the child's belief in causality and enforces fears and faith in magic. On the other hand, Dobrushin now also recognizes the possibility of positive fantasy that reflects the child's natural way of exploring and actually strengthens the child's ties to the real world. Thus Dobrushin is again prepared to allow for fantasy without ideology and also sees the need for fantasy for children that encourages approved ideological thinking. ("On Children's Poetry," _Sovyetish, literarisher almanakh_, #3.) Can anyone describe other aspects of Dobrushin's work first hand? David Goldberg 3)---------------------------------------------------- Date: Thu, 18 Dec 1997 15:25:59 EST From: EMPE Subject: "In Ades" The track of "In Ades" that I own sounds reasonably clear for transliteration. It's called "KLEZ" by Vanguard CV79449. The liner notes refer to it as from a mid-twenties musical, "Volodke in Ades," and expresses the joy of being young in the cosmopolitan port of Odessa, telling the story of pretty girls dancing and flirting with handsome officers. The notes allude to the song the group heard recorded by Charles Cohen and the Nat Shilkret Orchestra. Mit freundshaft. MEL PORETZ 4)---------------------------------------------------- Date: Wed, 26 Mar 1997 21:19:14 -0800 From: "Jules F. Levin" Subject: "fonye" Re "fonye" from "Vanya", the stereotypical Russian soldier, this is common as army slang as well as ethnic slang in general, note "Fritz" for a German soldier, as well as patties, micks, bobbies [British cops], hymies, etc... In this regard, the Russians used ?"Fony" for the Germans (in WWI only?), from the common prefix "Von", so I've wondered if there were Yiddish speakers in the Russian army who called their fellow Russians "fonje" and the enemy "Fony"--it could get confusing! Jules Levin 5)---------------------------------------------------- Date: Thu, 18 Dec 1997 21:34:19 -0500 From: Charlotte Wolpin Subject: a shtayn ayf mayn harts and Yiddish maps I find it humorous that yiddish expressions which I grew up with would be used in English by an elderly lady! Yes, the use of "a shtayn ayf mayn harts" accompanied by a deep sigh was frequestly used when remembering someone who had died as well as when a child was a little naughty or did not complete a responsibility or a promise was not kept. It was "heavy" with sadness and caused a lot of guilt! To David Herskovic, I will send the words to khanike oy khanike to you directly. It would take up too much if printed in Mendele, Hokay? To Miriam Isaacs who is seeking mapn, tryl Avotaynu........maps galore!!!! Old one, currant ones,individual and in collections.....they have them for you ! A guten, gesuntn Chanukah mit fill lotkes far yeder eyner ! Cherna Wolpin, Tonawanda 6)---------------------------------------------------- Date: Thu, 18 Dec 1997 21:42:15 EST From: Lights4607 Subject: hekdesh, not hegdesh I would like to elaborate on the word hekdesh (not hegdesh) which Milt Eisner (Vol. 07.122) asked about and to which Wolf Krakowski responded (Vol.07.125). Yes, Hekdesh was, as W.K. points out, the town's poorhouse where people congregated and was a place of commotion and disorder, hence the connotation in general of hekdesh as a place of disorder. --Hekdesh is a yiddish word based in the Hebrew word Kadosh/holy. --Kadosh is a combination of two words Hebrew words, Kad Aish, burning by fire. --A sacrifice was called Kadosh because it was burned in fire --Every sacrifice was designated holy and separate,hence the meaning of kadosh as separate. --In Chumash Devarim we see the negative use of the concept of kadosh- separate- in the use of the word Kadeshe for a harlot, who separated herself from society. --The poorhouse was designated for a certain segment of the people, the poor, who were separate from society-- hence the word hekdesh. --And from the disorder of the Hekdesh/poorhouse came the general sense of hekdesh-- a mess, disorder, baalagan, etc. Sema Chaimovitz Menora Chicago, Illinois 7)---------------------------------------------------- Date: Fri, 19 Dec 1997 09:00:18 EST From: BLeiser77 Subject: Shuls and Temples Stephen Berr's kind words of encouragement (07.122) inspire the following thoughts on the distinctions between shuls and temples. Most obvious, of course, is the fact that in a shul people daven (Ikh bet aykh mir tzu antshuldikn), while in a temple, they pray. This raises yet another shayle, vos heist davenen k'neged prayer? Az m'davent, muz men shoklen, l'fi minhag hamakom. In some venues, the shoklen is forth and back, in others it is right and left; in most Galitzianer shuls, as well as in Ungarishe shuls, a proper shokl is very vigorous, so that if one arrives early enough, lemoshl, on shabbes, one can get a thorough aerobic workout before Toyre leynen, with a suitable cool-down period during Musaf. In Yekeshe shuls, on the other hand, shoklen, if it occurs at all, is heavily internalized. One works up a sweat simply from the intense concentration and rigid silence. Silence in other shuls is assiduously avoided. In fact, with rare exceptions, a simple auditory measure will determine whether one is in a shul or a temple. The higher the decibel reading, the more likely