Volume 6, No.7
Burmese democracy leader and 1991 Nobel Peace laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was unconditionally released on 10 July. In an official statement the next day, she said that the end of her house arrest was conveyed to her verbally by Colonel Kyaw Win in the form of a message from Senior-General Than Shwe, Chairman of the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). The release surprised everyone as only a few days previously, Intelligence Chief Lieutenant-General Khin Nyunt, had declared that she would not be released. He said, ``The rights of 45 million people in the country are more important than the rights of an individual.'' A Rangoon-based diplomat attributed the release to international pressure, noting that the release came a day before the US Congress was to debate the banning of all economic contact with Burma. Japan definitely played a role. Since the beginning of the year, Japan has pledged Yen 1 billion (US$ 11 million) in humanitarian aid and a Yen 4 billion (US$44 million) grant for debt relief. Immediately after her release, Japan also announced that it would be meeting with SLORC to discuss resuming aid to Rangoon. U Set Maung, SLORC's economic advisor, gave a further indication as to the motivation behind Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's release. He said that political factors were the main motivation, ``but we would welcome any economic benefit that might come as a result. We hope (that) the agencies will now be more receptive to extending aid. The sooner the IMF and the World Bank come back, the better.'' Other analysts view the release as an indication of the regime's growing confidence in its ability to control the political consequences of her release. Predictably, the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) was quick to claim all credit for its `Constructive Engagement' policy. For its part, SLORC quickly announced that it was willing to accept ASEAN's Treaty of Amity and Cooperation, which is a prerequisite to attaining Observer status within ASEAN. SLORC has to become an Observer before it can become a member of ASEAN. While her supporters were jubilant, Aung San Suu Kyi herself has stressed caution. She said, ``I have been released. That is all. Nothing has changed. It is too soon to rush into anything.'' Since her release, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been meeting with members of the National League for Democracy, foreign journalists and ambassadors from several countries including France, Norway and Canada. World Bank and UN Development Programme officials have also been to see her. In all her statements, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has stressed that she bears no ill-will towards her captors and that she wants to begin a dialogue with them in order to bring about national reconciliation. To date, SLORC has not yet responded to her appeal [F950720, BR9504-07, N950718, B950715, FT950715].
Representatives of the people of Burma who were elected in the 27 May 1990 general elections, met in Sweden 16-23 July to re-organize the NCGUB in order to more effectively support Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's political initiatives in Rangoon. The Convention supported her appeal for a genuine political dialogue and urged the Secretary-General of the United Nations to implement the UN General Assembly resolution, which calls for him to assist in the national reconciliation process in Burma. A tripartite dialogue amongst the Burmese military led by SLORC, the democracy movement led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and Burma's ethnic leaders, was endorsed by the elected representatives. The NCGUB formed in Manerplaw on 18 Dec 1990 was then officially dissolved by the Convention on 21 July 1995.
The Convention unanimously re-elected Dr Sein Win by secret ballot to head the new government. The NCGUB re-affirmed its commitment to the establishment of a multi-party parliamentary democracy within the framework of a genuine federal union. The National League for Democracy (NLD), the Party for National Democracy, the Democratic Organization for Kayan National Unity, the Chin National League for Democracy, the Arakan League for Democracy and independents are represented in the new cabinet. Representatives from the National Council of the Union of Burma, the NLD (Liberated Area), the United Nationalities League for Democracy, the All Burma Students Democratic Front and the Federation of Trade Unions - Burma, and NCGUB representatives overseas also attended the Convention as observers [BA].
Following the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on 10 July 1995, the NCGUB led by Prime Minister Dr Sein Win, convened in Sweden, the first ever Convention of Elected Representatives from the liberated areas of Burma. Following is the full text of their Declaration:
We, the representatives of the people of Burma, elected in the 27 May 1990 general elections, meeting at the First Convention of Elected Representatives from the liberated areas of Burma, hereby -
We, hereby, call on all patriotic forces inside and outside Burma, whether they have signed cease-fire agreements with SLORC, are in the process of negotiating cease-fires with SLORC, or are continuing to resist SLORC, to unite and redouble their efforts to end militarism in Burma and to re-build a truly democratic and civil open society.
