**************************BurmaNet*************************** "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ************************************************************* The BurmaNet News:8 APRIL 1995 Issue #142 ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ Contents: *************************INSIDE BURMA************************ THE NATION: FOREIGNERS STILL WARY OF INVESTING IN BURMA, DESPITE JUNTA'S NEW IMAGE ***********************THAILAND******************************* THE NATION: 'SATISFACTORY'BURMA REPORT ON CITIZEN'S DEATH SOUGHT THE NATION: THE SLORC MUST APOLOGIZE FOR KILLING A THAI VILLAGER BKK POST: A MODERN FROM SLAVERY? THE NATION: TWO MISSING AS MON GUERRILLAS AMBUSH 21-MAN BORDER PATROL ****************************ARTICLES************************** THE NATION: SLORC BUYS TIME WITH RELEASES THE NATION: A FORCEFUL ARMY-LED TOURISM CAMPAIGN MAY EXACT A HEAVY PRICE FROM BURMESE CULTURE, THE LANDSCAPE AND PEOPLE, ************************************************************** The BurmaNet News is an ********************************* electronic newspaper * Iti * covering Burma. 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Burma Issues is a Bangkok-based non-governmental organization that documents human rights conditions in Burma and maintains an archive of Burma-related documents. Views expressed in The BurmaNet News do not necessarily reflect those of either NCGUB or Burma Issues] TWO MISSING AS MON GUERRILLAS AMBUSH 21-MAN BORDER PATROL 7 April 1995 Two border policemen from Kanchanaburi were injured and two more disappeared when they were ambushed buy Mon guerrillas on Wednesday evening, a border policemen said yesterday. The policeman said that 21 men from the 135th Border Patrol Unit were ambushed in Kanchanaburi's Thong Pha Phum district. The two injured were identified as Pol Sgt Bunloet Khaetakhu and Pol Pte Somchok Mahden. The missing rangers Chaikongthong and Pol L-Cpt Srithep Phetkaew, the source said. The 9th Infantry division sent two companies to look for the missing policemen. Police said the mon guerrillas probably mistook the border patrol for Burmese rangers. Thai authorities found blood near the border which indicated the armed insurgents had suffered casualties, officials said. Thai authorities are trying to determine if the intruders be- long to the Mon State army, the armed wing of the New mon State Party (NMSP), which has been fighting the Rangoon mili- tary regime for decades. However, a radio report said a commander of the NMSP contacted by the Thai military denied they were under his command. The Independent News Network said the intruders were part of a 250-member armed force which has set up camp near the border on the Burmese side. The NMSP recently offered to enter into peace talks with the Burmese junta. (TN) A FORCEFUL ARMY-LED TOURISM CAMPAIGN MAY EXACT A HEAVY PRICE FROM BURMESE CULTURE, THE LANDSCAPE AND PEOPLE, THE AWSJ'S MIRIUM JORDAN WRITES. 7 April 1995 A few weeks ago, an army officer marched up to the doorstep of a teacher's home in a picturesque hill town in northern Burma. Scanning the flimsy wooden cottage, he gruffly commanded: "Fix the roof. Paint it. I'll be back in 15 days." Why the urgency? "We have to prepare for tourism, he said, before heading down the street to continue his mission, the teacher recalls. The teacher, who asked to be identified only as Catherine, says she knew batter than to defy the order, even though she can barely afford basic foods like rice and eggs for her family. she scraped together some money from relatives and friends and got the job done. "They're telling us to make the town beautiful," Catherine complains. "But our stomachs are empty." After decades of self-imposed isolation and self-styled socialism that reduced Burma from the rice bowl of Asia to one of the world's poorest countries, this nation of 45 million is desperate for hard cash to resuscitate its economy. The ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council, or Slorc, is betting that foreigners' curiosity to see a country practically untouched by modern tourism will overcome their distaste for its military leadership. "Tourism is the latest pot of gold they think they have discovered," says a Western diplomat in Rangoon "They will try to develop it, even if it is by force and fear. That is how Slorc runs the country." Slorc has been running the country since the army crushed a pro-democracy uprising in 1988. The following year it renamed the country Myanmar to obliterate a vestige of the British colonial past and placed pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest. In 1990 her party won national elections; Slorc refused to recognize the results. Bent on minimizing exposure to the out- side world the junta briefly slammed Burma's doors completely shut. Now, cash-starved Slorc wants to woo 500.000 free-spending travellers during a "Visit Myanmar year" that kicks off in October 1996, to coincide with the peak tourist