------------------------- BurmaNet --------------------------- "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" -------------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News: 26 APRIL 1995 Issue #157 -------------------------------------------------------------- NOTED IN PASSING: "[They are] like children staying under [our] roof" SLORC officials on why they could not control the "DKBA" troops who attacked two Karen refugee camps. BY THE NUMBERS: 300-400 The number of DKBA/SLORC troops who crossed the border to attack the Karen refugee camps, according to BKK Post reporters and witnesses from the camps. 3-4 The number of DKBA/SLORC troops who crossed the border, according to Thai Army Commander Wimol Wongwanich. 30 The number of Thai troops held at gunpoint at one camp by whatever number of DKBA/SLORC troops actually crossed the border. 6 The number of Thai troops who were evacuated by helicopter from another camp because they were surrounded by whatever number of DKBA/SLORC troops crossed the border. Several The number of Karen refugees forced back into Burma at hundred gunpoint by the DKBA/SLORC troops. 2 The number of Karen children shot dead so far by the DKBA "children." Contents: -------------------------------------------------------------- BBC: MICHAEL ARIS DENIED VISA IRRAWADDY: PRISON VISIT IRRAWADDY:NO MORE CONTRACT WITH TATMADAW FEER: PAPER TIGER FEER: BACK WHERE WE STARTED AW: MYANMAR'S FORCED LABOR AW: MANDALAY AND SUU KYI THE NATION: TWO DEAD, 11 WOUND IN BURMA BORDER CAMP CLASHES THE NATION; THAILAND THE FIRST PORT OF CALL FOR ILLEGAL IMMIGRANTS THE NATION: SENIOR OFFICIALS ADMIT CORRUPTION RAMPANT IN IMMIGRATION DIVISION THE NATION: LONG BORDER PROVES TO BE ENTRY ROUTE FOR ALIENS THE THE NATION: ILLEGAL BLAMED FOR CRIME RATE RISE THE NATION: GOVT TO PROTECT AGAINST KAREN INCURSION BKK POST: MEKONG PANEL TO INVITE BURMA, CHINA TO JOIN IN BKK POST: BURMA VOWS GAS LINK " READY ON SCHEDULE" BKK POST: THAI- BURMESE PANEL TO DISCUSS REFUGEE ISSUE NATION: TWO DEAD , 11 WOUNDED IN BURMA BORDER CAMP CLASHES WASHINGTON POST: 2 LETTERS--BETTER WAYS TO DEAL WITH BURMESE HEROIN SCB: MYANMAR ETHNOLOGUE WEBSITE ON-LINE BURMANET: SLORC BARES ITS FANGS DASSK: EMPOWERMENT FOR A CULTURE OF PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT BURMANET: THINKING ABOUT VOLUNTEERING? 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A spokesman for the UN Secretary-General said Dr. Boutros Ghali had asked the Burmese government to review its decision. From New York, our U.N. correspondent Rob Watson now reports: ------------------------------------------------------- The chief spokesman for the Secretary-General said that Dr. Boutros Ghali had learned only recently of the Burmese government's decision to refuse Michael Aris a visa. The spokesman said the Secretary-General had now asked the Burmese government to take a prompt review of its decision. He didn't say how the protest had been made, but he did say that as yet there had been no reply from the Burmese government. Mr. Aris has in the past been allowed access to Aung San Suu Kyi, and it's unclear precisely why permission has been refused this time. One theory is that the Burmese government was angered by his bringing out a statement from his wife after his last visit. The U.N. has been trying to persuade the Burmese government to improve its human rights record for some time. It's called for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners ever since it began a dialogue with the government at the end of last year. Statement issued by the Spokesman of the United Nations Secretary-General in New York at the noon press briefing, 25 April 1995: The Secretary-General has, since the beginning of his dialogue with the Government of Myanmar, urged that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi be released as soon as possible and that, meanwhile, she be allowed broad contacts with the outside world. He has recently learned with grave concern that Dr. Michael Aris, the husband of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, has been unable to obtain a visa to visit his wife. He has expressed to the government of Myanmar the hope that this situation will be promptly reviewed. -------------------------------------------------------------- IRRAWADDY: PRISON VISIT Irrawaddy Independent News & Information Vol 3 No.14, 15 April 1995 ADD: P.O.BOX14154, SILVER SPRING, MD 20911, U.S.A INSIDE STORIES Recent report from Rangoon indicated that prisons are painted and clean. Some sources suggested Rangoon generals may allow UN and the International Committee for Red Cross (ICRC) to visit prisons. UN Special Rapporteur Yokota said in his recent interview: The actual visit is not yet conducted but there is a positive real efforts are being made between the ICRC and the government to agree on the memorandum of understanding on which the ICRC will start the visits to prisons. So I'm hopeful that this will be done quickly, an actual visit will be taking place. (B.I.G Inside sources) IRRAWADDY: NO MORE CONTRACT WITH TATMADAW While they (Slorc leaders) are celebrating the Armed Forces Day, founder of our Tatmadaw's daughter is being detained, said a recently-released prominent political prisoner in Rangoon. As July is her getting closer many people wonder whether Suu Kyi will be freed. But things are very depressing, complained many Rangoon residents. We are just waiting to see her, said Thaung Htun who opened a tea shop in Thamine. He adds, If we see her face again we will go and rally around her. I don't think they (Slorc leaders) have any clue how to control it. Definitely, Slorc generals will not let it happen. That's why they still hold her and still cannot decide when and how to release Suu Kyi. Two prominent political prisoners Kyi Maung and Tin Oo who were freed last month reportedly said they wanted to see Suu Kyi but said they are in no position to go and see her unless Slorc arranges the meeting. We cannot just go and see at her house, it is impossible, said one of the NLD leaders in Rangoon. Ex-Col Kyi Maung is reportedly reading TIME and other international and local magazines to catch up with current events. He reportedly told family members, visitors and NLD members who came to see him, I don't even know who is Bill Clinton! In fact, my contract with Tatmadaw is over since Gen Ne Win staged a coup, Kyi Maung reportedly said. Former NLD chairman Tin U reportedly taking mediation - trying to avoid to meet foreign journalists. Sources close to Kyi Maung said they had signed documents before they had signed documents before they were freed conceding they had broken Slorc laws. But they didn't have to sign any other documents or make deals with Slorc, the sources said, adding that they were warned not to get involved in politics again . They should be very careful, the situation is not good for them to move and talk freely said one friend. Another added, I don't think they will make any quick decision - If they do, the price is quite high for them. They cannot just go back to stay in prison for another four or five years . Kyi Maung and Tin Oo's residences were said to be under constant surveillance by soldiers as well as undercover intelligence officers. They keep reporting and watching who came to visit their houses, said the Rangoon source. They are also tapping their phone so it is unsafe to talk on the phone, Despite the watchful eyes the sources reported that Many NLD members and MPs are visiting their houses. They all seemed happy and excited. But not far from everybody's minds was the fate of Khin Maung Swe, an elected NLD MP who arrested last year for being too outspoken after he met with journalists. (B.I.G Inside sources) FEER: PAPER TIGER For several weeks, Burma's state-run daily, New Light of Myanmar, has run a series of articles attacking the rebel KNU. This in itself isn't unusual, but the author is. The more than 20-part series, entitled Whither the KNU? Was written by Lt-Col Kyaw Thein, a leading member of Burma's Directorate Defence Services Intelligence. Kyaw Thein is considered relatively liberal, meeting readily with foreign journalists and diplomats. In the series, however, he attacks the foreign media and calls certain journalists and foreign aid workers spies and sly tigers. The vitriolic series may be an attempt by Kyaw Thein to placate military hard-liners, who are less than happy with the DDSI's comparatively conciliatory approach to Burma's insurgents. (FEER ) AW: MYANMAR'S FORCED LABOR Your EYEWITNESS picture, "People in Chains" [April 7], is worth more than the pro-verbial thousand words. In it you have crystallized the true, tyrannical nature of the [Myanmar] military junta. The State Law and Order Restoration Council [Slorc] treats civilians as serfs in bondage to the army. Even more telling is the brazen display of chain gangs such as this in city centers. To add insult to the wound, Slorc strongman Gen. Khin Nyunt has the gall to say that the Burmese people have a tradition of offering voluntary labor. Those chain gang workers are the ultimate rebuttal. Tens of thousands of civilians, too numerous to be chained, are also forcibly toiling on grandiose Slorc projects. The Slorc wants to tap into the bonanza that tourism is earning for countries like Thailand. Those with wonderlust should ponder that the roads they will be traveling on, the moats around the ancient palace of Mandalay, and any tourist spot are being built and refurbished by chain gangs and the forced labor of the hapless Burmese people. A tourist dollar spent in Myanmar is a dollar for the Slorc to oil its repressive machinery. Look into your conscience before you pay a call on your travel agency. Dr. Samuel Lin Hong Lok Yuen Hong Kong AW: MANDALAY AND SUU KYI I am a professional and a mother and housewife whose husband is working in Indonesia. I have nothing to do with politics but am compelled to clear a misunderstanding against my government of Myanmar. It is incorrect to compare our country with South Africa and its apartheid policy and Mr. Nelson Mandela with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as done in "writing on the Wall" [EDITORIALS, Feb. 24]. White European migrants denied every right to, and treated as non-humans, the 70% black population in their own ancestral lands. We have no such racial discrimination at all. Yes, we still do not have political rights as in some Western countries but we have other rights: to travel, come back, go out, open dollar accounts and such like. It has been a tremendous change from the past. The farmers are doing very well and studious, conscientious people have advanced in careers as in any other country. Many well-to-do and successful Burmese are returning home on their own, starting businesses and doing well. Mr. Mandela suffered every indignity for 27 years in the worst island prison in the world. Treated as a criminal, he was under conditions of rigorous imprisonment. He had to work with criminals breaking stones in a quarry. