************************** BurmaNet ************************** "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ************************************************************** The BurmaNet News: Tuesday, February 28, 1995 Issue #117 QUOTE OF THE DAY: Another serious matter here is that one of the victims in this most recent brutal assault is that a Thai national was killed on his own land by a foreign power. This represents a grave challenge to Thai sovereignty. ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ Contents: ************************INSIDE BURMA************************** NATION: RECENT GROWTH SEEN IN JAPAN, BURMA TRADE AND INVESTMENT NATION: MARUBENI COMMITS SUPPORT TO BURMA NATION: BURMA MISSION SIGNS PACT AP: BURMA ISSUES ENTERTAINMENT DRESS CODE *****************KAREN STATE/KAWTHOOLEI*********************** KHRG: MYAWADDY-KAWKAREIK AREA REPORTS (2 of 2) NLM/SLORC: WHAT CAUSED NGA MYA TO RUN? NLM/SLORC: GIFTS FOR KAYINS RETURNED TO MYAINGGYINGU **************"THE OTHER COUNTRY"/THAILAND)******************* ABSDF: SLORC ATTACK ON THAI SOIL BKK POST: BURMESE STUDENTS SEEK ASSURANCE FROM UN ON PROTECTION OF KARENS ********************INTERNATIONAL***************************** BKK POST: US CITY MAY BOYCOTT BURMA SCB: BERKELEY BAN ON BURMA BIZ BAG-UK: ANTI BRITISH WEEK PROTEST BURMANET: HUBBARD'S REMARKS TO HARVARD BURMA GROUP WEEKEND AUSTRALIAN: HAWKE AND D'ALPUGET QUIZZED ON BURMA TRIP CANBERRA TIMES: LETTER-"HAWKE'S CREDIBILITY UNDERMINED" CANBERRA TIMES: LETTER- "HAWKES' WEAK AND VAPID DEFENCE OF ENGAGEMENT" ************************************************************** The BurmaNet News is an ********************************* electronic newspaper * Iti * covering Burma. 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Burma Issues is a Bangkok-based non- governmental organization that documents human rights conditions in Burma and maintains an archive of Burma-related documents. Views expressed in The BurmaNet News do not necessarily reflect those of either NCGUB or Burma Issues] ************************************************************** *************THE BURMANET NEWS--FEBRUARY 28, 1995************* ************************************************************** ************************INSIDE BURMA************************** NATION: RECENT GROWTH SEEN IN JAPAN, BURMA TRADE AND INVESTMENT 27 February 1995 Economic and business relations between Burma and Japan have growing in recent weeks with the signing of two memoranda and the visit of a large Japanese delegation, according to official media report on Saturday. The New Light of Myanmar newspaper said a 30-member group led by former Japanese Deputy Minister of Finace Tadado Chino arrived on Friday to study trade and investment opportunities for Japan in Burma. The same day, a memorandum of understanding for investment and bilateral cooperation was signed between Itochu Corp of Japan and the Burmese Slorc, the ruling regime in Burma. Over the past two weeks similar memoranda were signed during visits of delegations from Japan's gaint Marubeni and Sumitomo corporations. Kyodo reports from Rangoon: Major Japanese trading house Itochu Corp has agreed with Myanmar to promote economic cooperation, particularly in energy and telecommunications sectors. Yakuya Yoshida, vice chairma of Itochu , signed a memorandum of understanding with Myanmar's National Planning and Economic Development Minister Brig Gen David Abel in Rangoon on Friday. No detrails, however, were given of the memorandum. Earlier this month, two other leading Japanese tradinbg companies, Marubeni Corp and Sumitomo Corp, concluded similar pacts in Rangoon with Myanmar's military junta. (TN) ************************INSIDE BURMA************************** NATION: MARUBENI COMMITS SUPPORT TO BURMA 27 February 1995 Japan's Marubeni trading company has become the first Japanese company to sign an agreement with the Burmese government to help dvelop the country's infrastructure and market economy, Financial Times' Feb 21 edition reported. The agreement would give Marubeni a significant head atart in a country which is increasingly seen in Japan as a promising new market, the newspaper reported. The Marubeni agreement could be a signal for other Japanese companies to try and establish a foothld in the Burmese market. Under the agreement, Marubeni has agreed to act as a project co-ordinator for the Burmese government's plans to build up and modernise airport and communication networks. to promote joint ventures with local Burmese companies, to assist in the decelopment of basic industries such as oil, stell and gas, promote exports of agricultural and mining products and help with a master plan to attract foreign investment through efforts such as the development of industrial parks, Financial Times reported. (TN) ************************INSIDE BURMA************************** NATION: BURMA TRADE FAIR OPENS 27 February 1995 A week-long industrial fair aimed at boosting trade and foreign investment opened its doors here on Saturday. Trade Minister Tun Kyi told guests at the inaugural ceremony at the Myanmar Trade Fair '95: "We firmly believe that the economy development of a country can only be achieved by joint efforts of the public and private sectors together with the financial and technical inflow of foreign companies and trans-national corporations". It is the second such fair in Burma, which is formally called Myanmar. Since adopting a market-oriented economy, Burma has set up a legal framework to encourage foreign investment and the participation of both local and foreign companies, the general said. "The national economy is gradually going towards privatization where ever possible," Tun Kyi said. He said private participation was "very encouraging," and Burma now earns more foreign exchange through exports. (TN) ************************INSIDE BURMA************************** NATION: BURMA MISSION SIGNS PACT 27 February 1995 The largest Thai trade mission ever to visit Burma has signed a memorandum to increase trade cooperation and discussed investment opportunities in wood-related industries, an official newspaper said yesterday. Thailand is one of the top foreign investors in Burma, having put $235 million into the country as of November last year. The 85-member trade mission signed the memorandum on Thursdsay and met with five ministers of Burma's military government, the New Light of Myanmar reported. Details of the memorandum weren't relased. (TN) ************************INSIDE BURMA************************** AP: BURMA ISSUES ENTERTAINMENT DRESS CODE February 26, 1995 RANGOON, Burma (AP) -- Entertainers are barred from wearing tight or ragged jeans, skirts with slits and shaggy hair under a new dress code set out by the military junta to stamp out ``alien culture.'' Lt. Gen. Myo Nyunt, a member of Burma's ruling junta, lashed out at entertainers for wearing ``decadent'' outfits that he said were incompatible with Burmese culture, the New Light of Myanmar newspaper reported today. The general issued the dress code at a meeting Thursday with Rangoon's film stars and club entertainers as well as owners of karaoke lounges, hotels and restaurants. He warned that severe action would be taken against entertainment places where ``indecent acts'' occur. He did not elaborate. *****************KAREN STATE/KAWTHOOLEI*********************** KHRG: MYAWADDY-KAWKAREIK AREA REPORTS (2 of 2) An Independent Report by the Karen Human Rights Group January 15, 1995 / KHRG #95-03 The following testimonies and information have been gathered by our human rights monitors from civilian villagers in the area between Myawaddy, opposite the Thai border town of Mae Sot, and Kawkareik, about 40 km. to the west in Karen State. Some of the people interviewed are now in refugee camps in Thailand. _________________________________________________________________ #7. NAME: "Saw K'Paw Wah" SEX: M AGE: 40 Karen farmer ADDRESS: xxxx village, Kawkareik Township On September 12 at 6:30 a.m., I went to the forest to tend my buffalos and suddenly met Captain Myint Yi and his troops. They captured me, tied me up with rope and took me to a place about 1 mile away from my village. When I got there, they tied me to a tree and interrogated me. They asked, "Are there any insurgents around, and how often do they come here?" I replied, "Yes, they come here, but there are none here now. I don't know where they are now." But they didn't accept my answer, and started kicking and punching me continuously. They kicked me with their big boots about 30 times. I fell unconscious for about 10 minutes. Finally I couldn't bear the pain anymore, and I said I would show them the house of a revolutionary in our village. Then they stopped the torture, but they kept me tied up for 3 days. They dragged me to the village with a rope around my neck to show them the house of the revolutionary. Then they took me to a place near Thingan Nyi Naung and I was released. Even now, my whole body still aches. When I hear that SLORC troops are coming, I'm really afraid and I go into hiding. I don't sleep well in my house anymore. _________________________________________________________________ #8. NAME: "Saw Tha Kler" SEX: M AGE: 21 Karen farmer ADDRESS: xxxx village, Kawkareik Township On September 28, I and my brother "Ler Htoo", who is 23 [see story #9], went to the forest about 1 mile east of our village to check our elephants. When we went up a hill in the forest, we suddenly ran into Captain Myint Yi from #357 Battalion. As soon as he saw us, he started to ask us many questions. After 2 or 3 questions, he started to hit