season. Burmese government officials privately express doubts that the newly opened country can lure 500,000 tourists. Burma drew only 61,000 in the year ended March 31, 1994. Installed in his plush air-conditioned office in downtown Rangoon, Tourism and Hotel Minister Lt Gen kyaw ba states categorically what Visit Myamar Year is all about: "We can earn a lot of foreign cur- rency." Burma earned $22 million in foreign exchange from tourism in the year ended march 31, 1994, and estimates it earned $30 million in fiscal 1995, making the sector the country's biggest foreign exchange earner. To pursue tourism profits, Slorc last year formed the Tourism Development Management Committee, chaired by Lt Gen Khin Nyunt, a powerful state secretary and former security chief. The committee is rolling out the red carpet for foreign hotel developers and orchestrating the nationwide face-lift. It's targeting everything from 11th century Buddhist pagodas of former capital Pagan - Burma's top tourist draw - to the charming, flower-dotted mountain resorts built during British rule. Bur there are signs that a heavy-handed army led tourism campaign may exact a heavy price from Burmese culture, relatively pristine landscape and impoverished people. In eastern Shan state teenagers toil under the blistering sun to widen roads that will give passage to big tour buses. In Mandalay, hundreds of prisoners shovel clods of mud from the huge moat surrounding the ancient palace, meant to ba a major attraction. In the country side villagers are ordered to plant gardens and improve the appearance of their houses - in the name of tourism. "Where there should be flowers there will be flowers. Where there should trees, trees will be grown," declares Lt Gen Ba. When asked about the uniformed convicts at Mandalay Palace. They have good rest, good food. And, he volunteers, "We don't torture them." Ostracized by most lending institutions and aid agencies be- cause of its human rights record and refusal to recognize election results, Slorc first opened Burma's economy in 1990 by farming out oil concessions to foreign companies. A failure to locate rich reserves hardened the generals resolve to find another fountain of foreign exchange. Enter tourism. Slorc is reversing decades of closed door polices to just seven days in a country as vast as France and Bratain combined, It extended stays to 14 days in 1990. now the door is wide open: Burmese overseas missions issue 28-day tourist visas overnight. Anticipated surge Slorc has eased a foreign currency exchange law that deterred some would be visitors. To handle the anticipate surge in arrivals. The junta has broken the monopoly of state-owned Myanmar Travels and Tours and licensed more than 200 private tour companies in the past two years. In Rangoon, hotel are sprouting up everywhere, thank to speedy government approval of proposal by Singaporean and other southeast Asian developers. All told, Slorc has authorized $565 million of tourism-related investment by foreigners, second only to the amount committee to oil exploration. But the development is haphazard and the basic infrastructure can't support it, say critics. Within Slorc, there is little, if any experience in international tourism. "Look at it this way, the tourism minister has never been a tourist in his life," says an overseas Burmese who's back to built a hotel. Luxury hotels that cater mainly to investors on expense accounts are crowding Rangoon. meanwhile in tourist destinations such as Pagan, hotels with hot running water are still a rarity. Japanese tour guide K.Makimoto reports that hotel staff sometimes lug buckets of hot water to her clients' rooms. Electricity, transport and telecommunications are substandard across the country. Hupin hotel in Nyaung Shwe, a town on picturesque Inle Lake, boasts a TV satellite dish. But owner Thein win suggests writing at least one month in advance to reserve a room: It's almost impossible to place a telephone call to the hotel, even from Rangoon. To travel the 65 kilometres from Mandalay to Maymyo, a quaint hill station where British colonial officials escaped the heat, count on being tossed about in a vintage world War II Jeep or rickety van fro three hours along a winding and potholed road. At the Candacraig, a state owned, mock-Tudor inn that's a favourite among foreigners, power failures are so frequent that "we live by candlelight," says manager Maung Maugn Linn. "We known we are very poor in infrastructure," conccedes Lt Gen Ba, the tourism minister. Citing some of the road and airport expansion work under way, he expresses the hope that most of this vital work will be completed by 1996. Anyway, "we're not doing [a visit year] because we're ready,' says the minister. The point is 'to tell the world that Myanmar exists.' In their own tourism "visit years" countries such as Thailand and Malaysia spent millions of dollars on advertising and marketing. Cash-starved Burma, on the other