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is restricted - I repeat, restricted - to her own house with her own servants. Her husband and sons visit her and can stay with her as long as they wish. She lives in a mansion by a beautiful lake together with some of her relatives who see her on a daily basis. She is not forced to be under these restrictions. Since Dec. 19, 1990, which is Nobel Prize, she has been given the choice to be with her sons and husband if she leaves the country and does not meddle in its politics. As a mother I have sympathy for her being away from her children but it is her own decision that she is there. An honest approach is needed to understand the politics of Myanmar. I am aware of quite a number of the current anti-government activists. A large number of them wasted their years in college, ended up as clerks or unemployed, joined the [Yangon demonstrations] in 1988 and are now enjoining themselves with foreign funds they receive by mouthing what is written for them. That is the reason their ranks keep splitting. I wish them well but they are hardly the material to build democracy in Myanmar. A Myanmar Professional [name & address provided] Jakarta AW: BACK WHERE WE STARTED India's Lohias are coming home and moving upmarket The place, Rangoon. The year, 1962. Over the previous 15 years, H.B. and N.R. Lohia, two brothers from the dusty little town of Ratangarh in India's desert state of Rajasthan, had built a solid business in Burma's capital as import agents - buying manufactures from the industrial would with earnings from Burma's natural resources. Then came Gen. Ne Win's coup d'etat. Like every other business in Burma, the Lohia' was nationalized. hundreds of thousands of Indians, resented as predatory outside middle-men, left Burma. Most went back to India and remained small-scale traders. (madras still has the water-front bazaar they started, selling smuggled consumer items.) But the Lohias struck out east, initially to Bangkok, where they already had a small trading operation, then in the early 1970s to Jakarta. That proved a wise choice. Instead of returning to an India where the private sector was about to be clobbered by nationalization and ever-tightening investment controls, the Lohi as got in at the first stirrings of Southeast Asia's industrial growth. Their Indorama Synthetics became Indonesia's biggest polyester-fibre and yarn producer, and Indorama chem- icals a sizeable producer of agrochemicals in Thailand. The only investment back in South Asia was a synthetic-textiles firm called Ashok Textile Industries. Started in Nepal in 1963, it became that country's main local manufacturer. Bur five years ago, a younger generation of Lohias began returning to India. Today, Om Prakash Lohia and Ajai Prakash Lohia - respectively the first and third grandsons of the late H.B. Lohia - are building two substantial business groups in India. (Grandson No.2, Sri Prakash Lohia, still runs the family business in Jakrata, and No. 4, Anil Praksh Lohi a, the operations in Bangkok.) In five years, says Ajai, the Indian operations will be equal in size to the Southeast Asian activities. Om Prakash is essentially replicating on the Subcontinent Indorama's Synthetic has one of India's biggest polyster-spinning plants. In march it completed the 67,000- tonne-a-year first stage of a $50 million polyster-fibre and yarn plant at Nagpur, Maharas- htra state. And already Om Prakash is working on a $300 million expansion that would raise capacity to 235,000 tonnes a year by 1997. (He recently scrapped plans to fund the expansion through a Euro-issue, opting instead to raise 3.2 billion rupees [$101 million] through a domestic issues in July. Meanwhile, the group has ventured in an entirely new direction. Its core product, polyster, is discretely low-end. But Ajai's Uniworth group, clutch of three Indian-listed companies, is moving into fine wool, the suiting material of India's elite, most of whom still have clothes made to measure. Most of Uniworth's rival spanners are unknown outside India. But after only five years of operation, Uniworth is a achieving a global presence in this mature industry. The group's wool-spinning arm, Wool-worth India, has 28,000 spindles at its plants in Raipur, a fast- growing industrial town in Madhya Pradesh state. In December it opened a second plant at Nagpur, with 22,000 spindles. In October, a third unit with 22,000 spindles opened in Bangkok, operated by nearly formed Indoworth Thailand. Woolworth already ranks among the world's 10 biggest wool spinners, Ajai says. The largest, such as Japan's Nippon Keori, have double Wool-worth sales."We aim to catch with them very soon" says Ajai, "Just as soon as we can expand our market." Industry professionals give the group high marks for quality. "They would have to the best in the world in term of modern machinery and equipment," says Warwick Rolfe, an international marketer of Australian wool who recently formed a business partnership with Uniworth. "They still have some teething troubles, but the product they're putting out is very, very good." With the additional capacity and ready markets in Europe, Ajai estimates Woolworth''s revenue rose by half in the year just ended to more than 1.5 billion rupees in the coming 12 months, the first in which the Nagpur plant will run year-round. India's recent tariff changes should help the company. Last year, the government cut duties on raw wool to 25% from 40% and it's under pressure from Australia to drop them further. On the export side, however, Indian's textile producers are losing their developing-country tariff preferences in Europe. This will slip Woolworth's frofit margin by two or three percentage points says Ajai. "We just have to compete, whether or not our costs are lower. We have to bring out costs down." Because it exports nearly all its output, Woolworth will remain exempt from corporate income taxes. This year's net profit should rise sharply from last year's 233 million rupees. The reason, in addition to the capacity expansion: Woolworth cut it interest bill by converting some debt to equity, and raised 900 million rupees through an August rights issue. That will dilute earning somewhat, but Ajai says Woolworth plans no future capital-raising any time soon. The family owns about 34% of Woolworth equity, and has interlocking stakes with other listed Uniworth arms (although not with the Inodrama companies in India, Thailand or Indonesia - all groups are independently owned by various Lohia holding companies). Although Woolworth is just the sort of up-and-coming firm foreign investment funds are looking for, Ajai says he's happy with a register dominated by small Indian shareholders. Andhe shuns practice, common in India, of trying to manage share prices, Says Ajai: "We don't buy or sell a single share ourselves." The surviving founder, N.R.Lohia, now 75, is still regarded as ultimate head of the group. But the dispersal of the Lohias' younger generation around the far-flung family empire gives everyone a bit of corporate turf - and helps prevent the bitter dis putes that often cleave Indian business families when the second or third generations become active. Despite success overseas, the Lohia still display many touches of the "Marwari" trader, as businessmen from their part of Rajasthan are often known. Ajai defers to his great-uncle, who has adopted him as a son, and he keeps an elder brother's eye on Pawan Lohia, 22 years old and N.R. Lohia's only son. Pawan is with Ajai in Calcutta to learn the business. Generations of hiding wealth from overdrawn maharajas and indebted peasants in Rajasthan - plus the Burma experience - also seem to have left an instinctive secretiveness about some aspects of corporate are listed, Ajai divulges little about the group's ownership structure. He also shuns displays of wealth such as chauffeur-driven cars and fancy attire: Quite often he slips a cardigan over his business shirt and tie, and walks home. Costs are low. Corporate headquarters are in Calcutta, where office rents are a fraction of those in Bombay or new Delhi. Raipur is not the bizarre location it seems. It's a junction for express railway lines crossing India, with capacity enough for Woolworth's high-value, low-volume consignments. Raipur's small airport has daily jet connections with New Delhi. Most importantly, Raipur has a young work force only too grateful for jobs in a modern factory. The ever age age of