and kick us. He punched me in the face and kicked me with his big boots. He accused us of coming to hide and spy on the troops, and he accused us of being KNU informers and said we brought guns and walkie-talkies for them. Then they tied up our hands behind our backs and tied us to trees, and left us there for the whole night without any food or water. Various officers came to us, interrogated us many times and punched us. We finally lost consciousness, but they poured water on our heads and we came round again. Our faces were very swollen and our whole bodies were in alot of pain, so we couldn't sleep that night. The next morning we were taken to Meh Kaneh village with our hands still tied behind our backs. They held us there, then in the evening they released us. It was very hard for us to get back to our village, because our faces were completely swollen up and our whole bodies were aching. After we got home, we had to get medical treatment for a long time, and it cost us alot of money. Even now, the pain still hasn't all disappeared. #9. NAME: "Saw Ler Htoo" SEX: M AGE: 23 Karen farmer ADDRESS: xxxx village, Kawkareik Township On September 28 at 8 a.m., my brother "Saw Tha Kler" and I went to a hill near the village to look after our elephants. When we reached the hill, we saw Captain Myint Yi and his troops. Right away he started to ask us many questions, then they separated us and interrogated us again. "You are Karens?", they asked. I said "Yes." So they threatened me and said they will kill all the Karens. They put a gun barrel in my mouth and tied me up with a rope. Then they asked questions continuously, and took turns beating me up. They accused me of being a Karen, then beat me, interrogated me some more and beat me again, and so on. Finally I almost lost consciousness. They kicked my face many times and burned my face with a cheroot [Burmese cigar]. I was tied to the tree with rope around my neck, my chest and my hands. After kicking me many times, they left me there for the night tied up to the tree. The next morning I was taken away with my hands tied behind my back to Meh Kaneh village. That afternoon, luckily, my brother and I were released. When I got back home I needed medical treatment for a long time. Sometimes I still don't sleep well at night, and when I hear SLORC troops are coming I run and hide somewhere. _________________________________________________________________ #10. NAME: "Saw Eh Kaw" SEX: M AGE: 30 Karen farmer ADDRESS: xxxx village, Kawkareik Township In the morning on October 4th, I went to a stream at my farm to check my fishing net. While I was there, Light Infantry Battalion #357 troops led by Captain Myint Yi arrived and caught me. While I was in their hands, they beat me 5 times on my head with a mortar shell. Then they took me to lead them to my village. When we got there, they ordered me to assemble all the villagers, and they told all the villagers that they were looking for a person who had just escaped from them [a deserter - see the next testimony]. Everyone said they didn't know anything about it. Finally, the soldiers killed one of the villagers' pigs and went away. This kind of thing always happens around our village. [Note: "Saw Eh Kaw" has a bad cut on his head from the beating.] _________________________________________________________________ #11. NAME: "Pler Hai" SEX: M AGE: 25 Karen farmer ADDRESS: xxxx village, Kawkareik Township At noon on October 4th, Light Infantry Battalion #357 entered our village while I was sleeping, led by Captain Myint Yi. They came into my house, dragged me out and beat me up. They ordered me to go to the village head and bring him back. We were forced to gather all the villagers in front of them. They asked about a deserter who had just escaped from their post, but we told them we knew nothing about it. They couldn't get any information from the villagers, so they killed a pig and left the village, but first they ordered me to deliver a letter to their base nearby. [Note: villagers are often executed if their village is suspected of harbouring a deserter. See other KHRG reports.] _________________________________________________________________ #12. NAME: "Pa Thay" SEX: M AGE: 30 Karen farmer ADDRESS: xxxx village, Kawkareik Township On September 19th in the afternoon, about 3 p.m., I went with "Pa Noe" to the river to pick medicinal herbs. "Pa Noe" [see next testimony] is 60 years old. Along the way, about 4 km. from our village, we met Light Infantry Battalion #356 troops led by Captain Ne Win. They arrested us, separated us, tied us up and interrogated and accused us a lot. They accused us of coming from the [Karen-held] revolution area and said we were sent by a Karen Captain. They said, "You are not villagers. You are spying on us." Captain Ne Win and 4 of his soldiers punched me and kicked me with their big boots. They beat me up with a stick and cut me with a bayonet. I couldn't count how many times they kicked me and hit me. They beat me with a teak branch as thick as my wrist until it broke, and then they replaced it. They broke it and replaced it 10 times. They hit my head most of all. My head was swollen all over, and the left side of my head was cut. My left ear was bleeding. My left temple was bleeding. Both my eyes were bruised red. They beat me so much that I lost consciousness 3 times, and then each time they poured water on me. One time I was unconscious for 20 minutes. They forced me to lie face down while 4 soldiers stepped on me. Each one of them stepped on one leg and one arm, and one soldier pressed my face into the ground. My right elbow was injured. They also covered my face with a plastic sheet and poured water on it [possibly a nylon sheet - the wearer can breathe until the water is poured, then he suffocates]. They carried on and on. I kept losing consciousness, regaining it, and losing it again. Then they tied my hands behind my back with 3 loops of rope, looped it around my neck and tied it around a tree. I couldn't breathe because of the rope. They took my bag [a Karen cloth shoulder bag], ripped it into pieces and stuffed the pieces in my mouth, then they ordered me to shout. I couldn't shout, so they carried on kicking and beating me. By then I couldn't even feel the beating anymore because I was already so battered. At dusk, the soldiers pretended to leave. I thought they were gone, so I shouted for some help. When I did that, they ran back and started beating and kicking me again. Then I lost consciousness, and I didn't see them leave. When I regained consciousness, the moon was shining. I think it must have been about 9 p.m. I tried to untie myself, got free and headed back to the village. I could hardly move. I met some people near the village, and they helped me to my house. I arrived home at 10 p.m. Now my whole body hurts badly, and my whole face is swollen. I don't dare stay in the village anymore, so I have to stay elsewhere. Now it is harvest time, but I don't dare go to gather my paddy. I need medical treatment. I always feel dizzy and I find it difficult just to drink water, not to mention trying to eat rice. _________________________________________________________________ #13. NAME: "Pa Noe" SEX: M AGE: 60 Karen farmer ADDRESS: xxxx village, Kawkareik Township On September 19th I went together with "Pa Thay" to gather medicinal plants. On the way we met troops from Light Infantry Battalion #356 commanded by Captain Ne Win. They arrested us, interrogated us and said to us: "You have been sent by a Karen Army Captain. You are spies." They beat me up and kicked me all over my body. They hit my face and pulled my hair, and they beat me in the jaw. They alternated beating me and interrogating me. They forced me to lie on the ground face down, and some soldiers stepped on my back while they pressed my face into the ground. My head was covered by a plastic sheet, then they poured water on it. I felt like I was losing consciousness. They rolled a wooden stick on my shins, and they beat me up with a teak stick weighing about half a kilogram. They broke three teak branches on me during the beatings. They poked me with a knife, then twisted it inside the wound. I can't count how many times they beat me. I lost consciousness once, for about 2 minutes, and they poured water on me. There were 4 soldiers, and one of them was a Captain. When they were satisfied with their beatings, they took me to Pha Chaung. When we were close to Pha Chaung, each of the soldiers kicked me, then they tied me to a tree. They blindfolded me with my sarong, but I could see a little. They left, and after they had gone for a long time, I tried to untie myself. I called to "Pa Thay" 3 or 4 times and I waited, but he didn't reply, so I thought he must have gone back to the village ["Pa Thay" was still being held elsewhere by Capt. Ne Win - see preceding testimony]. I got loose, stood up and went home. I arrived home at 4 p.m. My whole body was badly hurt. My face and my head were swollen, and I could hardly walk because of my foot. After I arrived home, I couldn't open my mouth because of the pain. Now my mouth is getting better, but one of my teeth is loose. I don't dare sleep at home anymore, so I stay in another place. I'm not sure if I'll be able to harvest my paddy or not. _________________________________________________________________ #14. NAME: "U Ashin Wontha Sara" SEX: M AGE: ? Karen Buddhist monk ADDRESS: xxxx village, Kawkareik Township On September 10th, a column of troops from Battalions 355, 356 and 357 led by Captain Myint Yi came to the village. The villagers were afraid