hand, doesn't seem to be working toward Visit Myanmar Year with budget in mind. In fact, tourism officials say they're relying on tour agents and foreign journalists, whom Slorc now welcomes, to spread the word. What many benefit Burma, at least in the short term, is that its mystique and long seclusion have created pent-up demand among travellers, for whom the country evokes images from the works of Rudyard Kipling and George Orwell. Today, men and women still don Longyis instead of trousers and skirts. At daybreak, red-robed Buddhist monks with shaven heads and bare feet pour into the streets to collect alms. Pony-drawn stage coaches ply the streets on Maymyo. Water buffalo haul teak logs ashore in Mandalay. "The beauty of Burma is that it's relatively primitive," says Eric Meola, a fortyish studio photographer visiting from New York. "You can wander around feeling like Indian Jones exploring this place." The prospect of an onslaught of rowdy, camera-toting tourists has propelled some foreigners to visit Burma sooner rather than later. "When I heard that 1996 was going to be Visit Myanmar year, I though, "It's doomed. I better go now'." says Parisian Danielle Hunebelle, a southeast Asia aficionada, who was here 20 years ago. Tour operators are reporting brisk business, particularly from Germany, France and Italy. "In five years there will be a floating McDonald's on Inle Lake," fears jeffrey Saunders, a 25-year-old American who works in Hong Kong. Inle lake is famous for its floating vegetable gardens and "one-legged" fishermen who row standing up with one leg wrapped around a paddle. Heritage under threat In Rangoon, development for the greater cause of tourism is threatening to obscure one of the city centres's landmarks. Ahighrise hotel now under construction is likely to overshadow the 48-metre-tall Sule Pagoda. Another foreign-owned hotel is rising on the shore of romantic Royal Lake not far from the glided Shwedagon Pagoda, Burma's national symbol. There is no law to protect historic buildings from the wreck- ing ball. some observers worry that a pro-investor law that permits 100 per cent foreign ownership for hotels could unleash developers who have little regard for Rangoon's heritage and are only interested in quick returns. Some crumbling relics have been saved. The legendary Strand hotel, on the Rangoon river front, was gutted and completely renovated. At a cost of US$350,00 a room, it's deemed the most expensive renovation in the world by hotel-industry experts familiar with the project. Another small low-rise hotel, The Savoy, is being erected around a colonial mansion. Tourism experts hope Burma willl earn form the mistakes of its neighbours, such as Thailand, which allowed developers to overbuild. Robertson Collins, a Singapore based travel- industry consultant who has studied Burma extensively, believes Slorc may be going in the same direction by stressing mass "off-the-shelf" tourism. This is "doubly heavy-handed when you drop it on a subtle quiet Buddhist country," he says. "It's not working for the benefit of the people, the preservation of the heritage of the conservation of resources." Despite their hardship, Burmese people offer visitors a ready smile and graceful hospitality. "You come away profoundly moved by the quality of the people," says Sheila Duncan, an American who live sin France, at the end of a two-week tour. But, she adds, "it's so predictable what will happen: the pu- rity will be eroded." Burmese leaders say they're seeing to it that Burma's culture does not succumb to at least some evils of the outside world. Last month, Religious Affairs minister Lt Gen Myo Nyunt sum- moned owners of the budding restaurant and karaoke business in Rangoon because "the skirts were getting too short, the neck- lines were getting to deep," says Myo Lwin, deputy director- general for tourism. There are minor inconveniences compared with the plight of thousands of poor Burmese who are expected to share the cost of promoting tourism without receiving any immediate benefit. "These people have hardly had enough to live hand to mouth," says a Christian leader in northern Burma. "now, they're being told they can't live in huts with thatched roofs - they better get zinc. Those who have single-storey houses are being told to make two storeys ... If you can't do it, they evict you from the house and the grounds,' says the clergyman, who asked not to be identified. "They throw you in paddy fields without electricity or running water." Government officials maintain they compensate anyone who's evicted from their home to make way fro roads, for example. Those who are drafted for government constructiuon projects are adequately paid, they say. Both forced relocation and forced labour are frequent occur- rences under Burma's military rulers, according to amnesty International and other human rights groups that have documented numerous cases. These days, however, the motive is not political. It's for the