Woolworth's shop floor workers is 22, and each costs the company about 1,500 rupees a month. Meanwhile, Uniworth is expanding vertically in the wool business. A separate listed company, Fabworth India, is getting into weaving, dyeing and fishing fine-wool suitings. Ajai claims quality far surpasses that of other Indian producers. "Until we came ever exported," he says. Publicity for the "Uniworth Collection" is the start of a push into ready-made garments at the top end of the market. Ajai says Uniworth has designers at work in Italy, Britain and Japan. And to help achieve quality in dyeing and weaving, Uniworth recently bought out John Glad-stone, one of the oldest wool-fishing houses in Huddersfield, a mill town in northern England. "We are building up Uniworth as a food brand name," says Ajai. "We hope one fine day we'll see it as the top label." In September, it went to the other end of the production chain, putting A$2 million ($1.5 million) into a joint venture with Warwick Rolfe's wool brokerage at Forbes, in rural New South Wales. Uniworth Australia will secure a steady supply of fine Merinon wool direct from the farm. Eventually it will market Uniworth products in Australia.Both the Uniworth and Indorama groups are still relatively new players in India, and neither is a widely known business name. Among financial analysts, however, the Lohia are well regarded. "The company plans are firm, and from the investor's point of view they have good prof- itability," says Soman Mukherjee, executive director of calcutta-based broker IFB Securities. "The management is sound and their projections are reliable." So the family return to India on a strong footing. But even now, Burma 1962 still hovers in the Lohia consciousness: It was a factor in the decision to lace Woolworth's second plant at Nagpur, and not expand at Raipur. "In India we are always protecting our back, so we can be operating all the time," says Ajai. "We didn't want to put all our eggs in one basket." THAILAND THE FIRST PORT OF CALL FOR ILLEGAL IMMIGRANTS 26 April 1995 Thailand is the transit hub in the region for illegal immigrants en route to the developed world. With the help of corrupt officials and lax penalties, the demand for the service has enabled an elaborate network of human trafficking agents to flourish. The United States remains the most favoured destination for illegal immigrants wishing to escape their own country. However, the old days when cash-strapped immigrants could make it to the land of milk and honey by boat are long gone since the US enforced tougher measures against illegal immigrants. Nowadays, it takes a significant investment to skirt the immigration law and make it overseas illegally. For most, Thailand is the first port to immigration authorities who have raked in huge amounts of money allowing immigrants to depart Thailand on fake passports. Sometimes those who plan to seek out a new life in the States hide out in neighbouring countrys, such as Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam, while their agents in Thailand arrange for their fake documents. As soon as the necessary documents are ready, the immigrants are trucked into Thailand and they take a flight to any number of eastern European countries which do not require entry visas. From there it's direct to the US. Most of these immigrants, ranging from 20 to 40 year s of age, come from Fujian province in China. But it's only for those who can afford the very expensive charge - anything from Bt600,000 to Bt750,000. Immigrants who want to settle in the US must also produce a reference from the States to guarantee that all expenses will be paid to the agent as soon as they set foot on American soil. But where does this lucrative scam begin? What's the first step for illegal Chinese immigrants who want to make their way to the States? First they must contact a local agent in China who in turn links up with a broker in Thailand. The first payment of around Bt25,000-Bt30,000 is paid after they come to terms with the Thai agent. Human traffickers claim the first payment will be spent on bribing Thai authorities to turn a blind eye to the immigrants as they make their transit through Thailand. The bribe will also secure immigrants immunity from legal prosecution if they are arrested. Accommodation is then arranged for the immigrants while a fake passports and visas are prepared. A further Bt65,000 is paid once the documentation is in there hands. The balance is paid only after they arrive the United States. People who seek to illegally settle in a third country are known as piglets but the trafficking rings prefer call their clients ducklings. Police said the business is as lucrative as the drug trafficking racket but criminal prosecution carries only a light penalty compared with convictions on drug-related charges. If they succeed in sending immigrants abroad, they can earn Bt200,000 to Bt300,000 from each one, a source from the Police Department said. Police said they face an uphill task to crack down on the business and accused some corrupt authorities of making that task even harder by conspiring in the racket. In fact, human trafficking is an international industry. Many trafficking rings have a large network covering China, Thailand, Burma, Cambodia, Singapore, Malaysia, Philippines, Japan, Korea and the United States. Normally, piglets enter Thailand with genuine documents, but some of them also slip into the country illegally through the northern border provinces. They are then given lodging in and around Bangkok. According to the source, there are at least four people _ Hia Bu , - who get in touch with their contacts at Don Muang Airport. These immigration authorities facilitate the safe passage of the piglets without fear of detection. If there are any immigrants to be sent out that day, one of these four people will inform the corrupt airport authorities details about the immigrants. They then communicate by code to make sure they are let through without any hassles, said the source. According to the source, Hia Rak is the most notorious man in the trade for forging documents. He is established in Bangkok's Lardprao district and has been in the business for a long time. He buys genuine passports and transforms them into fake but believable equivalents. His subordinates are mainly Chinese. Hia Rak has established a reputation for having an uncanny knack in dealing with immigrants. He is also reportedly cheaper than others in the trade. Further, he has links in the sex trade and has a very close relationship with immigration authorities. Hia Pure is more adept at working in the flesh trade than human trafficking. His business once thrived in Bangkok but when he was put under close scrutiny he shifted his centre of operation to Phuket International Airport. Finally, Od or Doctor as he is known, has lost most of his clients to worthy. While things don't always go as smoothly as they would like, human trafficking gangs have contingency plans that often rescue their piglets from spending time in the pen. When piglets are arrested at the airport, the gangs manage to remove their clients from the grasp of the law. In the event of an arrest, piglets are investigated by a group of authorities who are involved in the trafficking itself. The authorities will then given genuine passports which piglets used to enter Thailand to other investigators and then suggest they be deported to their countries piglets will be released and sent to a safe house by the gang. There are a few Chine gangsters who provide temporary lodgings for piglets who fail to get out of the country. The shelters are scattered over Bangkok. They include: a safe-house in the Ram Intra area owned by Je O , another on Sukhumvit Road owned by Je Moa , on Wongwien Soi 22 owned by Hia Jua and on Suthisarn Road owned by A Ping . Apart from the large-scale operators there are also some small-time racketeers in the human trafficking business. Many of them are also involved in drug and prostitution and some have criminal records. (TN) SENIOR OFFICIALS ADMIT CORRUPTION RAMPANT IN IMMIGRATION DIVISION 26 April 1995 SENIOR police admit that corrupt officers are involved with the criminal syndicates which are cashing in on illegal immigrants The Immigration Division commander, Pol Lt Gen Kiattsak Prapawat, said his division had been plagued by corruption for a long time . I'm trying to solve the problem by prosecuting [the corrupt officers] or transferring them out of my unit. I have the names of some suspects and they are being investigated. Tough measures will be taken against any officers who are found guilty, he said. Illegal immigrants always entered Thailand on foot, sneaking in through the forests which cover the border areas. This made it difficult for immigration officers to catch them. Many of them were abetted by criminal syndicates. The country's borderline stretches about 8,000 kilometres, so it is difficult for officers to prevent illegal entries, he said. According to a National Security Council estimate, there were more than 500,000 illegal immigrants in the country. Burmese made up the highest number, followed by Chinese, Kiattisak said, without giving more precise figures. Some of the immigrants remained in Thailand, employed as cheap labour, while others chose to travel to a third country, particularly the United States or Europe. Kiattisak said the Immigration Division was cooperating with US officials to monitor the racketeers who move illegal immigrants from Thailand to a third country, but he declined to reveal more details. Corrupt officers were known to have helped illegal immigrants leave the country, he said. Sometimes they helped foreign criminals forge migration documents. Kiattisak