that the soldiers would arrest them, torture and kill them and burn down the village, so they ran away. When the troops arrived in the village, they didn't see anyone there so they left. Once they were outside the village, they shelled it. One of the village houses was hit by a mortar shell. Later an order from SLORC was sent to the village saying that all the villagers must move to another village, and that no one would be allowed to stay. It said that between 15/9/94 and 7/11/94, Article 144 of martial law would be applied in the village. But the villagers didn't move to the new place, they fled into the forest to hide. Nobody was left in the village, so I had to move. ["U Ashin Wontha Sara" is abbot of the village monastery. September falls within the period when Buddhist monks' vows forbid them from leaving their monastery, so the relocation order forced "U Ashin Wontha Sara" to break his vows.] I went to Myawaddy to negotiate with the authorities to allow me to stay longer to carry out my religious obligation, but they wouldn't accept my plea. Finally I had to move to the relocation site on September 15th, where I managed to build a makeshift shelter. I had to interrupt my special religious obligations. This is my failure. _________________________________________________________________ #15. The following reports were filed by Karen forces operating in the Myawaddy-Kawkareik area: On 25 November 1994, Warrant Officer Kya Ma Naw of SLORC #97 Battalion ordered Yan Koke village (near Kawkareik) to pay 2,000 Kyat each month for the following 5 months as compensation to the Army for a Burmese soldier who was killed near their village. Throughout 1994, Naung Keing village has been forced to pay "porter fees" [generic name for extortion money] of 4,000 Kyat per month to the headquarters of SLORC #230 Battalion at Mya Pa Daing, for a total of 48,000 Kyat. On 29 December 1994, an officer from SLORC #230 Battalion ordered Naung Keing village and Tee Po San village to give 20,000 Kyat and 30,000 Kyat respectively, which he claimed was for the construction of a school at Mya Pa Daing. [The money may or may not be for a school; even if it is, the villagers who have paid will probably not be able to afford to send their children there and will be afraid to send their children so close to a SLORC camp, while some may not want to send their children because of the SLORC's tightly restricted, propaganda-heavy and racist curriculum.] On 1 December 1994 the village head of Zaw Heh village, U Ba Eh, was arrested by a SLORC patrol led by Captain Kyaw Moe Thu from #230 Battalion. U Ba Eh was subsequently secretly executed. Then on 1 January 1995, Zaw Heh village was forcibly relocated. The Battalion explained the execution and relocation by saying that U Ba Eh was a "robber", and claiming that a Karen soldier who was killed at nearby Po Kya bridge was found to be a native of Zaw Heh village. *****************KAREN STATE/KAWTHOOLEI*********************** NLM/SLORC: WHAT CAUSED NGA MYA TO RUN? Maung Pho Hmat The New Light of Myanmar Newspaper 25 February 1995 (continued from yesterday) Arrogant and opulent with his enormous powers, stacks of dollars and bahts, Nga Mya may not desire peace, but long suffering , starving and dying KNU followers have begun to yearn for peace. The West Bloc, meddling in internal affairs of several countries, inciting rebellion, instigating racial or religious problems and disrupting national unity in pursuit of their neo-colonialist policies has been striving to bridle those countries. This neo-colonialist bloc usually nurtures elements opposing governments of their own countries or encourages their armed insurgencies. Nga Mya, in fact, has been one of the proteges of this bloc of neo-colonialist countries. Moreover, Nga Mya himself has very narrow views and is highly conceited. He sees only his personal interests. Among his own national brethren he favours only those who, with their narrow outlooks, desire Kayins to break away. Even among Kayins he wants to discriminate between Sgaw Kayin, Pwo Kayin, Gekho Kayin, Gebar Kayin, etc. He desires to discriminate between Buddhist Kayins and Christian Kayins. Even among Christian Kayins he favours those belonging to his own sect and profanes and blasphemes Kayins of other denominations. The State Law and Order Restoration Council, in its time, invited all armed organisations of the jungles to abandon their armed-struggle line and join hands with it in working for development of the Union. Thirteen armed organisations, finding sincerity in this invitation, have returned to take refuge in the bosom of the peaceful Union. This intensified the desire for peace of a majority of KNU who had been living a senseless life. On 28 April 1992, the Tatmadaw unilaterally ceased offensives. It thus opened the door of peace in deed. Nga Mya resorted to delaying tactics to deceitfully appease for three years the majority of KNU who desire peace. Instead of trying to work for peace, Nga Mya took the opportunity of the Tatmadaw's ceasefire to launch armed attacks, to gun down innocent people and kill villagers with land- mines. The craving for peace of the majority of KNU reached the verge of explosion. Among the KNU who crave for peace are Christians as well as Buddhists, who are in the majority. Nga Mya and his mentors who realised the position, created a religious conflict to complicate issues. Myainggyingu Sayadaw U Thuzana was made a target for Nga Mya to create a religious conflict. Nga Mya and his henchmen insolently dealt with the Sayadaw when the Sayadaw built the Datthabala Pagoda on Layketu Hill near Thumwehta. They even made it impossible for the Sayadaw to reside in that area. On 5 January 1995, Nga Mya's forces stormed Thumwehta, burning down the Phaung-daw-U pagoda, the Eiksarthaya Monastery and the Ordination Hall and killing hundreds of villagers. The Thumwehta village was completely destroyed. Buddhist Kayin ntionals ad Bddhist KNU exploded in anger. Radio stations that are stooges of the West Bloc began broadcasting programmes inciting hatred between Buddhist Kayins and Christian Kayins. Western colonialist countries have already accumulated vast experience in practising this divide and rule policy breaking down the sovereignty of independent nations and enslaving them. At present they are engaged in dividing a single nation into mutually antagonistic factions, in inciting one national group against another, in lands where many national groups live together, inciting one religion against another inciting believers in one religion against believers in another region, stirring up racial conflicts out of religious conflicts. They are doing it most craftily. Instances to cite are numerous. Nga Mya began to dance to the tune called by his benefactors and mentors and to become cannibalistic. He issued repeated orders to kill Buddhist monks, Buddhist Kayin nationals and Buddhist KNU members. Ultimately, peace advocates whose fury had exploded rose against and took over Manerplaw. Nga Mya and his clique fled into the other country as fast as their legs could carry them. Just as the Ba Ka Pa who had practised their cannibalistic demote dismiss-decapitate policy and insulted religion had finally disintegrated and ended their drama of folly, Nga Mya's KNU has also begun to disintegrate. Nga Mya's mentors had gone wrong in writing their scenario. Colonial puppet Nga Mya who played the major role knows not the dance of a prince and keeps dancing the dance of an ogre, and the audience began to shower brick-bats on him. Since the time Myanmar regained Independence and Myanmars themselves began to exercise their sovereign powers, there has been freedom of worship in Myanmar. There has never been any discrimination on account of race and colour. The State Constitution of Myanmar of 1947 and the State Constitution of Myanmar of 1974 both gaated freedom of worship. There is fredm ofwrhpunderthe present regime of the SaeLaw adOder Rstoration Coni. Evey rligion is being elped and supported with care. As the Na Wa Ta effectively worked for national reconsolidation with a view to building a peaceful and developed Union, thirteen organisations have secured peace. It has been a case of a majority of KNU members exploding in anger because of Nga Mya's unforgettable brutal bayonetting of his own followers in the Bawtharaw affair, his reign of terror over his followers and Kayin nationals, his unruly discriminatory treatment on the basis of race and religion even among his own Kayin nationals, his complete disregard of his followers' food and shelter needs and his own luxuriating in Bangkok and Chiangmai as a multi-millionaire. Under these circumstances there is no ground for pointing an accusing finger at the Na Wa Ta. Nga Mya's deeds were designed exclusively for his own welfare and for that of his bosses. He brutally tortured and killed Kayin nationals and other nationals. If carefully analysed, it will be found that Nga Mya does not represent any Kayin national, not even his own KNU members and that despite his repeated claims of working for the welfare of the Kayins, he was in fact working for the misery of Kayins. The KNU armed insurgency, instigated by the imperialist divisive policy, is still in genocide as desired by its directors. Because of his brutal suppression of a majority of KNU (now the DKBO) who desire to establish peace among them and work for the welfare of their own people, the peace-loving DKBO attacked and took over Manerplaw, the central headquarters of the KNU, on 27 January 1995. The Tatmadaw rendered required help only because