sake of tourism. "Ten years from now, Burma won't be the same. It'll only for the army and tourists," says Catherine. As she speaks, the teacher spots an approaching soldier. Before scurrying off, she adds: "foreigners don't know what we're going through for this tourism year." (TN) SLORC BUYS TIME WITH RELEASES 7 APRIL 1995 Pardons for Tin Oo and Kyi Maung show Rangoon junta is confident its power is secure, Aung Zaw writes The recent release of veteran Burmese opposition leaders Kyi Maung and Tin Oo has renewed specula- tion the military government may be preparing to ease up its suppression of dissidents. But the just-freed political prisoners were keeping a low profile. Along with their released-political prisoner, Tin Oo and Kyi Maung declined to give any erect answers about their future, and in particular if they have any plans to re-enter politics. For now, Kyi Maung intends to be reunited with his family and friends and to catch up with current events. During his year in isolation he had lit- tle opportunity to read magazines and books or to listen to the radio. His only reading material was the New Light of Myanmar and religious books. "I don't even know who is Bill Clinton!," Kyi Maung is said to have told friends who visited him after his release. Sources close to Kyi Maung is said they had signed documents before they had signed documents before they were freed conceding they had broken Slorc laws. " But they didn't have to sign any other documents or make deals with Slorc," the sources said, adding that they were warned "not to get involved in politic again". "They should be very careful, the situation is not good for them to move and talk freely" said our friend. Another added, "I don't think they will make any quick decision - If they do, the price is quite high for them. They cannot just go back to stay in prison for another four or five years". Kyi Maung and Tin Oo's residences were said to be under constant surveillance by soldiers as well as undercover intelligence officers. "They keep reporting and watching who cafes to visits their houses," said the Rangoon source. " They are also tapping their phone so it is unsafe to talk on the phone," Despite the watchful eyes the sources reported that "Many NLD members and Maps are visiting their houses. They all seemed happy and excited." But not far from everybody's minds was the fate of Khin Maung Shwe, an elected NLD MP who arrested last year for being too outspoken after he met with journalists. Tin U, 68, chairman of the National League for Democ- racy, founded the NLD with Aung San Suu Kyi. He was arrested on the same day as Suu Kyi was put under house arrest. Aftermath, Kyi Maung, 78, led the NLD throughout the general election in 1991 and won a landslide victory. He was arrested in September of the same year. Tin U was not like other army officers who never has- itate to heed their boss's command to shoot or bayo- net peaceful demonstrators. As a result he was dis- missed as a defense minister in 1976. One reason he criticised Army's heartless crackdown on the student protests. On the same year he was arrested and imprisoned because of he failed to inform his knowl- edge of a coup plot. He was freed under the 1980 am- nesty. He re-emerged as one of the opposition figures during the 1988 democracy uprising. In July , 1989, as the confrontation between the NLD and Slorc reached it climax, Tin Oo was put under house arrest. He was later sentenced to three year imprisonment with hard labour and subsequent trans- ferred to Insein prison. In November 1994 UN's Special rapporteur, Professor Yozo Yokota visited Burma. He met with some prominent political prisoners including Tin U. Tin U told Yokota that he was a "political prisoner" despite the claim of the authorities that he was an "ordinary criminal". Tin U stated that he had suf- fered five months of effective house arrest before being brought before a martial court on numerous cha- rges. He said that he had been charged, in particu- lar, with: (a) inciting the entire population for democracy and human rights; (b) corresponding with parliamentarians of the European Community, Japan and the United States of America; and (c) meeting with military personal and other in groups. The Yokota report continued:"U Tin U declared, I love the army, but I love the people more than the army." He stated that after the 1990 elections many people had been detained for a long time without trial as "ordinary criminals". he had sought their release and remedies. So, he had come to this fate. Rangoon sources said Kyi Maung appeared more deter- mined and stronger than Tin Oo. In July, 1989 he and other remaining NLD members organised a gathering at the Gandhi Hall of distingushed Burmese personalities. Kyi Maung asked Slorc leaders to speed up transfer of power to the NLD. He was arrested in September. "Kyi Maung is interested in a national cause," said Tint Zaw, a former student activist in the 60's, who is now in exile." He did the best he could." A former army colonel, Kyi Maung opposed Ne Win's coup in 1962 even though his name was included in the Revolutionary Council, which stage the coup, Kyi Maung was stationed in the countryside. Later, Kyi Maung refused to meet with Gen Ne Win when the lat- ter visited his region.