said more than 99 per cent of the fake passport and visa stamps found in Thailand were the work of foreign criminals, particularly Burmese and Pakistanis. Pol Maj Gen Ammarin Niamsakul, commander of the Police Department's Foreign Affairs Division, also said he suspected corrupt officials helped illegal immigrants leave for a third country. I cannot confirm that some airline officials or police officers have any involvement [with the criminals]. But I think that without help from the officials concerned, many illegal immigrants with fake passports could not escape the law, he dais. Officials were keeping a close watch on known criminal syndicates believed to be active in the illegal immigrants racket. For example, a syndicate known as the Snake Head is sending illegal immigrants into the US, he said, adding that the syndicate was believed to have Thai accomplices. Most of the migrants who wanted to sneak into the US were Chinese, he said. They enter Thailand from the north through the thick forest that grows along the border. They disguise themselves as Thais or some other nationality and then look for fake passports with visas for the US, he said. Ammarin said he could not give a precise figure for the number of illegal immigrants in Thailand, only that the number was large. In most cases, fake passports do not work. So they usually try to get into the US by sea, landing near the border between the US and Mexico. (TN) LONG BORDER PROVES TO BE ENTRY ROUTE FOR ALIENS 26 APRIL 1995 Thailand's shared with Cambodia, Burma, China and Malaysia are not a boon for tourist and traders _ illegal aliens also make frequent use for the "log border". Eager workers from Cambodia can slip into any of Thailand's eastern border province, but Sa Kaew is the most popular choice. In Aranprathet district, foreigners can enter some markets which do cross-border trade without showing an document. Illegal immigration plagues the northern border province - numerous Chinese and Burmese cross the border at Tachilek, where checkpoint officials allegedly accept bribes. But with mountains stretching from Mai Sai in Kanchanaburi province, illegal immigrants altogether. However, the mountains are full of tiny communities where "new faces" are easily spotted by local people, and aliens using this entry method face a higher risk of arrest. In the South, Ranong province provides the easiest access to the Thailand for Burmese. A majourity of the male immigrants come to work in in the fishing industry, while most of the female aliens become prostitutes. "The Interior Ministry allows illegal labours to work in Samut Sakon, Chanthaburi and Ranong because they are cheaper to hire than local people. The industry wants the industrial sector to remain competitive, but they are many negative side effects from (the ministry's method of doing so)," the police department said. An increase in crime is one effect caused by the many immigrants flocking to Bangkok for work, according to Pol Maj Gen Rangsit Yanothai, Central Investigation Bureau commissioner. According to the police figure, there is a total of 7,276 illegal immigrants in Bangkok and Thonburi - but Rangsit said the actual number must be several times highers. (TN) ILLEGAL BLAMED FOR CRIME RATE RISE 26 April 1995 APART from working illegally and being a threat t Thailand's security, illegal immigrants often turn to crime and have been involved in a number of grisly murders. Two killing occured late last year, one of them especially gruesome. ON SEPTEMBER 30: Two ethnic Burmese men from Burma's Shan State murdered a woman and her daughter at their house in Bangkok's Phasi Charoen district. The woman, also from the Burmese state, was stabbed several times in the back. Long, vertical wounds were also found her abdomen, which was slit open and her on of the murders. The young girl's neck was broken. When the woman and daughter were murdered, the husband, a Taiwanese, was not at a home. The killed, Chai Daoruang20, and Som Ruangkham, 26, were arrested three days later. They confessed and told police the double murder was "an act of vengeance". The said the woman's father, a village headman at Shan State, had sent Chai's father to jail on charges of land ecroachment. Chai and Son later sneaked into Thailand and work illegally in Bangkok. They met the woman victim's younger brother by change and the man later invited them to his sister's house, which he also shared. Chai said when he saw the woman he realized that she was a daughter of that village headman, but she seemed to have forgotten what happened to his father and appeared unaware of the danger she was in. After visiting the house a few times, Chai and Som went there on Sep 30 when only the woman and her daughter were at home. He said he told the woman about his father and then killed her with a knife he found in the house. Som killed the young girl by breaking her neck with his hand. ON OCT 23: A Chinese illegal immigrant was strangled with an electric cord at a Condominium in Bangkok's Pravet district.The victum, Meng-i Lee, 48, was killed by another Chinese man (Torku Sue) was sent by a criminal racket in China which smuggles Chinese into other countries, according to police. Torku was arrested that night at a travel agency in Bangkok as he was arranging to return to China. (TN) TWO DEAD, 11 WOUND IN BURMA BORDER CAMP CLASHES 26 April 1995 AT least two Burmese were killed and another 11 wound in two separate clashes on Sunday between an estimated 200 armed Burmese and Karen intruders and Karen refugees security forces at two Thai border villages in Tak province. The first clash at Kley They Loo village in Tha Song Yang district took place in the morning leaving one Burmese dead and 7 other wounded, according to Karen refugees sources. The second skirmish, in which one Burmese was killed and four other injured, took place around 1 pm at Mae Wei Krik village, about 25 kms north of Kley They Loo, the sources said. The clashes lasted about 30 minutes. The intruder, both Burmese army troops and the DKBA, also burned down a number of houses at Kley They Loo and threatened to came back again and attack thousands of refugees along the border if they did not return to Burma. The source added that the incurders, who were believed to have spent a night on Thai territory, burned down a number of houses at Mae Lor village on Monday. The sources did not know if any Karen refugees security forces were killed or injured during that incident, or how many houses were destroy. Third Army Commander, Lt Gen Surachet Dechatiwong, admitted yesterday the clashes did take place, but did not confirm either the number of intruders or causalities. He said the information about the incidents that he received yesterday remained "very sketchy" and he still had to verify what he had been told. However, he said he raised the issue yesterday morning with the Burmese delegation led by the Burmese army's Southern Commander Maj Gen Ket Sein, which is Phjitsanulok attending the 11th Thai-Burmese Regional Border Committee meeting. Surachet said he told the Burmese officers to help oversee border security and prevent similar incidents from occuring. He added the Burmese delegates agreed to comply with the request but said they could not "strictly control" the DKBA forces "who are like children staying under their roof". The Thai Commander also quoted the Burmese as saying the common border, which is separated by the Moei River, is over 100kms long and impossible to tightly seal off. Supachet said Thailand has constantly reinforced the border area with more security forces but would still have to provide more protection along the frontier. Opposite Mae Sot District in Tak has prompted authorities to halt a plan to repriate refugees in the province. A survey showed there are more than 53,000 Burmese refugees in Tak. Meanwhile, Surachet said the Thai delegates proposed that Burmese immigrants be repatriated via the southern Thai province of Ranong and the Burmese border town of Kawthaung, when other bilateral issues were discussed at the meeting yesterday. The Burmese delegates agreed to consider the request, he said. According to Surachet, Ranong and Kawthaung were chosen as the points along the border where repatriation would take place because they are relatively peaceful.(TN) MEKONG PANEL TO INVITE BURMA, CHINA TO JOIN IN 26 April 1995 THE newly-established Mekong River Commission will extend an invitation in July to Burma and China to join its body, a senior Lao government officials said. Kithong Vongsay, President of the Lao Mekong Committee, said invitation letter to the two countries would be issued Cambodia, which is chairing the first formal meeting of the commission in Phnon Penh in July. Mr Kithong's committee is in charge of issues concerning the Mekong River and the Commission. The decision underlines the commission's attempt to have all countries sharing the Mekong River to be included in the organization of the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) in Bangkok. In a speech prepared for the ESCAP meeting, Mr Kithing said his government is looking forward to Bejing and Rangoon 's decision to be part of the commission. However, Burma and China have not yet indicated whether they will apply to become new members despite saying they will cooperate with the four countries. In Rangoon, Burmese and Chinese Official said they had not made a decision to join the commission but will cooperate with the body to develop the river.