Free the People of Burma!
Note: The MP Convention was sponsored by the Olof Palme International Centre and the Norwegian Burma Council. It was organized by the ADDB and held at the Youth Training Centre of the Social Democratic Party of Sweden.
NEW NCGUB CABINET
(23 July 1995)
The coalition government formed in July includes elected representatives from the Arakan, Karenni, Chin and Shan States. Five of the 10 ministers are new and four are from ethnic states reflecting the NCGUB's commitment to a Federal government. According to Dr Sein Win, representatives from the Kachin, Karen and Mon States will be added to the cabinet at the appropriate time:
NAME POSITION ---- M.P. for:
Note: * = new Cabinet member.
NEW SLORC CABINET
(July 1995)
Prior to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's release, SLORC also reorganized. Four regional commanders - Kyaw Than (Central), Saw Tun (Eastern), Aye Kyaw (North Eastern), and Soe Myint (Southern) - and two senior generals - Maung Hla (Special Operations 2) and Min Thein (Quartermaster-General), were added to its 50-member cabinet. Myo Thant (Rangoon Commander) was moved to the PMO:
RANK: ---- ---- NAME: ---- POSITION:
Notes: (S) = Member of SLORC;
* = new Cabinet member;
(t) = transferred to new post;
PM = Prime Minister;
D-PM = Deputy Prime Minister;
P.M.O. = Prime Minister's Office;
and DM = Deputy Minister.
THE NEW WAR OFFICE
(July 1995)
SLORC's reorganization in the War Office saw key supporters of Lieut-Gen Khin Nyunt removed as Commanders-in-Chief of the Navy and Air Force. Two regional commanders - Tin Hla (South West) and Win Myint (Western) - and two field commanders - Tin Ngwe (99 LID) and Sein Htwa (77 LID) were transferred to positions not involved in commanding troops:
RANK: ---- NAME: ---- POSITION
Note:
LID = Light Infantry Division;
(S) = Member of SLORC;
* = new appointment; and
DDSI/BSS = Directorate of Defence Services Intelligence/Bureau of Strategic Studies.
NEW REGIONAL COMMANDERS
(July 1995)
Regional commanders who could be a threat to SLORC in Rangoon were almost all replaced. Khin Maung Than (OTS-31, Commander 11 LID), Tin Ngwe (OTS-30, 22 LID), Tin Htut (OTS-30, 33 LID), Kyi Aung (OTS-32, 88 LID), Nyunt Tin (DSA-7, 66 LID), Aung Htwe (OTS-29, 55 LID), and Ye Myint (OTS-29, 101 LID), were appointed regional commanders:
RANK: ---- NAME: ---- COMMAND:
U.S. DRUG AID TO SLORC
The Clinton administration has decided to increase training of SLORC narcotics officials and provide funds to finance UN efforts to encourage farmers to grow crops other than opium. In 1994, the US trained SLORC officials in basic drug enforcement techniques. The administration tried to counter criticism by human rights groups by emphasizing that no money would go to SLORC. Net Burmese opium production in 1994 was 2,030 metric tons [F950706, NYT/BR9504-06, US].
S.I. DELEGATION DENIED VISA
It was learnt on 16 June that a high-level delegation of the Socialist International was denied visas to Burma by SLORC. The SI, the oldest international political alliance with over 110 member parties, had since May 1994 publicly expressed its concern about the situation in Burma. Its Asia-Pacific Committee meeting in Jan.95 in Manila decided to send a fact-finding mission to Burma and to convey to SLORC the SI's concern. The delegation included: Makoto Tanabe, SI Vice-President, Chairman of its Asia-Pacific Committee and former leader of the Social Democrat Party of Japan; Pauline Green, SI Vice-President and leader of the Group of European Socialists Parties in the European Parliament; Thorbjorn Jagland, leader of the Norwegian Labour Party; Michael Beahan, President of the Senate of Australia; and Luis Ayala, SI Secretary-General [SI950616].
G7 CALL FOR RECONCILIATION
The G7 meeting in Halifax, Canada, in June 95, called on SLORC to release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners, and to engage in a dialogue of reconciliation aimed at the full and early realisation of democracy and national unity [G7-950617].