(TN) 'SATISFACTORY'BURMA REPORT ON CITIZEN'S DEATH SOUGHT 7 April 1995 The Thai government expects a report from its Burmese counterpart concerning the death of a Thai citizen to be satisfactory, Foreign Minister Krasae Chanawongse said yesterday. Krasae was reffering to Thawee Khamtankaew, 38, who was shot in the back by Burmese troops on Sunday while crossing the border river in Mae Sai district in Chiang Rai Province. Thawee was said to have been carrying a toy gun and suffering from mental problems. The minister said that the report would have an effect on the whole region. "I believe the reply will be satisfactory because any such disturbances may have a negative affect on the social and economic development in the region," he said. His comments came a day before he is due to pay an official two-day visit to Burma. He is to meet leaders of Burma's military junta, including secretary-general Lt Gen Khin Nyunt. Krasae said that it was more advantageous to meet with his counterparts face-to-face when discussing such sensitive issues. He also said that he believes the best way to handle the situation is through diplomat means, where the validity of the Thai government's position can be clearly stated. However, the Thai authorities and military have stressed that the Burmese troops over-reacted during the incident as Thawee was crossing the river from Burma to Thailand. "Pride and nationalism can get in the way when disagreements arise but we must use fair diplomat means and keep in mind our own country's interests when solving such matters," Krasae said. (TN) THE SLORC MUST APOLOGIZE FOR KILLING A THAI VILLAGER 7 April 1995 The brutal shooting of a Thai villager early this month by Burmese Army troops is indeed tragic. However, the killing could have been prevented. Unconfirmed reports said Thawee Khamtankaew, a 38-year-old resident of Chiang Rai, was carrying a toy gun, and this caused the Burmese troops to believe he was armed, resulting in them opening fire. But the fact of the matter is that Thawee was shot in the back as he was fleeing to Thailand at the Tachilek side of the border with Burma. It seems the Thai villager illegally crossed the Mae Sai River into Tachilek to do some shopping after the Burmese town had been abruptly closed by the Slorc troops. This killing of an innocent, mentally deranged man, is an act that contravenes every principle in international law and is tantamount to criminal act. The indiscriminate use of force against a civilian just shows the brutal mentality of the Burma's State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc) troops. Their main mission to destroy and they have no compunction whatsoever to kill. Slorc's nonchalant attitude towards the killing of the Thai villager also deserves to be condemned. What constructive engagement? If this the Slorc's gratitude towards Thailand's role in promoting and defending the so-called "constructive engagement" policy in the international arena, then it is high time Bangkok rethinks its relationship with Rangoon. The slaying last Sunday was not the first instance of Slorc violence directed at the Thais. Over the past few months Slorc forces and their newly formed allies, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), have been violating Thai territory in Tak province at will. At Tak, Burmese troops opened fire frightened Karen refugees taking shelter on Thai soil and even had the cheek to threaten Thai villagers with force if the refugees did not return back to Burma. A number of Karen refugees were killed and several Karen leaders were kidnapped. Unfortunately, a few Thais also were victims of the brutal Burmese actions. As always, the Slorc pretentiously remained silent while Thailand had to bear the brunt of its illegal intrusions. More disappointing was Gen Wimol Wongwanich's comments over the Burmese offensive against the Karens and the shooting of the Thai villager. As Army commander-in-chief, it is his duty to protect the country and defend the Thais. However, it seems that brotherly ties with fellow military officers in Burma are more important than the interests of the people, especially those living along the Thai-Burmese border. Wimol's first blunder was when he defended the Burmese Army's action against the Karens, saying the rebels should be crushed so that peace will prevail along the Thai border and Thais there could lead a trouble-free life. Without realizing growing Thai public sentiment against the Burmese regime, the army chief committed another big diplomatic faux pas by saying that the Burmese troops were "right" to shoot Thawee for "security reasons." Wimol's callous statements