(BP) GOVT TO PROTECT AGAINST KAREN INCURSION 26 April 1995 THE government will protest to Rangoon against the incursion of Karen Buddhist Forces into Thai territory in Tak province Sunday, Government spokesman Akapol Sorauchart said. His conforming of the brazen incursion by some 200 members of the DKBA into Ban Mae Lor and Ban Mae Woei, Tha Song Yang District represented a contrast to earlier claims the Army that no such intrusion had taken place. Mr Akapol said Prime Minister Chuan had asked Defence Minister Vijit Sookmark about the incursion which was first reported by the Bangkok Post on Monday. The Prime Minister, he said, was also told that in the course of the incursion, the commander of the paramilitary ranger unit posted near a Karen refugee camp in Ban Mae Woei, Maj Puvadol Kamsom, was temporarily detained by intruders. According to Mr Akapol, the Prime Minister said he left the incursion was a serious issue because it constituted a violation of Thailand's territorial sovereignty and said a protest must be lodge with the Burmese government. Earlier yesterday, the Army issued a statement denying the Bangkok Post report as "inaccurate and may cause damage to the Army and the country in a way that will cause the Thai people to lose faith in the efficiency of the armed forces and also in a way that will give a wrong impression of the Thailnd's national security among foreign investors and thus discouraging them from investing in the country." The Army statement continued: "... this newspaper has a previous record of presenting reports in such a manner on several occasions without cross-checking with the Army or concerned authorities. "Such conduct has raised susciption about it hidden motives. The army reconfirms the policy of Army Commander-in-Chief Gen Wimol Wongwanixh that it will never allow foreign forces to violate our territorial sovereignty if there is an incursion. The Army however admitted that about 150 DKBA troops,scattered in several groups, were sighted inside Burma opposite the Karen refugee camp in Ban Mae Loei. Third Army Region commander Lt-Gen Surachet Dechartwong said he had asked his Burmese counterpart, Maj Gen Khet Sein, the commander of the Sorthestern Forces to see to it that no Burmese or pro-Rangoon forces crossed into Thailand. The request was made at the 11th meeting of the Regional Thai-Burmaese Border Committee held yesterday in Phitsanulok. Lk-Gen Surachet said he have received a report that only 4-5 DKBA crossed the border to intimidate Karen refugees. TO ensure the incident was not repeated, he said reinforcements had been sent to the border. The commander said Maj-Gen Khet Sein had responded to his request, but admitted the capability of his troops to watch the entire Thai-Burmese frontier which has long not been barricaded. A KNU representative told the Bangkok Post yesterday two DKBA troopers were killed and about 10 injured when they crossed the border and clashed with KNU fighters guarding the Mae Woei and Mae Lor refugees camps.(BP) -------------------------------------------------------------- WASHINGTON POST: 2 LETTERS--BETTER WAYS TO DEAL WITH BURMESE HEROIN 19 April 1995 Lally Weymotith ["Smack Land," op-ed, March 24] gets a few of the details right but shows a near-total misunderstanding of the issues in Burma. The arguments of those whom Mrs. Weymouth patronizingly calls the "human rights crowdS are not adequately presented in the context of the drug problem, An effective response to this problem can only be undertaken in an open society with transparent policies, an independent judiciary, an independent police force and a free press. Not one of these conditions is remotely fulfilled in Burma today. After reviewing the situation in the Shan State, Mrs. Weymouth concludes that "bilateral engagement with the Burmese on counter-narcotics policy is an essential first step." By the Burmese she means, of course, the self-appointed State Law and Order Restoration Courcil (SLORC). To date SLORC has won high points for two things, and not much else: for clinging to power and for insincerity. It has been insincere in failing to honor the results of the 1990 elections, in its clumsy stagemanaging of a farcical constitutional convention and in its negotiations with Aung San Suu Kyi, the internationally respected leader of the democracy movement (which, by the way, was not "snuffed out' in 1988 and is very much alive). Can we really expect SLORC to make sincere efforts to tackle the drug problem? In realistic terms, it is not a question of whether "counter-narcotics assistance to Burma can be resumed without compromising the administration's international commitment to human rights' (whether it has such a commitment is another question), but of whether such a resumption would be effective, Given the current situation in Rangoon, the answer is obvious. It would not. PETER SKILLING Nonthaburi, Thailand Lally Weymouth rightly notes the immense rending effect that importation of Burmese heroin is having on America's social fabric. Regrettably, her course of action to remedy this situatioh is unrealistic, and some of the facts she uses to support her position are unfounded. It is implauisible to suggest American rriititary aictiori against drug producers. Against widely dispersed guerrilla armies along Burma's mountainous frontiers, such intervention would be' ineffective unless tens of thousands of U.S. ground forces were committed for an indefinite period to fight a jungle war against local people on Burmese soil. An air campaign would need to attack supply routes in China and Thailand to be effective. None of the three Asian governments involved would permit these actions, whirh would be folly to undertake even if invited. Further, Mrs. Weymouth's identification of Khun Sa as "key to the heroin problem in Burma overstates his importance. Although dealing withthis renegade warlord is necessary, demonizing him is not. An even higher priority should be the much larger problem of heroin trafficking abetted and perhaps aided by Burma's military junta, the State Law zind Order Restoration Council. An example of why this is important is the United Wa State Army, which Mrs. Weymouth says "operates independently of the Burmese goveminent.' The Wa forces in fact operate under a cease-fire with the military regime, which allows them to grow opium freely and to trade inside and outside Burma without restrictions. Another crucial heroin trafficking group, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army of the Kokang ethnic group, also operates unhindered with permission of the junta. Heavy trucks from both these groups can be seen plying the rough roads from opium-producing areas through the Burmese town of Lashio to Mandalay without the slighest interference. It must also be recognized that the militiry regime's brutality is a huge part of Burma's heroin problem. Govornment repression denies ethnic peace and overall democracy in Burma and thwarts economic develovment, the orily long-term answer to opium growing. The Clinton administration can only damage Burma's long-term prospects for reduction of the heroin trade by initiating new cooperation on drugs or other matters with the SLORC dictatorsbip. President Clinton should heed imprisoned Burmese democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who insists still, after six years in detention, that the only deal with the dictators must be one that leads to democracy. THOMAS R. LANSNER New York -------------------------------------------------------------- SCB: MYANMAR ETHNOLOGUE WEBSITE ON-LINE Ethnologue Dbase(Myanmar) Site moe@ori.u-tokyo.ac.jp soc.culture.burma 5:22 AM Apr 25, 1995 (at ori.u-tokyo.ac.jp) (From News system) Content-type: text/plain; charset=iso-8859-1 Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit Ethnologue Database(Myanmar)Page from the Imperial College is on the WWW. Page provides indices to the Dbase from the Ethnologue(12th ed., 1992). http://www-ala.doc.ic.ac.uk/~rap/Ethnologue/eth.cgi/Myanmar It includes Alternate language & dialect names, Genetic affiliation, Geographic, Geological and population of language speakers' information, etc... Here is excerpts: "Native speakers of burmese seldom speak a second indigenous language. If they have a second language it is usually English. It is the second language of many educated speakers of other languages. It dominates the nation's publishing production. Myanma is the largest ethnic group; another is Baramagyi(Barua). Burmese script Educated speech has many pali borrowings. Rawang people call them 'Myen'." Moe K. T. moe@ori.u-tokyo.ac.jp http://triton.ori.u-tokyo.ac.jp/~moe/moe.html -------------------------------------------------------------- BURMANET: SLORC BARES ITS FANGS April 25, 1995 One close observer called the refusal to grant a visa to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's husband, an example of SLORC baring its fangs. Those fangs are also on clear display in the attacks on refugee camps up and down the border. There is a viciousness to its behaviour at present, but there is a some method at least to the SLORC's madness. According to a usually accurate analyst, the current attacks on Aung San Suu Kyi, the camps and the Karen National Union have as common ancestors, events of late last year. As late as October 1994, the SLORC was negotiating with their "dear sister," Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The Australians and Europeans were promoting "benchmark diplomacy" while the Americans were offering "two visions," one of which spelled out rewards for good behavior. At least three events seem to have come together and snuffed whatever optomism hung in the air six months ago. One was the visit to Burma by China's Li Peng ("The butcher of Tienanmen Square"). Li reportedly carried with him a message that whatever the SLORC did, they would be supported by their Chinese patrons. The second event was a speech by Aung San Suu Kyi read out in Manila by