the DKBO requested it. The Tatmadaw dedicated to national solidarity, only rendered humanitarian help to those who desire to secure peace mainly for the welfare of Kayin nationals and the Kayin State. No sooner than the West Bloc learnt of Nga Mya's ignominious rout from Manerplaw, its radio stations and media began their shameless interference. It is simply amazing that the BBC and the VOA, who kept their mouths shut when Nga Mya mass- slaughtered innocent villagers, should agonise when Nga Mya had to run for his dear life. At 6 pm on 26 January, the VOA, quoting statements made by US Embassy in Bangkok, broadcast that "the United States of America has informed the Myanma military government of its concern over reports that the Myanma army is battling and evicting Kayin rebels along Thai-Myanmar border". At 6 pm on 26 January, the VOA broadcast that "The United States of America has declared that Myanmar government's offensive against rebels along Thai-Myanmar border could ruin chances of improving its relations with America, that the State Department said that it is studying how Myanmar government's human rights violations could affect US-Myanmar relations. US authorities pointed out that improvement of bilateral relations would depend upon improvement of Myanma-human rights records". At 6:30 am on 27 January, the BBC broadcast that "A State Department official in Washington expressed concern about battles raging around Kayin rebel headquarters at Manerplaw. Kayins in Thailand say that Kayin guerillas had suffered heavy casualties and that kayin desertions have increased. Kayin officials admit that they are running out of arms and ammunition". The West Bloc's expression of concern at the collapse of the central camp of insurgents who have been killing, burning down and destroying property, has come as a huge joke to Myanmars. The BBC, as usual, dubbed the break-away Buddhist KNUs as "deserters". Nga Mya himself would not have been capable of finding such an epithet. In the 6:30 am news bulletin of 29 January, the BBC said: "The United States of America has appealed to Myanmar military government to halt its offensive against Kayin rebels and resolve its differences with indigenous national groups f ully. The Americans expressed their concern over Manerplaw fighting for the second time in as many days". The BBC continued to say that "A statement issued by the White House points out that Myanma military operations are diametrically opposed to the government's professed desire to pursue a course of national reconciliation. It says that the offensive is shocking in view of Myanmar's record of massive violations of human rights. Rebels assert that they would continue their fight for self-rule even if Manerplaw were to fall". Thus did the BBC broadcast false accusations and further encourgament of Nga Mya. How have they come to claim fighting national traitors and armed insurgents as being massive violations of human rights? Persons of all ranks from the West Bloc used to come to Manerplaw to help and support Nga Mya. A so-called human rights group led by a member of parliament from England came and made arrangements to spread throughout the world false charges against the Tatmadaw. A Canadian, one Calvin Hefner, during Nga Mya's American tour, wrote a complaint against Myanmar government to be submitted at the Carter Centre. Errand boys of the West Bloc, frequently given awards and prizes, came to Manerplaw on prestige-boosting missions. Eleanor, wife of US Naval Attache Colonel Terry Hanson, came to Manerplaw to intrigue. Several American and French military instructors came to Manerplaw to teach military techniques. When Manerplaw fell and Nga Mya fled, the West Bloc began to shout loudly for a halt in fighting alleging it to government's violation of human rights. Coeds on their way home by train when the University went on vacation were abducted by Nga Mya's KNU and bartered for arms and ammunition with the Nationalist Chinese. For numerous other atrocities, Nga Mya is a mere murderer and bandit in the eyes of all Union nationals including Kayins. Why is the West Bloc pampering and fawning upon such a murderer and bandit like Nga Mya? It is very clearly not for the welfare of Kayin masses but only in the interests of the West Bloc. Everybody must have heard authorities from West Bloc countries repeatedly admitting that they have been giving help, loans, aid and technology to other countries exclusively in the donors' own interests and that they have been interfering, blockading, impeding and intruding in this or that country's affairs exclusively for their own benefits. As is common knowledge, it is they who have appointed themselves as policemen of the world to dominate this or that country, under the neo-colonialist policy, and to extract benefits for their own country. h e following causes will be discovered if the Manerplaw debacle is to be objectively evaluated: (1) The armed insurrection of the KNU with narrow racialist views and as instigated by imperialism in itself is false. (2) The mass of Myanmar peoples, including Kayin masses, loathe the KNU for atrocities like killing, burning down villages, sowing land mines, exploding bombs, extorting 'taxes', exacting 'tolls' and recruiting men forcibly during the forty years of its evil existence. (3) KNU followers are not satisfied that Nga Mya, as well as KNU leadership, have left their followers to their own fate while they themselves have amassed funds, properties, estates and businesses in Thailand as well as in Western countries. (4) Nga Mya, who is prepared to make the Devil himself his bed-mate if that would be to his benefit, joined hands with such an opium-smuggler and purveyor of vice likend made himself a servile disciple of the West Bloc whose aim is to cause Myanmar's disintegration and enslave it. (5) In Bawtharaw incident Nga Mya personally executed his own followers and bayonetted those who were in the last throes of death. KNU followers suffered this insufferable kind of rule by terror, without the slightest semblance of any organisational style, only to wait for an opportunity to rise up. (6) Nga Mya discriminated between Kayins and other indigenous peoples, he discriminated between Sgaw Kayins, Pwo Kayins, Gekho Kayins and Gebar Kayins and favoured only those Kayins who belonged to his own tribe of Kayins; he discriminated between Buddhists and Christians; and even among Christians he favoured only those who belonged to his own sect and profaned and insulted those who belonged to other denominations. This intensified hatred of Nga Mya not only among the Kayin masses but even among KNU ranks. (7) While other national groups are securing peace and are working for the welfare of their own people and their own region, Nga Mya keeps escalating his insurrection at a time when the Na Wa Ta has been trying for national reconciliation, unilaterally suspending offensives and offering peace. (8) Nga Mya keeps striving to prolong the evil existence of his insurrection by flouting the aspirations of a majority for peace through delaying and deceptive tactics for three years. (9) Nga Mya who sensed that a majority of KNU members who desired peace are Buddhist Kayins, tried to transform the peace issue into a religious issue. For this purpose he began to find fault with Myainggyingu Sayadaw, destroyed pagodas, monasteries and ordination halls, banned building of pagodas and attacked and killed Buddhists. For these sins did Nga Mya get evicted from Manerplaw, for these sins did the KNU collapse and for these sins did Mya' s clique come to drop the final curtain on their drama of sin and stupidity. To sum up again. The fall of Manerplaw, causing Nga Mya to flee, is not like what the West Bloc is deliriously screaming. They are mere sequels to an explosion of fury sparked by intolerable insolence and impudence against Buddhist Kayins, in other words those who desire to secure peace and work for the welfare of their own people, their own State and their own Union, perpetrated by national traitor, mercenary puppet of neo-colonialists, most arrogant and peerlessly brutal murderer, Nga Mya. (Translation AM) *****************KAREN STATE/KAWTHOOLEI*********************** NLM/SLORC: GIFTS FOR KAYINS RETURNED TO MYAINGGYINGU The New Light of Myanmar Newspaper 25 February 1995 Myanmar Maternal and Child Welfare Association (Central) presented medical equipment worth over K 925,000 and K 50,000 and donors from Yangon, 1,200 bars of soap for Kayins returning to a model village near Myainggyingu village in Kayin State on 22 February. Vice-President U Kyi Soe of MMCWA handed the gifts and cash to Chairman U Saw Tha Htoo Kyaw of Democratic Kayin Buddhist Organization at the model village. Accompanied by health officials of Kayin Kyi Soe, who is also the Director-General of Planning and Statistics Department of the Ministry of Health, paid respects to Myainggyingu Sayadaw U Thuzana and supplicated on conducting health care services and prevention of infectious diseases at the village. They then inspected the village and temporary dispensary and looked into the requirements. MNA ************************THAILAND****************************** ABSDF: SLORC ATTACK ON THAI SOIL February 24, 1995 ALL BURMA STUDENTS' DEMOCRATIC FRONT CENTRAL COMMITTEE HEADQUARTERS The statement of the ABSDF against the perpetrators of the recent atrocious crime on Thai soil The 23rd February, 1995 refugees from Mae Go Hta south of Mae Sam Lap (Mae Sariang District) were moving to the new camp, Mae Taw Hla, a safer place inside Thailand. They were transported by DYNA