backfired and drew strong protests from both Thawee's relatives and local Mae Sai residents, who feel that the army chief and the armed forces have a duty and responsibility to protect the lives of Thais instead of speaking up to defend the Burmese. Defence Minister Vijit Sookmark and Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai have shown more sympathy to Thawee's family, saying that the Burmese troops had overreacted by shooting him in the back. Both have ordered the military and government agencies concerned to investigate the killing and launch official protests at all levels to the Burmese authorities. They also demanded that the Slorc show responsibility by compensating Thawee's family and officially apologizing of the shooting. Surin's frustration Deputy Foreign Minister Surin Pitsuwan, who has been a strong defender of Thailand's "constructive engagement" policy towards Burma, was right when he said that although Thawee was mentally ill, he was a human being who had the right to live. Surin even voiced his frustration by saying: "Whenever an incident takes place, the Burmese government normally claims that it is the work of other groups which are not under its jurisdiction." Thailand through the Thai-Burmese Regional Border Committee, which is to meet later this month in Phitsanulok, has to raise these issues with the Burmese, and remind them that the Thai people will not tolerate such behaviour. Like-wise, Foreign Minister Krasae Chanawongse, who will start a two-day official visit to Burma today, has to demand an official explanation and apology from his Burmese counterpart U Ohn Gyaw and other Slorc leaders, in particular the powerful intelligence chief, Lt Gen Khin Nyunt. The Slorc must not be allowed to escape from its legal obligations to a neighbour. They must take disciplinary action against the culprits who killed Thawee. Thailand has tolerated and shown enough goodwill to the Slorc. If the Rangoon regime does not repent in its ways, the Thai government has no choice but to reconsider its ties with Burma. Thailand indeed has less to suffer if it severs ties with an illegitimate government that does not respect its own people and couldn't give two hoots about its neighbours. (TN) FOREIGNERS STILL WARY OF INVESTING IN BURMA, DESPITE JUNTA'S NEW IMAGE 7 April 1995 Overseas investors are still holding back in Burma because of the lack of infrastructure, lack of a clear policy on exchange rates and reservations about the incumbent government's political record. Reuter's Deborah Charles reports from Rangoon. Burma's military government is moving to liberalise its economy but foreigners are still wary of making large investments because of poor infrastructure, an overvalued official currency and political uncertainty. Although the military government has relaxed its foreign investment laws and opened up on the amount of foreign owned ventures it will allow, diplomats say investors remain cautious. "There are many problems here... At this moment the situation is not good enough to make new investments on a large scale in Burma," one diplomat told Reuters. "The potential for investment in the furture is not bad. But many people are watching and waiting for conditions to improve." Diplomats, who calmly sat through several power outages in the course of an hour-long interview, said the lack of electricity was just one of the problems the government needs to address. There is also the issue of insufficient roads connecting major cities with the rest of Burma, poor port facilities and an underdeveloped telecommunications system. A hugely over-valued official exchange rate also hampers growth, because investors are forced to pay their expenses in hard currency at the official exchange rate. The local currency, the kyat, trades at about six to the dollar at the official rate and at about 100 to the dollar on the black market. Although the government is attempting to narrow the huge gap in exchange rates by issuing foreign exchange certificates which can be converted on the black market, diplomats say there is still a long way to go before the problems can actually work to benefit investors. Some foreign companies who have to answer to shareholders are also wary of investing in Burma because of its dismal human rights record and political uncertainly, observers said. Most Western countries cut off financial aid to the nation after the military suppressed a brutal 1988 pro-democracy uprising, leaving thousands dead or in jail. The State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc), which assumed power after the 1988 uprising, later refused to recognise elections in 1990 that were won overwhelmingly by an opposition, pro-democracy party. The government has still not released opposition leader and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been under house arrest since 1989. Many nations have said her release is one of the prerequisites for a resumption of economic aid. But