Corazon Aquino. Suu Kyi was reportedly trying to signal to her supporters that she was not caving in under pressure from SLORC, as rumours then had it. The speech in Manila was followed a month later by a statement read out in Bangkok, which stated explicitly that she had not retreated from her demands for democracy. The speech, according to the analyst referred to earlier, seems to have enraged the SLORC for a number of reasons. First and for whatever reason, SLORC thought that Suu Kyi would buckle, or at least could be "managed." She proved that she would not, and could not. The SLORC seems also to believe that the Manila speech was written by her husband, Michael Aris. It is this belief, along with their anger over the Bangkok message that seems to offer at least partial explanations for his current exclusion. The third and widely covered event was the mutiny in the Karen ranks which finally came to fruition last November and December. The split between a small group of Buddhist zealots and the rest of the KNU presented a target of opportunity that the SLORC may have gone after notwithstanding assurances from China or "provocations" by Suu Kyi. To anyone living outside a cave, the belief that Aris wrote the speech rather that Aung San Suu Kyi does not make a great deal of sense. Even if her signature was not on the paper, its topic should be enough to blame her rather than him. She has only ever written about Burma, Burmese intellectual history and democracy in Burma. He, a Tibetanist, has written on essentially nothing else. For opponents of the regime, all this should come as a sign, if any more were needed, that SLORC is not exactly dealing with reality. For those on the net who have been wondering why "Lion" and other SLORCites have been so vitriolic in their attacks on Suu Kyi and her husband, some bells ought to be going off just about now. And finally, given the unpleasant nature of today's news, it may be of some value to end by reposting in full the last message sent out by (and yes, written by) Aung San Suu Kyi: -------------------------------------------------------------- EMPOWERMENT FOR A CULTURE OF PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT by Aung San Suu Kyi [Address to a meeting of the World Commission on Culture and Development, Manila, 21 November 1994, to be presented on behalf of the author at her request by Mrs Corazon Aquino.] At its third meeting held at San Jose, Costa Rica, 22-26 February 1994, the World Commission on Culture and Development set itself three goals, the third of which was ìto promote a new culture dynamic: the culture of peace and culture of developmentî. The Commission undertook to ìendeavour to recommend the concrete measures that could promote, on a national and international scale, a culture of peaceî and went on to state that: a of peace, culture of democracy and culture of human rights are indivisible. Their effective implementation must result in a democratic management and ... the prevention of intercultural conflicts.[1] Peace as a goal is an ideal which will not be contested by an government or nation, not even the most belligerent. And the close interdependence of the culture of peace and the culture of development also finds ready acceptance. But it remains a matter of uncertainty how far governments are prepared to concede that democracy and human rights are indivisible from the culture of peace and therefore essential to sustained development. There is ample evidence that culture and development can actually be made to serve as pretexts for resisting calls for democracy and human rights. It is widely known that some governments argue that democracy is a western concept alien to indigenous values; it has also been asserted that economic development often conflicts with political (i.e. democratic) rights and that the second should necessarily give way to the first. In the light of such arguments culture and development need to be carefully examined and defined that they may not be used, or rather, misused, to block the aspirations of peoples for democratic institutions and human rights. The unsatisfactory record of development in many parts of the world and the ensuing need for a definition of development which means more than mere economic growth became a matter of vita concern to economists and international agencies more than a decade ago.[2] In A New Concept of Development, published in 1983, Francois Perroux stated that: Development has not taken place: it represents a dramatic growth of awareness, a promise, a matter of survival indeed; intellectually, however, it is still only dimly perceived.[3] Later, in the same book her asserted that: ... personal development, the freedom of persons fulfilling their potential in the context of the values to which they subscribe and which they experience in their actions, is one of the mainsprings of all forms of development.[4] His concept of development therefore gives a firm place to human and cultural values within any scheme for progress, economic or otherwise. The United Nations Development Programme too began to spell out the difference between growth and development in the 1980s.[5] With the beginning of the 1990s the primacy of the human aspect of development was acknowledged by the UNDP with the publication of its first Human Development Report. And the special focus of the 1993 Report was peopleís participation, seen as ìthe central issue of our timeî.[6] While the concept of human development is beginning to assume a dominant position in the thinking of international economists and administrators, the Market Economy, not merely adorned with capital letters but seen in an almost mystic haze, is increasingly regarded by many governments as the quick and certain way to material prosperity. It is assumed that economic measures can resolve all the problems facing their countries. Economics is described as the ìdeus ex machina, the most important key to every lock of every door to the new Asia we wish to seeî; and ìhealthy economic developmentî is seen as ... essential to successfully meeting the challenge of peace and security, the challenge of human rights and responsibilities, the challenge of democracy and the rule of law, the challenge of social justice and reform and the challenge of cultural renaissance and pluralism.[7] The view that economic development is essential to peace, human rights, democracy and cultural pluralism, and the view that a culture of peace, democracy and human rights is essential to sustained human development, many seem on the surface to differ only in the matter of approach. But a closer investigation reveals that the difference in approach itself implies differences of a more fundamental order. When economics is regarded as ìthe most important key to every lock of every doorî it is only natural that the worth of man should come to be decided largely, even wholly, by his effectiveness as an economic tool.[8] This is at variance with the vision of a world where economic, political and social institutions work to serve man instead of the other way round; where culture and development coalesce to create an environment in which human potential can be realized to the full. The differing views ultimately reflect differences in how the valuation of the various components of the social and national entity are made; how such basic concepts as poverty, progress, culture, freedom, democracy and human rights are defined and, of crucial importance, who has the power to determine such values and definitions. The value systems of those with access to power and of those far removed from such access cannot be the same. The viewpoint of the privileged is unlike that of the underprivileged. In the matter of power and privilege the difference between the haves and the have-nots is not merely quantitative, for it has far-reaching psychological and ideological implications. And many ìeconomicî concerns are seldom just that, since they are tied up with questions of power and privilege. The problem of poverty provides an example of the inadequacy of a purely economic approach to a human situation. Even those who take a down-to-earth view of basic human needs agree that: ... whatever doctors, nutritionists, and other scientists may say about the objective conditions of deprivation, how the poor themselves perceive their deprivation is also relevant.[9] The alleviation of poverty thus entails setting in motion processes which can change the perceptions of all those concerned. Here power and privilege come into play: The poor are powerless and have no voice. Power is the responsibility of expressing and imposing oneís will in a given social relationship, in the face of any resistance. The poor are incapable of either imposing, coercing or, in many cases, having any influence at all.[10] It is not enough merely to provide the poor with material assistance. They have to be sufficiently empowered to change their perception of themselves as helpless and ineffectual in an uncaring world. The question of empowerment is central to both culture and development. It decides who has the means of imposing on a nation or society their view of what constitutes culture and development and who determines what practical measures can be taken in the name of culture and development. The more totalitarian a system the more power will be concentrated in the hands of the ruling elite and the more culture and development will be used to serve narrow interests. Culture has been defined as ìthe most recent, the most highly developed means of promoting the security and continuity of lifeî.