trucks. However, while they were traveling, the first car was attacked by approximately twenty soldiers with M-79 launchers and small arms. As a result, two Karen women--one an expectant mother, (they were sitting in the front) and the driver, a Thai national, were killed on the spot. Six children under nine years old were also wounded. The question to consider is, who were the perpetrators of this atrocious crime on Thai soil. What is clear is that such a sorrowful event had never occurred before the fall of Manerplaw. This latest atrocity has its roots in the SLORC invasion of Manerplaw assisted by the DKBO. Following this incursion, they seized Wan Kha (Kaw Mu Ra) and even raised the flag of the DKBO there. Then, a few days ago, Mahn Yin Sein, a KNU leader was kidnaped by the DKBO on Thai territory. In any event, these incidents can be traced back to the SLORC and their lackeys in the DKBO. Another serious matter here is that one of the victims in this most recent brutal assault is that a Thai national was killed on his own land by a foreign power. This represents a grave challenge to Thai sovereignty. Moreover, this also raises the issue of national security. The SLORC do not seem to respect national boundaries, and they will undoubtedly continue if they are allowed to operate unchecked. If such incidents are allowed to occur, the thousands of refugees already living on the Thai-Burmese border will be vulnerable. Furthermore, refugees will be forced to flee further inside Thailand. Such an exodus is invariably problematic, both to the refugees and to the Thai authorities, thus creating instability, an undesirable situation on all accounts. ABSDF strongly object to this brutal and unlawful act committed by the SLORC on Thai soil. And request to the international community to denounce the SLORC and to take serious and decisive action against such abuses. Date, February 24, 1995 **************"THE OTHER COUNTRY"/THAILAND)******************* BKK POST: BURMESE STUDENTS SEEK ASSURANCE FROM UN ON PROTECTION OF KARENS 27 February 1995 Burmese students yesterday appealed to the United Nations and the international community to ensure all Karen refugees on the Thai side of the border are protected against human rights abuses by the Rangoon junta. The statement released by the All Burma Student's Democratic Front said: "We earnestly appeal to the UN and the international community to find a proper solution to the basic problems of mounting insecurity and to see all the refugees on the Thai-Burma border are cared for. The appeal follows recent forays by Slorc's troops on refugees camps in Yhai territory. Last Tuesday Burmese troops attacked five trucks carrying karen refuges from Mae Pho Tha to a new refugee camp deeper inside Thailand. Two Karen women, one pregnant, and a Thai driver were killed and 10 other people, including four children, were seriously wounded. Earlier, troops of the Democratic Kayin (Karen) Buddhist Front abducted a senior Buddhist officer of the Karen National Union and five others from the Mae La refugees camp inside Thailand. The DKBF, a newly-formed breakaway group of former KNU troops, has accused the KNU's Christian-dominated leadership of practicing religious discrimination against Buddhist soldiers who make up about 85 per cent of the Karen force. The KNU abandoned its last defence stronghold at Kawmoora last week to Slorc forces. The main base at Manerplaw fell to the Burmese with the help of DKBF forces which led the attack on their former headquarters. The ABSDF also called on the Karen people to be more vigilant and not to fall prey to the "religious trap" which the Slorc was setting up. Capitalising on the split in the KNU, the Slorc has been exploiting the religious issue to the full as a propaganda tool to encourage more Karen to defect with promises of land and job security. A statement released from the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma also expressed concern for the safety of the Karen refugees. "The NCGUB is greatly concerned for the safety of the refugees, given the ease with which the armed Slorc troops can enter refugees camps in Thailand, and urges the Thai Government to provide more security for them," it said. The paralle Burmese government added that the attack on the five trucks and the deaths of two Karen women and a Thaidriver occured on the same day Slorc army Chief-of Staff Lt-Gen Tin Oo ws visiting Thailand. Lt-Gen Tin Oo aplogised to Army Chief Gen Wimol Wongwanich for the burden caused by Slorc offensives and asked Thailand to send all the refugees back to Burma to help in the "reconstruction of the country". Deputy Foreign Minister surin Pitsuwan on Saturday emphasised Thailand's policy of providing humanitarian assistance to those taking temporary refugee in the country and of not allowing any group to use its soil as a base for guerrilla operations against neighbouring countries. Thailand would allow the refugees to return home only when the situation there returned to normal and they decided to leave of their own free will, he said. The NCGUB said that Thailand alone was not suffering intrusions by the Burmese military. It said that on January 24, about 20 Slorc troops from the 50th Battalion conscripted 28 people as porters and confiscated 13 ox-carts from village in Sagaing. Troops also intruded into Mi Naung village in India's Manipur State and were temporarily detained by the Indian army. The statement condemned Slorc as an "illegal regime" contemptuous of the sovereignty of neighbouring legal governments and showing no respect fro international norms and principles. KNU military commander Brig-Gen Taw Hla said his group's withdrawal from Kawmoora did not mean it was giving up the fight. "In future we are chaning our tactics from having a defensive position to guerrilla warfare," he said. (BP) ********************INTERNATIONAL***************************** BKK POST: US CITY MAY BOYCOTT BURMA 27 February 1995 The Berkeley City Council in California will meet on Tuesday to vote on a proposed law to prohibit the city from doing business with companies operating in Burma because of the country's repressive human rights record. The action, expected to be approved by the council, would be the first in the world to place restrictions on companies doing business in Burma. Bay Area Burma Roundtable, a citizens group concerned with the human rights situation in Burma, and Progressive Asset management., an Oakland brokerage firm specialising in socially responsible investing, are the main backers of the legislation. Prominent clergy and environmental groups are also supporting the proposal. The campaign is in response to Burma's democratically elected leaders, now in exile, who have called on foreign companies operating in Burma to leave the country. The democracy leaders have called for the withdrawal of all foreign companies from Burma, maintaining that funds paid to the Slorc are used to prop up the illegitimate regime. (BP) ********************INTERNATIONAL***************************** SCB: BERKELEY BAN ON BURMA BIZ tun soc.culture.burma 12:26 AM Feb 27, 1995 (at macpsy.ucsf.EDU) From: tun@macpsy.ucsf.EDU (Coban Tun) Date: Sun, 26 Feb 1995 23:10:13 -0800 From: Jane Jerome Dear Friends of Burma: Tuesday, February 27, 1995 may be a momentous day in the annals of Burmese history. At 7 p.m. that evening, the City Council of Berkeley, California will vote for a selective purchasing law which would ban the City from procuring goods or services provided by companies doing business in Myanmar. The resolution is being adopted in response to the call by 1992 Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi for economic sanctions against Burma's brutal military regime. It is modeled upon the City's ground-breaking South African ordinance which was the first of many selective purchasing laws adopted by municipalities nationwide. Fellow Nobel laureate Archbishop Tutu, a strong supporter of Aung San Suu Kyi's call for economic pressures, has said, "Tough sanctions, not constructive engagement. This is the language that must be spoken with tyrants." Proponents hope that the resolution's passage, which seems likely now, will spark a renewed debate in the international community over the failed promise of the 1990 elections, won overwhelmingly for the National Leagues for Democracy (NLD), whose leaders including Aung San Suu Kyi are now in exile, under arrest, or dead by the hand of the military regime, called the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). SLORC prevented NLD leadership from assuming the mantle of leadership and has since undertaken to convene a national "Constitutional Convention" that is drafting little more than a bill of rights for the military, ensuring it overwhelming control of government indefinitely. Should the resolution pass, proponents hope to bring it to the attention of the UN Commission on Human Rights, holding its Geneva, Switzerland meeting in February and March. Businesses that may be immediately affected by the Berkeley purchasing ban include oil giants Unocal and Texaco along with PepsiCo (parent of Chevy's, Hostess-Frito-Lay, Kentucky Fried Chicken, Pizza King, Taco Bell, and beverages 7-Up, Mountain Dew, Crush, Hires, Dr. Pepper, Lipton Iced Tea*, Ocean Spray* [* = joint ventures]). However, should compaas American Express, Arco, or United Parcel Service enter the Myanmar market, they too would be prohibited from doing business with the City of Berkeley. Over the past several years, Amoco Oil and textile companies Levi Strauss, Eddie Bauer, and Liz Claiborne, have bowed out of