SLORC BREAKS CEASE-FIRE
On June 28, SLORC broke its cease-fire agreement with the Karenni National Progressive Party and launched an attack on the headquarters of the KNPP with 3,000 troops. The cease-fire agreement signed with SLORC Intelligence Chief Lieut-Gen Khin Nyunt on 21 Mar.95 called for SLORC troops to remain on the west bank of the Salween river. Soon after the agreement, SLORC troops entered Karenni territory rounding up civilians as porters and `pursuing illegal logging activities'. KNPP representatives met with SLORC Army Commander-in-Chief Major-General Maung Aye in Loikaw 21-22 June to discuss the cease-fire violations but were unable to settle the dispute. Some analysts speculate that the SLORC attack on the KNPP was launched to open an alternate supply route for its troops attacking the Merng Tai Army [NCG950629].
N.M.S.P. SIGNS CEASE-FIRE
On 29 Jun, the New Mon State Party represented by Vice-President Nai Htin signed a cease-fire agreement in Moulmein with SLORC represented by Lieut-Gen Khin Nyunt. Three mediators reportedly assisted the two sides to reach an agreement. They are: Nai Khin Maung, an elected representative from the Mon National Democratic Front, Nai Pe Tin, a Mon trader from Moulmein, and U Khun Myat, a Kachin businessman who helped mediate the SLORC-KIO agreement. SLORC-NMSP negotiations started in Dec.93 and the NMSP is the 15th group to sign a cease-fire agreement with SLORC. The Mons reserved the right to retain their arms but agreed to a plan to repatriate the 11,000 Mon refugees from Thailand. SLORC has, however, turned down a Mon proposal that the refugees be allowed to receive cross-border humanitarian assistance. A statement from the Central Committee of the NMSP on the agreement stressed that it has only agreed to a military cease-fire and that a political solution still needs to be found. It further re-affirmed the party's determination to continue its struggle for peace, democracy and human rights [B950711, N950711].
SHAN TROOPS LEAVE M.T.A.
On 6 June, Shan troops under the command of Major Karnyod, deputy commander of the 16th Brigade, left the Merng Tai Army to form the Shan State National Army (SSNA). Karnyod cited discrimination against Shans within the MTA, the MTA's abandonment of its objective for Shan independence, and the MTA's inability to rid itself of its drug trafficking stigma. Karnyod was considered to be the MTA's best political organizer and military commander. His loss was keenly felt and his reported cease-fire agreement with SLORC has confused the rank and file who looked upon him as an ardent Shan nationalist. Sao Gunzate, Chairman of the Shan State National Congress has reportedly left Homong to try and bring Karnyod back into the fold peacefully. In the meanwhile, the SSNC has appealed to the Shan people not to side with either the MTA or the SSNA but rather to help reconcile the two factions. The MTA strongly denied the discrimination charge but defended Khun Sa's reliance on the Chinese business community to finance the operations of the MTA. Regarding the second claim, the MTA refuted that it has abandoned Shan independence. However, the MTA stated that as an independent nation, the Shan State could remain independent or join a union and that all options have to be explored. As for the `opium king' title, the MTA source said that it is always easier to assume a title than to shed one and that people have begun to realize that the Shans are not just drug traffickers but that they do have legitimate political grievances [SHAN950727].
Moving Myanmar
``Rather to its surprise, the outside world has discovered that it can influence events in Myanmar.... foreigners need to think carefully about what to do next. All the more so, since the situation in Myanmar is still dangerous. The generals have so far given no signs that they intend to engage Miss Suu Kyi....in talks, and still seem intent on imposing a new constitution that would perpetuate military power.''
Editorial, The Economist, (22 July 1995)
Burmese Tiger
``This week's release... of... Aung San Suu Kyi is a welcome move. But the SLORC must do more if it is to unleash the investment and aid flows that could give Burma economic growth.... Suu Kyi's release must be followed up with freedom for other detainees. A dialogue must be established, to ensure that Burma has a government that rules in the broader interest of its people. Western donors should resist the temptation to revoke restrictions on aid before these conditions are met.''