at the same time the Slorc, which inherited the legacy of a disastrous 26 years of the "Burmese Way to Socialism" Doctrine, has tried to encourage foreign investment. Soon after it assumed power the Slorc passed a Foreign Investment Law which permitted 100 per cent foreign ownership in all but a few areas. Foreign companies were also allowed to form joint ventures with a private Burmese company or state enterprise as long as the foreign partner holds a minority 35 percent equity share. The most popular areas of investment in Burma are oil and gas and hotels and tourism, businessmen say. Foreign-owned hotels, including big name international chains, are mushrooming throughout Rangoon ahead of Burma's "Visit Year" Scheduled for 1996. Myanmar is the Slorc's name for Burma. Under the Myanmar Investment Commission, a total of $2.38 billion in foreign investment has been approved for 119 different international enterprises from 17 countries as of January 31 this year. Some diplomats note the figure means only that proposals have been approved. It doesn't mean the investment has already been made. The top five countries with companies investing in Burma are France, which has a large oil and gas venture, Singapore, Thailand, The United States and Japan. Diplomats say businessmen continue to visit Burma to gauge its potential as a place to invest. Some are putting a small amount of money into business now but most are holding off on large investments until the future. "They are coming in big missions, but mostly to study," said one Asian diplomat. "Some are making small-scale investments but they're waiting to make any big moves. "The government needs to fix its problems first. I think they are stepping forward but the steps are still not fast enough." (TN) A MODERN FROM SLAVERY? 7 April 1995 Are Burmese prostitutes in Thailand victims of trafficking or migrants who should be treated no differently from other illegal immigrants? Government policy is based on the latter belief, although, as SAPANA SAKYA reports, this has been met with opposition by women's groups and various NGOs. "People cannot choose where they will be born," said Phansak Sophitleewattanon of Khana Kammakarn Ronarong Pheur Prachathipatai Nai Pama (Committee for Democracy in Burma) few people would dispute this statement, and most of us agree that everyone has the right to pursue a better life and future. Today Thai people travel overseas to countries like the US and Australia in search of a better life; similarly, workers from Thailand's neighbouring countries cross the border into Thailand looking for jobs and an escape from what is happening in their home countries. Due to political and economic instability in nations like Burma, Laos and Cambodia, combined with Thailand's affluence in relation to the rest of Southeast Asia, the number of foreigners seeking work in Thailand has increased rapidly since the Vietnam War. Currently there are more than 500,000 illegal immigrants in the country of which approximately 334,000 are from Burma. Recently a government representative from the Interior Ministry and the National Security Council expressed concern over the increase in illegal immigrants saying that they "will not only adversely affect the life and property of Thais but also the country's security". According to critics of government policy, the Thai government treats all illegal immigrants the same and does not sympathise with the number of Burmese women who are bought and sold by brothel operators in Thailand. Thai officials arrest, imprison, and fine these victims as illegal immigrants. The women are then deported, only to be bought out by the brothel owners awaiting them at the border stations to enter the never-ending cycle of debt, deceit, and sexual abuse. A report recently released by Asia Watch, the Women's Rights Project and the Human Rights Watch organisation entitled Amodern From of Slavery: Trafficking of Burmese Women and Girls into Brothels in Thailand gives some insight into the lucrative business of trafficking. The book, which is based on interviews with Burmese women, Thai government officials and the media, was recently translated by Supapim Thanapornpan of the Foundation for Women. After a brief history of the laws governing prostitution in Thailand, the book includes a candid account of the lives of 30 female Burmese sex workers in Thailand and the discrimination and abuse they endure from brothel operators, clients, and most importantly Thai immigration officials. The authors delve into the systematic involvement of Thai authorities in trafficking. In some cases, the book says officers act as traffickers themselves, while at other times they facilitate agents or patronise the brothels. They point out the discriminatory nature of the current legislation concerning prostitution and trafficking in Thailand. For example, the few times that the pimps or brothel owners have actually been arrested, they were charged under the Act