Burma, citing economic and human rights issues. Shareholder action against Unocal in 1994 netted a significant 15% of votes in favor of issuing a detailed reporting on the company's operations in Myanmar, which responded with a fluffy P.R. pamphlet, that if not misinformative showed a singularly callous disregard for the human suffering inflicted by its military partner in the Yetugan natural gas pipeline development . (Of course, these guys have been cozy with Suharto in Indonesia for years.) Proposed shareholder resolutions against Texaco and PepsiCo were rejected by the SEC's 1994 decision on the five percent rule, citing that their business operations in Myanmar amounted to less than 5% of total company business. Boycotts are currently underway against businesses involved with Myanmar. If you're in the Bay Area and you're interested, feel free to attend the City Council meeting, 7 p.m. at Martin Luther King Jr. Way, at Center Street (2 blocks from Shattuck Avenue BART). An open forum, from 7 to 7:30, allows speaking by lottery so get there early if you wish to participate. A press release follows: __________________________________________ Progressive Asset Management PRESS ADVISORY For more information contact: Conrad MacKerron 510-834-3722 1814 Franklin St., Suite 710 Oakland, CA 94612-3438 Attention: Business Reporters/Editors VOTE ON WORLD'S FIRST BAN ON BURMA INVESTMENT SET FOR FEB. 28 The Berkeley, California, City Council will meet Tuesday, Feb. 28, 1995 at 7 p.m. to vote on a proposed law to prohibit the city from doing business with companies operating in Burma (Myanmar) because of the country's repressive human rights record. The action, expected to be approved by the council, would be the first in the world to place restrictions on companies operating in Burma. Bay Area Burma Roundtable, a citizens group concerned with the human rights situation in Burma, and Progressive Asset Management, an Oakland brokerage firm specializing in socially responsible investing, are the main backers of the legislation. Prominent clergy and environmental groups are also backing the proposal. The military regime that controls Burma, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), defies fundamental freedoms to its citizens and has been charged by human rights groups with torture and execution of its political opponents, and conscripting the population for forced labor. SLORC came to power in 1988 by brutally crushing a democracy movement led by students and monks in which thousands were killed. The campaign to pass the law is in response to Burma's democratically elected leaders, now in exile, who have called on foreign companies operating in Burma to leave the country. The democracy leaders have called for withdrawal of all foreign companies from Burma, maintaining that funds paid to SLORC are used to prop up the illegitimate regime. In recent years, several U.S. companies have cut ties with Burma, including Amoco, Levi Strauss, Liz Claiborne and Eddie Bauer. However, major companies including PepsiCo, Texaco and Unocal continue to operate in Burma. ********************INTERNATIONAL***************************** BAG-UK: ANTI BRITISH WEEK PROTEST Burma Action Group--United Kingdom February 27, 1995 The second British week started today in Rangoon. This is an event organized b y the British Ambassador, J.D.N. Hartland-Swann, to encourage investment in Bu rma by British firms. Delegates flew out from Britain on the same evening that Kawmoora was evacuated. The following is an invitation from the British Embassy which we have been able to obtain. We feel very strongly that Britain has publicly done nothing about condemning t he current offensive on the Thai Burma border and are appalled that the British Ambassador is actively encouraging investment in this way. We hope that you will support the protest against British week by faxing the relevant British Embassy (numbers below). British Week 27th February - 3rd March 1995 YANGON Presenting Modern Britain to Myanmar, including: An informed and up-to-date picture of the opportunities for trade and investmen t in Myanmar. Briefings by senior British business figures. Seminars for British business representatives, their agents and partners. Jazz evenings with the British Moire Music Drum Orchestra. Workshops, exhibitions, displays, films, books on UK/Myanmar. Cabaret evenings at the Residence and the Strand Hotel with Martin Palmer. Coinciding with the Myanmar Trade Fair (25th Feb - 3rd March). No fees - meeting service and accommodation bookings arranged (if before 15th J anuary 1995). Most of the events will be at the British Ambassador's Residence Contact: British Embassy, Yangon. Tel: (95) 1 95300 Fax: (95) 1 89566 >From H.M. Ambassador British Emb assy, Rangoon. 4th December 1994 BRITISH WEEK IN YANGON: 27 February - 3 March 1995 In view of your company's possible interest in the Myanmar (Burma) m arket I thought I should write to you in the hope of securing your support for a project which we are planning for early 1995. In the last twelve months there has been a significant increase in bu siness activity in Myan). I believe that there are now good opportuni ties opening up here for British business (see for example the enclosed copy of an article which appeared in the latest issue of the APAG Quarterly). Within t he limitations imposed by our political attitude towards the present government , which remain unchanged, we in the Embassy have been trying to encourage this interest and to see how we might recapture our position as one of Myanmar's tra ditional trading partners. We initiated this by staging a very successful Briti sh Week in March this year. Since then we have helped arrange visits here by Br itish Chamber of Commerce Missions from both Bangkok and Hong Kong; and another from Singapore is under consideration. The programme for the next British Week which we are planning will co ncentrate on a series of commercial seminars over three days which will target the key sectors in the developing Myanmar market. But we will also have a numbe r of other attractive supporting social and cultural events. I enclose a flyer we have prepared which illustrates this. We have also arranged for the Week to coincide with the 1995 Myanmar Trade Fair, only the second such fair to have be en staged. The Fair authorities have offered space for a British stand and we a re hoping that one or more British companies might wish to take advantage of th is. There will also be an opportunity for those attending the Week to visit the Fair. I believe this represents a valuable opportunity to bring together Br itish companies, some of whom have already done business here and some of whom are newcomers to the market, to share ideas and experiences. They will also be able to meet members of the local business community and officials from appropr iate Ministries to give them an informed and up-to-date picture of what opportu nities for trade and investment are now on offer in Myanmar. I am therefore wri ting to you in the hope that I might persuade your company to be among them, wh ether represented from the UK or from a regional centre such as Bangkok, Hong K ong or Singapore. There will be no attendance fee but we hope that those who co me might feel able to make a voluntary contribution to our costs. We can arrang e accommodation if necessary (see the enclosed registration form). But we expec t participants to find their own fares and hotel costs. Those attending from ou tside Myanmar would need to book air tick! ets and make hotel reservations we ll in advance (eg mid-January) because of the large number of foreign visitors expected for the Myanmar Trade Fair. I hope you will come. J.D.N. Hartland-Swann. Article from Apag quarterly November 1994 p6 Burma Market Grows The Burmese economy is growing and British companies should be exploring its po tential, Mr Julian Hartland-Swann, Britain's Ambassador to Burma, told a meetin g recently at the London Chamber of Commerce and Industry. gy sector is showing promise in areas such as gas and turbines, and tw o offshore oil and gas fields are being developed," he said. "The building sector is also optimistic, with five major bridge projects curren tly under consideration. A UK company has already tendered for two of them. W ater, irrigation and dam construction are also growing." Telecommunications is another important area for Burma. "Rangoon has recently installed a modular telephone system and there are plans to do the same for Man dalay. The airport urgently needs some investment in telecommunications. The Burmese appear to be trying to leapfrog the wire based telephone system stage a nd going straight to modern transmitter based equipment. There is also the pos sibility of privatisation." Tourism has potential as Burma has many sites of interest, particularly in the Pagan and Pegu areas, but the airports and roads need upd more hotels are needed to allow the tourist trade to develop. However, Mr Hartland-Swann also sounded a note of caution. The European Commun ity operates a strict embargo on arms sales to Burma, and ATP and ECGD cover ar e not available. So long as there is no noticeable improvement in Burma['s hum an rights record and the SLORC still refuses to introduce democratic reforms, t here is unlikely to be an improvement in EU/Burmese relations, nor a change in the position of foreign aid. Burma is, therefore, a difficult country to do bu siness with," he said. "The country has very limited foreign exchange reserves . Credit remains scarce and I would advise against any company accepting an un