Editorial, Financial Times, (12 July 1995)
SLORC Smiles for the Camera
``There is no doubt that by freeing Mrs Suu Kyi, SLORC seeks to telegraph that the bad days are over... Mrs Suu Kyi's release notwithstanding, the military still rules Burma... After three decades of its tender guidance, Burma, is a country torn apart by ethnic insurgencies.... If Burma is ever to escape from the warfare, poverty and drugs that have plagued this troubled land... the solution... lies in Mrs Suu Kyi's formula of negotiation and democracy.''
Editorial, Wall Street Journal, (13 July 1995)
Now Let the People Speak
``The valiant Daw Aung San Suu Kyi... has been released.... Evidently the military thugs who run what they call Myanmar feel they can afford a limited departure from China's example of opening the economy without sharing any political power at all.... but she insists that they accept a new order where the slogan `power to the people' has a truly democratic content.... The best thing members of the junta can do for the country they have misruled and looted for years, is to allow the people of Burma to speak.''
Editorial, Washington Post
Editorial, International Herald Tribune, (13 July 1995)
Star of Burma
``Daw Suu Kyi has embodied Burma's hope of escape from a peculiarly vicious dictatorship, and of national reconciliation after decades of civil war.... The Burmese people have shown great courage in trying to help themselves, and may now have another chance. But they will require, and have deserved, vigilant support if they are to win what Daw Suu Kyi calls their `second independence'.''
Editorial, The Times, (11 July 1995)
New Hope for Burma
``After more than 5 years under house arrest, Aung San Suu Kyi emerged yesterday into a Burma superficially different but in reality little changed from the one she was shut away from in 1989.... The generals of the SLORC are pursuing an agenda which has nothing to do with progressing gently to democracy and everything to do with vicious self-interest.... It is her strength of character alone which offers hope in a country worn down, both economically and spiritually, by years of venal military rule.''
Editorial, Daily Telegraph London (11 July 1995)
Now, Free Burma
``So, the military regime that rules Burma with dour ruthlessness has apparently released Aung San Suu Kyi.... In the grand scheme of this Southeast Asian country, her release is probably little more than window dressing. By all accounts, the military is decidedly in control of almost everything that moves in Burma.... But her release should not mean that the whole world has stopped watching.''
Editorial, Globe & Mail, Toronto (11 July 1995)
Burma's Small Step
``Burmese dissident Aung San Suu Kyi has come to symbolize her people's quest for political freedom. But nobody should mistake her liberation from house arrest Monday, welcome as it was, for the liberation of Burmese themselves. There is no evidence that Burma's despotic rulers - the Orwellian-sounding State Law and Order Restoration Council, or SLORC - have suddenly softened into democrats.... Aung San Suu Kyi's release is an important step forward. But so long as SLORC remains in control, no Burmese will ever truly be free.''
Editorial, The Gazette, Montreal (12 July 1995)
MIRIAM MARSHALL SEGAL FIRED
Miriam Marshall Segal, the American businesswomen well-known as SLORC's chief apologist, was fired by Hong Kong-based Peregrine Investment Holdings. Peregrine said it dismissed the executive chairwoman of its Burma unit because it obtained documents showing she planned to damage the business interests of the company and further the interests of a competitor. Segal who has lived in Burma for more than a decade is reportedly close to both Lieut-Gen Khin Nyunt and General Ne Win [APDJ/BIG960715].
CAMBODIA:
CANADA:
CHINA:
INDIA:
INDONESIA:
JAPAN:
SINGAPORE:
THAILAND:
NEWS SOURCES THIS ISSUE:
APDJ = AP Dow Jones News Service,
B = Bangkok Post,
BR = Burma Review,
BIG = Burma Information Group,
F = Far Eastern Economic Review,
FT = Financial Times,
G7 = G7 Communique,
InIndo = Inside Indochina,
JT = Japan Times,
N = The Nation, Bangkok,
NCG = National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma,
NYT = New York Times,
SHAN = Shan Herald Agency for News,
SI = Socialist International,
WPD = New Light of Myanmar, Rangoon, and
US = US Government.