[11] Culture thus defined is dynamic and broad, the emphasis is on its flexible, non-compelling qualities. But when it is bent to serve narrow interests it becomes static and rigid, its exclusive aspects come to the fore and it assumes coercive overtones. The ìnational cultureî can become a bizarre graft of carefully selected historical incidents and distorted social values intended to justify the policies and actions of those in power.[12] At the same time development is likely to be seen in the now outmoded sense of economic growth. Statistics, often unverifiable, are reeled off to prove the success of official measures. Many authoritarian governments wish to appear in the forefront of modern progress but are reluctant to institute genuine change. Such governments tend to claim that they are taking a uniquely national or indigenous path towards a political system in keeping with the times. In the decades immediately after the Second World War socialism was the popular option. But increasingly since the 1980s democracy has gained ground. The focus on a national or indigenous way to socialism or democracy has ... the effect of stressing cultural continuity as both process and goals; this in turn obviates the necessity of defining either democracy or socialism in institutionally or procedurally specific terms; and finally, it elevates the existing political elite to the indispensable position of final arbiter and interpreter of what does or does not contribute to the preservation of cultural integrity.[13] It is often in the name of cultural integrity as well as social stability and national security that democratic reforms based on human rights are resisted by authoritarian governments. It is insinuated that some of the worst ills of western society are the result of democracy, which is seen as the progenitor of unbridled freedom and selfish individualism. It is claimed, usually without adequate evidence, that democratic values and human rights run counter to the national culture, and therefore to be beneficial they need to be modified -- perhaps to the extent that they are barely recognizable. The people are said to be as yet unfit for democracy, therefore an indefinite length of time has to pass before democratic reforms can be instituted. The first form of attack is often based on the premise, so universally accepted that it is seldom challenged or even noticed, that the United States of America is the supreme example of democratic culture. What tends to be overlooked is that although the USA is certainly the most important representative of democratic culture, it also represents many other cultures, often intricately enmeshed. Among these are the ìI-want- it-allî consumer culture, megacity culture, superpower culture, frontier culture, immigrant culture. There is also a strong media culture which constantly exposes the myriad problems of American society, from large issues such as street violence and drug abuse to the matrimonial difficulties of minor celebrities. Many of the worst ills of American society, increasingly to be found in varying degrees in other developed countries, can be traced not to the democratic legacy but to the demands of modern materialism. Gross individualism and cut-throat morality arise when political and intellectual freedoms are curbed on the one hand while on the other fierce economic competitiveness is encouraged by making material success the measure of prestige and progress. The result is a society where cultural and human values are set aside and money value reigns supreme. No political or social system is perfect. But could such a powerful and powerfully diverse nation as the United States have been prevented from disintegrating if it had not been sustained by democratic institutions guaranteed by a constitution based on the assumption that manís capacity for reason and justice makes free government possible and that his capacity for passion and injustices makes it necessary?[14] It is precisely because of the cultural diversity of the world that it is necessary for different nations and peoples to agree on those basic human values which will act as a unifying factor. When democracy and human rights are said to run counter to non-western culture, such culture is usually defined narrowly and presented as monolithic. In fact the values that democracy and human rights seek to promote can be found in many cultures. Human beings the world over need freedom and security that they may be able to realize their full potential. The longing for a form of governance that provides security without destroying freedom goes back a long way.[15] Support for the desirability of strong government and dictatorship can also be found in all cultures, both eastern and western: the desire to dominate and the tendency to adulate the powerful are also common human traits arising out of a desire for security. A nation may choose a system that leaves the protection of the freedom and security of the many dependent on the inclinations of the empowered few; or it may choose institutions and practices that will sufficiently empower individuals and organizations to protect their own freedom and security. The choice will decide how far a nation will progress along the road to peace and human development.[16] Many of the countries in the third world now striving for meaningful development are multiracial societies where there is one dominant racial group and a number -- sometimes a large number -- of smaller groups: foreign, religious or ethnic minorities. As poverty can no longer be defined satisfactorily in terms of basic economic needs, ìminorityî can no longer be defined merely in terms of numbers. For example, it has been noted in a study of minorities in Burmese history that: In the process of nation-building ... the notion of minority in Burma changed, as one group defines itself as a nation those outside the group become minorities. ... There were, of course, minorities in traditional Burma -- people close to the power elite who considered themselves superior and people estranged from the power elite who were considered inferior. These criteria for establishing majorities (who might in fact be a small portion of the population as, say, white people in South Africa today) were not based on race or even ethnic group, but on access to power. Minorities, thus, are those people with poor access to power.[17] Once again, as in the case of poverty, it is ultimately a question of empowerment. The provision of basic material needs is not sufficient to make minority groups and indigenous peoples feel they are truly part of the greater national entity. For that they have to be confident that they too have an active role to play in shaping the destiny of the state that demands their allegiance. Poverty degrades a whole society and threatens its stability while ethnic conflict and minority discontent are two of the greatest threats to both internal and regional peace. And when the dispossessed ìminorityî is in fact an overwhelming majority, as happens in countries where power is concentrated in the hands of the few, the threat to peace and stability is ever present even if unperceived. The Commission for a New Asia notes that: ... the most rapid economic transformation is most likely to succeed within the context of international peace and internal political stability, in the presence of social tranquillity, public order and an enlightened and strong government; and in the absence of societal turbulence and disorder.[18] This comment highlights the link between economic, political and social concerns. But there is a danger that it could be interpreted to imply that peace, stability and public order are desirable only as conditions for facilitating economic transformation rather than as ends in themselves. Such an interpretation would distort the very meaning of peace and security. It could also be used to justify strong, even if unenlightened, government and any authoritarian measures such as a government may take in the name of public order.[19] If material betterment, which is but a means to human happiness, is sought in ways that wound the human spirit, it can in the long run only lead to greater human suffering. The vast possibilities that a market economy can open to developing countries can be realized only if economic reforms are undertaken within a framework that recognizes human needs. The Human Development Report makes the point that markets should serve people instead of people serving markets. Further: ... both state and market should be guided by the people. The two should work in tandem, and people should be sufficiently empowered to exert effective control over both.[20] Again we come back to empowerment. It decides how widespread will be the benefit of actions taken in the name of culture and development. And this in turn will decide the extent of the contribution such actions can make to genuine peace and stability. Democracy as a political system which aims at empowering the people is essential if sustained human development, which is ìdevelopment of the people for the people by the peopleî, is to be achieved. Thus it has been rightly said that: National governments must find new ways of enabling their people to participate more in government and to allow them much greater influence on the decisions that affect their lives. Unless this is done, and done in time, the irresistible tide of peopleís rising aspirations will inevitably clash with inflexible systems, leading to anarchy and chaos. A rapid democratic transition and a strengthening of the institutions of civil society are the only appropriate responses.