one is to be in a shul. A corollary to the auditory measure is the giggle measure. In most shuls, children are everywhere. They dart in and out and all about, running to and fro with gay abandon, sitting on strangers' laps when they can't find their own parents, or maybe because they like the strangers better since they are more likely to provide them with sweets. Most of them are happy except during the rabbi's sermon, when the younger ones are most likely to need diaper changes or to burst out in heart-rending cries, inspired, no doubt, by the tragic events of our people's past. In temples, children are remarkably silent. In order to create and maintain proper temple decor, some have installed crying rooms--soundproof studios in which mothers with small children and emotional bubbes and zeydes can cry to their hearts' content without disturbing those who are intent on praying in decorous silence. One does not shokl in a temple unless one has come from an uncouth shul background or does not mind standing out as a stanger or a greenhorn. Conversation is out of the question, even during the Torah reading. A temple- goer sits in respectful silence throughout the "service" (NOT the "davenen'), either listening or pretending to listen to the performance that is taking place on the stage, or, as it is sometimes called, the bimah. In many shuls, people seem to have the quaint idea that what happens is a kind of do-it-yourself thing with a kind of loose connection between the oylam and the goings-on at the bimah. In many temples, on the other hand, the emphasis is on the performance, which the attendees are encouraged to participate in by serving as a kind of chorus from time to time. Their only calisthenics are in response to frequent interruptions by the emcee, who intones such phrases as "Please rise" and "You may be seated." Well-trained temple goers respond swiftly to flowing hand gestures, often done quite dramatically: a two-handed palms up outstretched rising motion for "Please rise" and the reverse for "You may be seated." The decor of many temples is enhanced by the tones of the mighty Wurlitzer, which does not rise up from the bowels of the temple as it used to do at the local Paramount or Radio City Music Hall, but still makes a great impact. Shuls rarely have organs. Khazonim only performed with organs (in the old days) when they were making scratchy records. In some shuls, during boring stretches, folks chat with one another in an amiable way or engage in vociferous arguments about whatever happens to move them--ranging from the sidrah to politics to the Yankees. In the old days, especially on Yom Kippur, some of the men would pass snuff or smelling salts around. We don't see much of that any more. The distinction between shuls and temples is fading, at least on the more liberal side. Khazonim are being displaced by khazontes, and rabbis--not by rebbetzins, which is a special category--but by rabbontes. In both, one finds women wearing taleysim and yarmulkes, though one is not likely to find anyone of either sex sporting tefillin. One thing all shuls and temples have in common is a sumptuous feast after davenen or services, often called a kiddush. This can range from a little herring with kikhelekh and schnapps at the smaller shuls to more elaborate offerings at the larger ones, and even to shrimp cocktail and escargot at the really fentzy-shmentzy temples when there's a major bar or bat mitzvah. When it comes to diversity, a major concern these days, we needn't look much further than the yiddishe folk. We have it all. Burton M. (Berel) Leiser 8)---------------------------------------------------- Date: Fri, 19 Dec 1997 15:28:03 +0200 From: Marion Troia & Lucas Bruyn Subject: shpeter mit a sho (sheps; spatstiren) Dutch and double Yiddish: Der vidrige vider geht mitn vidren oys spatsirn der shpeter, er hot keyn sho nisht tsu farlirn mitn spotiken zikh iber steyner un a beymele kumt dos baheyme vider in zayn heymele: du vidrige vider shoyn vider farshpetikt oyf a sho! zogt di shof tsum shepsn mit a shpetershmeykhele, ge mitn vidren un fidl a fidele oder fayf a fayfele, no! annon. [Claus Buryn] 9)---------------------------------------------------- Date: Fri, 19 Dec 1997 09:40:32 -0500 (EST) From: Miriam Isaacs Subject: Yiddish expression: A shtayn afn harts Pamela quilt asked if a stone on my heart comes from Yiddish. The answer is yes. "s'ligt mir vi a shtayn afn harts" (purists please forgive my Galitsianish tendencies, but the other doesn't work for me.) This expression is quite commonly used as a way of expressing ongoing sorrow. Stones seem to figure largely in Yiddish metaphorical expression. "Ikh bin geblibn vi farshtaynert. " is "I remained as if frozen. Yiddish doesn't use "stoned" to mean -overuse of drugs, however. My favorite, "Afile a vorem inter a shtayn vil lebn". "Even a worm under a rock wants to live." Miriam Isaacs ______________________________________________________ End of Mendele Vol. 07.128 Address for the postings to Mendele: mendele@lists.yale.edu Address for the list commands: listproc@lists.yale.edu Mendele on the Web: http://www2.trincoll.edu/~mendele http://sunsite.unc.edu/yiddish/mendele.html