backed letter of credit." Barter, or countertrading, has been a traditional method of business in Burma, with rice and timber two of the main products traded. Although countertrading is being phased out, companies should be aware that they may have to accept som e unusual trading practices. "British companies should look at joint ventures, but should make sure they gain the majority share. They should also arrange t heir finances so they can export profits form the country. This is difficult b ut they must try to do it, " the ambassador warned. English is commonly spoken in Burma and companies generally use British busines s methods. "It is easy to visit Rangoon while on a business trip to S.E.Asia," Hartland-Swann said, "and I will give every assistance to British businesses h oping to break into the Burma market. Programme Monday 27 February Opening Ceremony at Ambassador's residence Keynote speeches by Myanmar Minister of Trade and Senior British Business Repre sentative. Panel Discussion: "Trade and Investment Prospects in Myanmar Today". Visit to British Stand at Myanmar Trade Fair 1995 and Workshop Evening Gala Concert at the Residence by the Moire Jazz Drum Band Tuesday 28 February Registration for Commercial Seminars at the Resid ence Seminars 1 (infrastructure) and 2 (housing and hotel construction) followed by lunch and seminar 3(agriculture, timber and agro industry) Dinner at a Burmese restaurant. Wednesday 1 March Seminars 4(communications and technology) and 5 (banking finance and insurance) followed by lunch and Seminar 6 (trading: import and export) Evening reception for seminar guests with a cabaret entertainer: Martin Palmer. Thursday 2 March Seminars 7 (consumer industries) and 8 (energy(petroleum gas and electricity)) Sightseeing visit to Shwedagon Pagoda and Hlaw Ga Park Film evening Friday 3 Marcte commercial visits and follow-up contacts Concluding reception at the residence Standing exhibitions and events at the residence and the embassy will include: Cultural exhibition of Photographs and Posters: Exhibition of British Technolog y: Sponsored Exhibits from UK companies: Films and Video Shows: Book Display Fax Numbers for British Embassies around the world. EUROPE Britain 0171 270 2833 (Foreign and Commonwealth Office) France 33 142 66 95 90 Germany 49 2289 167 200 Netherlands 31 70 360 3839 Switzerland 411 2113660 Norway 47 22 55 1041 Sweden 46 86 629989 Czech Republic 422 245 11314 ASIA Thailand 66 2 254 9578 Burm1700 India 91 11 687 2882 Hong Kong 85 22 845 2870 Japan 81 352 753164 USA 1 202 898 4255 Canada 613 237 7980 Australia 616 273 3236 ********************INTERNATIONAL***************************** BURMANET: HUBBARD'S REMARKS TO HARVARD BURMA GROUP SAYS BURMA NEEDS CHANGES TO IMPROVE RELATIONS WITH Nov 28, 1994 Cambridge, Massachusetts -- If Burma wants a more cooperative relationship with the United States, its current military leadership needs to make changing to Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Thomas Hubbard. In remarks to "The Friends of Burma at Harvard" November 28, Hubbard sais:"Those changes must come in democratization, human rights and more vigorous conternarcotics efforts. Hubbard was part of a U.S. delegation that recently visited Burma. "Our mission," Hubbard said, "was to present two views of the future:one where the Burmese leadership undertakes steps to improve its performance in democratization, human rights, and counternarcotics cooperation with the result that its relationship with the United States improves; and a second vision linked to continued regime intransigence and a deteriorating relationship with the United States." Hubbard acknowledged that the delegation did not expect the Burmese leadership to commit on the spot to the changes it sought, and they didn't." We could expect a good hearing by the top leadership, and we got a good hearing. In this sense, it seems to me that our mission was worthwhile, " he said. The United States will be observing the situation in Burma carefully over the next few months, Hubbard said. " We hope that a substantive dialogue will result between Aung San Suu Kyi and the SLORC, and that Aung San Suu Kyi will be released, the sooner the better. We also urge that all the other political prisoners in Burma be released. Based on what we heard in Burma, we would expect an agreement between the Burmese Government and the ICRC on prison visit, and if one is achieved, we would welcome publicly." Following is the text of Hubbard's remarks: (begin text) SPEECH BY THOMAS HUBBARD, DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE TO THE FRIENDS OF BURMA AT HARVARD NOVEMBER 28, 1994 Thank you for inviting me to come to Cambridge to share my thoughts on Burma with the "Friends of Burma at Harvard". As a relatively new friend of Burma, it is both a pleasure and an honor for me to be here with you on this occasion. I hope we will have time for a lively exchange of views. As many of you already know, the United States Government has conducted an overall review of its Burma policy during the spring and summer of this year. I chaired the interagency working group which conducted that review. IN particular, we have focused on how to make progress on our three most urgent policy objectives: democratization, human rights, and counternarcotics cooperation. We considered a wide variety of options and reaffirmed our deep concern about the situation. The diecision we reached was NOT to change our message, but rather to change the way in which we deliver our message. We decided to be more active -- to see if we could enhance our influence by presenting our strong concerns more directly to the SLORC. The policy review reaffirmed our view that it was not the international community which had somehow "isolated" Burma; rather Burma had isolated itself through policies that are out of line with accepted international norms. Our conclusion: In order for Buma's relationship with the United States to change, Burma had to change its policies. IN particular, the current military leadership in Burma ( C" of State Law and order Restoration Council) has to find a way to allow the views of the vast majority of Burmese to determine Burma's political future. As you know better than I, the overwhelming majority of Burma's citizens voted in 1990 for the National League for Democracy (NLD). The second area that must change is the degree of respect for human rights in Burma. After nearly six years, Aung San Suu Kyi remains under house arrest; many of her advisors in the National League for Democracy are in jails or have been hounded out of Burma into exile. We receive a steady flow of credible reports of continuing human rights violations in Burma. Many of these violations of interantional norms of conduct occur in connection with forced labor on civil engineering types of projects, like the Ye-Tavoy Railway, the Mandalay Moat, and smaller scale road repair and water/sewerage projects all over Burma, especially "contested "areas in the ethnic minority townships. Another major source of human rights violations is forced proterage for the Burmese military. We have reliable reports of death and woundings in connection with forced porterage in battle areas of the Shan State and else where. Press gangs are sent out by the military to pick up men in villages, some a good distance away from the location where the actual porterage work is carried out. Those found and ordered into porterage testify that they are mistreated, uncompensated, and suffer additional economic losses by being taken abrouptly away from other crucially important economic activities, such as harvesting. Corrroborating evidence for human rights violations is the condition in which many of the Burmese refugees appear in Thailand. We have been told by the welfare agencies which minister to them that refugees frequently must enter a facility for intensive care when they first appear in Thailane. Village people in Burma are very near the edge of existence, even when they are simply left alone by the military to endure average hardships of village live. Let me now discuss how my recent trip to Rangoon fits into the context of our overall objectives in Burma. I went to burma, representing an inter-agenc cness n Washington, to voice our concerns directly to the senior leadership of the SLORC, face-to-face so there would be no possibility of misunderstanding. I had with me representatives of the National Security Council and of the human rights and counternarcotics bureausate Department. I stressed American friendship and respect for the Burmese people, and made clear that the United States would like to establish more constructive relations with the people of Burma. Our mission was to present two views of the future: one where the Burmese leadership undertakes steps to improve its performance in democratization, human rights, and counternarcotics cooperation with the result that its relationship with the United proves; and a second vision linked to continued regime intransigence and a deteriorating relationship with the United States. We made clear that we vastly preferred the first version, but that the choice is up to the SLORC. We were well received in Rangoon, by the leaders and by those representatives of the broader community who were able to see at infomlgteigs. Our three -hour meeting with Khin Nyunt began with a lengthy discussion of recent Burmese history by the SLORC spokesman. Khin Nyunt stressed the Burmese Army's role in maintaining Burma's unity. He spoke a lot about national reconciliation. Not surprisingly, however, he placed more emphasis