for the Abatement of Prostitution and not under the Penal Code. The authors also point out that, although Thailand has ratified the Convention of the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women which vows "to accord to women equality with men before the law", most cases involve the arrest of the prostitutes themselves, where as state agents, brothel owners, pimps, recruiters and clients all of whom are usually male are rarely penalised. Furthermore, although Thailand's Anti-Trafficking law exempts trafficking victims from imprisonment and fines, the Government chooses not to apply it. At a press conference organised by the Foundation for Women to promote the book, officials from the Immigration Detention Centre (IDC) and the Crime Suppression Division and representatives of the Occupational Assistance Centre argued that some details in the book were inaccurate. Most of the Burmese women interviewed in the book were lured into the country by traffickers who promised them a job and decent living, but according to Police Colonel Surasak Suttharom, deputy commander of the Crime Suppression Division, "Many women we have arrested come willingly. According to statistics from Chulalongkorn University only 2.1 per cent of the women are 'lured' into Thailand." However, Professor Theeranat Kanjanaaksorn of Chulalongkorn University's Faculty of Economics argued that the term "willing" can take on various definitions. "The women may be 'wiilling', but it is a conditional willingness because they are not aware of their choices and they think that the life of abuse which they are later subjected to is their only choice," she said, adding that if they escape they would surely be arrested; thus in reality they have no choice. Professor Theeranat explained that the women may voluntarily enter prostitution, however, they do not know that they will be subjected to torture, deception, debt bondage, and other forms of inhumanity which is the basis of the definition of the world "trafficking". A Modern From Slavery also reports that the IDC is overcrowd and inadequately equipped while officials routinely abuse the women, sometimes raping them or selling drugs. But, at the press conference, Police Colonel Decha Yuthasatprasit of the Immigration Department said, "We do come across some cases of abuse by officials, but there has never been rape or drug pushing." The book also finds fault with Ban Kredtakarn and Ban Pak Kred of the Occupational Assistance Centre, training centres where police send arrested prostitutes, both Thai citizens and illegal immigrants, for occupational training while awaiting deportation. The centre is described as "jail like", and some of the women are spuposedly detained without charges for extended periods of time. The centre is accused of having stifling regulations which prohibit detainees from wearing make-up, jewelry, and from smoking. The women interviewed in the book complain that they are not allowed to have visitors and that they must pay a fee every time they want to visit friends in other rooms. Thikunthong Kasemsan, an official from the Occupational Assistance Centre said that, although the Centre was quite strict and had many rules, it is not "jail-like" and the accusations of physical abuse were groundless. "It is true that we are very strict; the girls are not allowed to wear make-up or jewellery and they are not allowed to smoke either, but it's not true that they are not allowed visitors: And there is certainly no physical abuse," she said. The authors of A Modern From of Slavery recommend that Thailand ratify the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention for the Suppression of Traffic in Persons and the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others as well as amend domestic prostitution and trafficking laws in addition to a number modifications in the country's prostitution and trafficking laws. But the ratification of these coventions are not enough, said Siriporn Scroburnett of the Global Alliance Against Trafficking of Women (GAATW), citing Japan as an example. "Although Japan is a member of various international agreements, they still choose to ignore some aspects of the laws, such as the one which states that a trafficking vicitm should be exempt from imprisonment or fine." The Chairman of the Human Rights Committee, Suthin Nophakate, admitted that Parliament needed to do more work on legislations concerning trafficking of women and said that he would like nominations of people who will be able to assit the Committee with their work. (BP) ************************************************************** NEWS SOURCES REGULARLY COVERED/ABBREVIATIONS USED BY BURMANET: ABSDF: ALL BURMA STUDENT'S DEMOCRATIC FRONT AMNESTY: AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL AP: ASSOCIATED PRESS AFP: AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE AW: ASIAWEEK Bt.: THAI BAHT; 25 Bt. 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