[21] The argument that it took long years for the first democratic governments to develop in the west is not a valid excuse for African and Asian countries to drag their feet over democratic reform. The history of the world shows that peoples and societies do not have to pass through a fixed series of stages in the course of development. Moreover, latecomers should be able to capitalize on the experiences of the pioneers and avoid the mistakes and obstacles that impeded early progress. The idea of ìmaking haste slowlyî is sometimes used to give backwardness the appearance of measured progress. But in a fast developing world too much emphasis on ìslowlyî can be a recipe for disaster. There will be as many kinds of democracies as there are nations which accept it as a form of government. No single type of ìwestern democracyî exists; nor is democracy limited to a mere handful of forms such as the American, British, French or Swiss. Each democratic country will have its own individual characteristics. With the spread of democracy to Eastern Europe the variety in the democratic style of government will increase. Similarly there cannot be one form of Asian democracy; in each country the democracy system will develop a character that accords with its social, cultural and economic needs. But the basic requirement of a genuine democracy is that the people should be sufficiently empowered to be able to participate significantly in the governance of their country. The thirty articles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights are aimed at such empowerment. Without these rights democratic institutions will be but empty shells incapable of reflecting the aspirations of the people and unable to withstand the encroachment of authoritarianism. The democracy process provides for political and social change without violence. The democracy tradition of free discussion and debate allows for the settlement of differences without resort to armed conflict. The culture of democracy and human rights promotes diversity and dynamism without disintegration; it is indivisible from the culture of development and the culture of peace. It is only by giving firm support to movements that seek to empower the people through democratic means that the United Nations and its agencies will truly be able to promote the culture of peace and the culture of development. *** Let me in conclusion summarize my argument. The true development of human beings involves much more than mere economic growth. At its heart there must be a sense of empowerment and inner fulfillment. This aloe will ensure that human and cultural values remain paramount in a world where political leadership is often synonymous with tyranny and the rule of a narrow elite. Peopleís participation in social and political transformation is the central issue of our time. This can only be achieved through the establishment of societies which place human worth above power, and liberation above control. In this paradigm, development requires democracy, the genuine empowerment of the people. When this is achieved, culture and development will naturally coalesce to create an environment in which all are valued, and every kind of human potential can be realised. The alleviation of poverty involves processes which change the way in which the poor perceive themselves and the world. Mere material assistance is not enough; the poor must have the sense that they themselves can shape their own future. Most totalitarian regimes fear change, but the longer they put off genuine democratic reform the more likely it is that even their positive contributions will be vitiated: the success of national policies depends on the willing participation of the people. Democratic values and human rights, it is sometimes claimed, run counter to ìnationalî culture, and all too often the people at large are seen as ìunfitî for government. Nothing can be further from the truth. The challenge we now face is for the different nations and peoples of the world to agree on a basic set of human values, which will serve as a unifying force in the development of a genuine global community. True economic transformation can then take place in the context of international peace and internal political stability. A rapid democratic transition and strengthening of the institutions of civil society are the sine qua non for this development. Only then will we be able to look to a future where human beings are valued for what they are rather than for what they produce. If the UN and its agencies wish to assist this development they must support these movements which seek to empower the people, movements which are founded on democracy, and which will one day ensure a culture of peace and of development. ______________________________________________________ [FOOTNOTES:] [1] ìDraft Preliminary Outline of the World Report on Culture and Developmentî. UNESCO, CCD-III/94/Doc. 2, Paris, 7 Feb. 1994, p. 16. [2] It has been pointed out that the idea of growth not as an end in itself but as a performance test of development was put forward by economists as early as the 1950s; Paul Streeten et al., First Things First: Meeting Basic Human Needs in the Developing Countries, Oxford, 1982 edn. [3] Francois Perroux, A New Concept of Development, UNESCO, Paris, 1983, p. 2. [4] Ibid., p. 180. [5] ìGrowth normally means quantifiable measure of a societyís overall level of production or incomes such as GNP or GDP per capita, while development involves qualitative aspects of a societyís advancement such as under- and un-employment, income distribution pattern, housing situation, nutritional level, sanitary condition, etc.î UNDP Selected Sectoral Reviews: [?Burma] December 1988, p. 333. [6] Human Development Report 1993, UNDP, Oxford, 1993, p. 1. [7] Towards A New Asia, A Report of the Commission for A New Asia, 1994, p. 39. [8] ìThe logic of an economy governed by solvency and by profit, subject to the increasing value attached to capital and to the power of those who command it is to reject as ënon-economicí everything which cannot be immediately translated into quantities and prices in market terms:: Paul- Marc Henry (ed.), Poverty, Progress and Development, London, 1991, p. 30. [9] Streeten et al., First Things First, p. 19. [10] Henry (ed.), Poverty, Progress and Development. p. 34. [11] The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, Chicago, 1993 edn., vol. 16, p. 874. [12] Edward Said comments that governments in general use culture as a means of promoting nationalism: ìTo launder the cultural past and repaint it in garish nationalist colors that irradiate the whole society is now so much a fact of contemporary life as to be considered naturalî. See Edward Said, ìNationalism, Human Rights, and Interpretationî, in Barbara Johnson (ed.), Freedom and Interpretation: The Oxford Amnesty Lectures, 1992, New York, 1993, p. 191. [13] Harry M. Scoble and Laurie S. Wiseberg (eds.), Access to Justice: Human Rights Struggles in South East Asia, London, 1985, p. 57. [14] See Clinton Rossiterís introduction to Hamilton, Madison and Jay, The Federalist Papers, Chicago, 1961. I owe thanks to Lady Patricia Gore-Booth for the original quotation on which Rossiter presumably based his words: ìManís capacity for justice makes democracy possible; but manís inclination to injustice makes democracy necessaryî, from Reinhold Niebuhrís foreword to his Children of Light and Children of Darkness: A Vindication of Democracy and a Critique of its Traditional Defence, London, 1945. [15] ìThe best government is that which governs leastî are the words of a westerner, John L. OíSullivan, but more than a thousand years before OíSullivan was born it was already written in the Lao Tzu, A Chinese classic, that ìthe best of all rulers is but a shadowy presence to his subjectsî. The notion that ìIn a nation the people are the most important, the State is next and the rulers the least importantî is to be found not in the works of a modern western political theorist but in that of Mencius. [16]Ehran Naraghi has shown in his memoirs, From Palace to Prison: Inside the Iranian Revolution, London, 1994, that a critical attitude towards the monarch, decentralization of power and divisions of responsibilities were part of oriental tradition. His fascinating conversations with Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi throw into relief the dangers of cultural and development policies divorced from the aspirations of the people. [17] Ronald D. Renard, ìMinorities in Burmese Historyî, in K.M. de Silva et al. (eds.), Ethnic Conflict in Buddhist Societies: Sri Lanka, Thailand and Burma, London, 1988, p. 79. [18] Towards New Asia, p. 40. [19] ìPractically any human behaviour can be, and historically has bee, rationalized as threatening to damage the security of the nationî: Scoble and Wiseberg (eds.), Access to Justice, p. 58. [20] [?Human] Development Report 1993, p. 53. [21] Ibid., p. 5. Scoble and Wiseberg (eds.), Access to Justice, p. 5, point out the difference between fundamental reform that ìinvolves a redistribution of power, a broadening of participation and influence in the making of authoritative decisionsî and contingent reform that ìinvolves a sharing of the benefits of power holding, or the uses of power, in order to avoid the sharing of power itselfî. -------------------------------------------------------------- BURMANET: THINKING ABOUT VOLUNTEERING? April 26, 1995 If you've given any thought to, or have an interest in volunteering for a month, a season, a year or longer on issues related to Burma, please contact the "Volunteer coordinator" at BurmaNet. The emphasis of this program will be providing information to potential volunteers, particularly those interested in helping organizations in Thailand and possibly India. Volunteers would have to be self-funded and preferably have some experience with the situation in Asia. 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