on national unity and national security than on human rights or the establishment of representative government. He also made very clear the current military leadership's interest in economic developmant for Burma. He stressed that Burma seeks foreign investment and access to modern technology. As I noted above, he made clear that Burma wants narcotics cooperation with the U.S. The desire for economic development through international cooperation, ofcourse, represents a significant break with much of the Ne Win past. I responded that access to international lending and foreign technology would flow naturally from respect for human rights and a genuine democratic opening. We were disappointed that the SLORC refused our request to meet with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi or other political prisoners. Allowing foreigners to meet with these courageous prisoners of conscience would be reassuring to the international community. It would also be symbolic of SLORC willingness to reduce its international isolation. Finally, the United eady to respond. One cannot visit Burma without feeling a sense of tragedy that a resource-rich land and vibrant people have been deprived by repressive government of the progress and prosperity enjoyed by their neighbours. We would like to see Burma join the Asian economic miracle, and will do what we can to promote the conditioans necessary for that to take place. We will of course wish to stay in touch with "Friends of Burma at Harvard," and elsewhere, as we seek to exercise any influence that we have to promote the kinds of changes that we all seek in Burma. ********************INTERNATIONAL***************************** WEEKEND AUSTRALIAN: HAWKE AND D'ALPUGET QUIZZED ON BURMA TRIP February 25-26, 1995. By John Ellicott Prime minister Mr Bob Hawke and his companion Miss Blanche d'Alpuget were quizzed yesterday by a Senate inquiry in Sydney about their private business trip to Burma last month. Mr Hawke told federal parliamentary Human Rights Committee hearing at the NSW Parliament his meeting with Burmese military officials was justified in light of a recent Department of Foreign Affairs briefing. Mr Hawke thanked the committee for agreeing to his request to allow "Miss d'Alpuget" to sit andgive evidence to the inquiry. Miss d'Alpuget sat alongside Mr Hawke as he read a prepared statement, before the hearing went into private session. Mr Hawke said his late-January visit this year with Miss d'Alpuget to Burma, or Myanmar as he called the country, was legitimate in the light of an early January Foreign Affairs briefing which said that consensus among Association of South-East Asian Nation ministers was that contact with Burma was better than confrontation. He told the committee he met the first secretary of the governing State Law and Order Restoration Council, General Khin Nyunt, and four government ministers. "We had been uniformly impressed by the competence, knowkedge and commitment of these ministers and their associates to the economic development of Myanmar as a basis for the national and political advancement of the people of their country," he told the committee. "Should we cease trading with Indonesia because our government and others in the community disapprove of some of Indonesia's internal policies ? Here is the crux of the issue. No one including we know, SLORC,can regard the position in Myanmar as ideal. But the fact is that many good things are occurring." The hearing moved in camera and by the time the doors re-opened Mr Hawke could only be heard saying "rightio" and"see ya" to committee members. Outside, a Burmese doctor who was stripped by SLORC of his licence to practise and now lives in Australia, was warned by a friend not to confront Mr Hawke as he can be "a very angry man". Dr Htin Kyaw was one of 10,000 people sacked by SLORC from their government jobs in 1991-1992 because they had given democratic answers to a compulsory questionnaire. He said Mr Hawke had lost his status as statesman by legitimising the SLORC regime with his visit. " He will be getting information from the generals who have given (him) red carpet treatment," he said. Mr Hawke left with only the Senate committee aware of what his business in Burma was and having given Mr Hawke the right to edit the hearing's transcript for public release. Asked outside if he would be going back to Burma, Mr Hawke said: "I don't see why not." Hand in hand, he and Miss d'Alpuget walked to a Commonwealth car and disappeared into city traffic. ********************INTERNATIONAL***************************** CANBERRA TIMES: HAWKE'S CREDIBILITY UNDERMINED 10/2/95 I SUGGEST that Mr Hawke's self-righteous outburst concerning criticism of his overseas activities and doubts about his integrity in general (Letters, February 9) sadly serves only to further undermine his credibility. He just doesn't seem to want to get the point. As an ex-prime minister his behaviour is still subject to special public scrutiny, through th media, at home and occasionally abroad. This means that his private actions will often unavoidably reflect on both the office he has held and, in some small way, on the way in which Australia is perceived overseas. Mr Hawke maintains that in this regard he shows discretion and acts "according to the highest standards". When this statement comes in the same week as his grinning and rapacious multi-page expose of his recent love life in a circulation-chasing women's magazine, the question mst be asked, "whose standards?". In anyone else such timing might be excused as bad luck or as a momentary lapse in judgment, but there is plenty of recent evidence other than this and the Myanmar[Burma] business (South African Embassy, Canberra Casino, the Conrad Black stoush, his self-aggrandising authbiography, even his dodgy 60 minutes guest slots) to suggest that that which Mr Hawke regards as acting"according to the highest standards" would be characterised by most people as, at best, indiscretion. Rather than pursue this futile rearguard defence of his business morals or continue chasing desperate and ill-considered opportunities to remain in what I suspect to be an increasingly jaundiced public eye, Mr Hawke might be better served by, to use his own phrase, "admitting to error" himself and then giving us all a break while he searches for his lost dignity. Then again, perhaps, we should simply be grateful for his recent record of noticeably discreet behaviour. The alternative is not pleasant to contemplate. JULIAN TAYLOR, Yarralumla ********************INTERNATIONAL***************************** CANBERRA TIMES: LETTER- "HAWKES' WEAK AND VAPID DEFENCE OF ENGAGEMENT" 11/2/95 THE POPULATION of Burma is subject to repressive military rule, a dictatorship of over three decades whose brutal rule bears no relationship to the will of the people. Instead it has perpetrated fear, ongoing massive violations of human rights, decades of civil war in the border areas, economic deprivation and increasing militarisation. The latest incarnation of this dictatorship is the SLORC [State Law and Order Restoration Council], which installed itself after the mass pro-democracy demonstrations that erupted in 1988. It has grasped on to power after crushing all opposition -- arresting, jailing, killing -- and despite the aspirations so clearly demonstrated in the 1990 elections which were also squashed. Evidence of the regime's brutality is incontestable, and can be found everywhere from the stories of hundreds of thousands of refugees in the border areas and adjacent countries, to the regime's massive arms purchases, censorship, the detention of Aung San Suu Kyi, official UN statements, to the latest military offensive on the Thai-Burma border. Mr Hawke's weak and vapid defence of engagement with the military rulers of Burma (Letters, February 9) does not hold up to the compelling ethical arguments against their support. His appeal to the comparison of South Africa with its "moral imperative for sanctions" is curious; but indeed the application of condemnation or even sanctions frequently inconsistent in internatitics. H.J.LANG, Forrest. ************************************************************** NEWS SOURCES REGULARLY COVERED/ABBREVIATIONS USED BY BURMANET: ABSDF: ALL BURMA STUDENT'S DEMOCRATIC FRONT AP: ASSOCIATED PRESS AFP: AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE AW: ASIAWEEK Bt.: THAI BAHT; 25 Bt. EQUALS US$1 (APPROX), BBC: BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION BKK POST: BANGKOK POST (DAILY NEWSPAPER, BANGKOK) BRC-CM: BURMESE RELIEF CENTER-CHIANG MAI BRC-J: BURMESE RELIEF CENTER-JAPAN CPPSM: C'TEE FOR PUBLICITY OF THE PEOPLE'S STRUGGLE IN MONLAND FEER: FAR EAST ECONOMIC REVIEW IRRAWADDY: NEWSLETTER PUBLISHED BY BURMA INFORMATION GROUP KHRG: KAREN HUMAN RIGHTS GROUP KNU: KAREN NATIONAL UNION Kt. BURMESE KYAT; UP TO 150 KYAT-US$1 BLACK MARKET 106 KYAT US$1-SEMI-OFFICIAL 6 KYAT-US$1 OFFICIAL MOA: MIRROR OF ARAKAN MNA: MYANMAR NEWS AGENCY (SLORC) NATION: THE NATION (DAILY NEWSPAPER, BANGKOK) NCGUB: NATIONAL COALITION GOVERNMENT OF THE UNION OF BURMA NLM: NEW LIGHT OF MYANMAR (DAILY STATE-RUN NEWSPAPER, RANGOON) NMSP: NEW MON STATE PARTY RTA.:REC.TRAVEL.ASIA NEWSGROUP SCB.:SOC.CULTURE.BURMA NEWSGROUP SCT.:SOC.CULTURE.THAI NEWSGROUP SEASIA-L: S.E.ASIA BITNET MAILING LIST SLORC: STATE LAW AND ORDER RESTORATION COUNCIL TAWSJ: THE ASIAN WALL STREET JOURNAL UPI: UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL USG: UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT XNA: XINHUA NEWS AGENCY **************************************************************