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Sutcliffe" World Wide Web: FreeBurma@POBox.com Volunteering: Dr. Christina Fink c/o burmanet@igc.apc.org [Feel free to suggest more areas of coverage] ---------------------------------------------------------- ===== item ===== SUU KYI FACES PROBABLE BAN FROM BURMA POLITICS Bandar Seri Begawan, Reuter Bkk post/31.7.95 BURMESE democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's marriage to a foreigner is likely to preclude her from ever participating in politics, a Burmese minister said yesterday. Foreign Minister Ohn Gyaw repeated the Rangoon military government's accusation that Suu Kyi's independence hero Gen Aung San, was a pawn of Communists when she emerged as a leader of the democracy movement in 1988. Suu Kyi, released from a most six years of house arrest on July 10, is marries to British academic Michael Aris. She denied news reports yesterday that she had accepted a post as UNESCO adviser on human rights in Paris but said she would be willing to act as an adviser based in Rangoon. A construction being drawn up by a military-appointed body contains a clause barring anyone married to a foreigner from taking part in politics. It also guarantees the military a "leading role" in politics. "You must note she has been married to a foreigner and she in understood to have received some form of foreign assistance," Ohn Gyaw said in an interview. He said Burma's 1947 pre-independence constitution drawn up under Gen Aung San's leadership, also had clauses preventing anyone married to a foreigner taking part in politics. "You must therefore remember that it is not something new in Myanmar (Burmese) politics," he said. Suu Kyi was living in Oxford with her husband when, in April 1988, she returned to Burma to care for her ailing mother just as frustration with 26 years of rigid military rule exploded in a nationwide up-rising. In August that year she took an active role in the democracy movement and soon emerged as a charismatic leader. "That happened to be a crucial time when law and order was breaking down," Ohn Gyaw said, referring to the events of 1988. "Some undesirable elements, particularly the Communists, made use of her," he said. the 1988 uprising was finally suppressed after hundreds of people, or even thousands according to some diplomats there at the time, were shot dead in Rangoon and other towns and cities. Suu Kyi, released a statement to reporters yesterday including extracts form the letter she wrote to the Paris based UN organisation in response to an earlier offer. "I am much honoured by the invitation. I must, however, point out that I am wholly committed to an active participation in the democratic movement in my country," she said in the letter, addressed to director-general Frederico Mayor of Unesco. "It is with great letter that she would be willing to help UNESCO as a special adviser based in Burma "in anticipation of the time when it will be possible to initiate projects in my country". ===== item ===== DISSIDENT RELEASE PROMPTS JAPAN TO CONSIDER RESUMPTION OF AID TO RANGOON The Nation/1.8.95 Japan will send an official team to Burma this month to look into eight suspended Japanese-supported projects as it found the recent release of Aung San Suu Kyi "encouraging", Japanese Foreign Minister Yohei Kono said yesterday. Burmese Foreign Minister U Ohn Gyaw was told that Japan would resume its Overseas Development Aid programme to Burma on a step- by-step basis with regard to its process on democratization and human rights. Tokyo suspended yen loans to Rangoon in 1988 when the military junta suppressed a pro-democracy movement, killing or imprisoning thousands of people. However Tokyo did continue financial assistance on a humanitarian basis. One of the projects is construction of facilities at Rangoon airport, including a control tower, terminal lounge and run-way. " A team of officials will go to Rangoon in August to visit eight projects under the ODA to see what are the possibilities of resuming assistance to the Burmese government," Kono was quoted as saying. The first project to be considered for aid could be renovation of a nursing school, he said. Kono and Ohn Gyaw met yesterday at Bandar Seri Begawan Airport, as Kono was just arriving to attend the Asean meeting as a dialogue partner. The Burmese minister was about to leave after completing his visit as guest of host, Brunei. Japan is one of seven dialogue partners of Asean which groups Brunei, Malaysia, Philippines, Indonesia, Thailand and Vietnam. The same official quoted Kono as saying that Japan regarded the recent release of Burmese opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi as "encouraging". Japan earlier announced that it would offer aid worth Y1.5 million(Bt420,000) to Burma to mark what it saw as a positive moves towards democratization by the military government. However Japan's Foreign Ministry Spokesman Hiroshi Fukuda told reporters that the discussion did not go into details about the aid. The official said that the Burmese minister informed his Japanese counterpart that his country wanted to discuss the issue further with Japan to see whether it could extend aid. The official quoted Kono as saying that Japan expected to see more democratization and an improved human rights record by the Burmese government before more aid could be guaranteed. Kono said that he believed Burmese leaders would start pushing the country in the right direction. Once Burma resolved its international misunderstandings, it would gain respect and confidence world-wide," the Japanese official said. Ohn Gyaw replied that Burma, itself wanted to improve its international relations and its development in social and economic fields. ===== item ===== PEOPLE ARE MORE IMPORTANT The Nation/1.8.95 The Nation Editor-in-Chief Suthichai Yoon and Editor Thepchai Yong talked to Aung San Suu Kyi last weekend at her heavily- guarded residence in Rangoon where she was put under house arrest for six years. Following is the first part of the edited text of the interview which will be broadcast on Nation News Talk on Channel 9 starting at 9 pm tonight. Q. Will you travel to Bangkok to receive the honorary doctorate in political science that Thammasat University has conferred on you in recognition of your peaceful democratic struggle? A. I would very much to come but I cannot say at this moment when I shall be able to come. Q. So you have no plans to travel outside Burma at the moment? A. Not at the moment because there is lot of work to be done here and also lots of organisation to take care of. Q. Didn't you say earlier that you would go to Oslo to pick up the Nobel Peace Prize Award? A. Actually, the Norwegian ambassador invited me to come to Oslo to receive the award and I said personally the first foreign country I would like to visit is Norway because they have supported us so staunchly. But it was a promise. It was that I would try to visit Norway at the first opportunity. Q.How about stopping by in Bangkok on your way to Norway? A.I could stop over on the way back as well. I promised Norway that it would be the first country I would visit. Q. How does Thailand relate to you? Your father founded the Burmese Independence Army in Bangkok in 1941 and you must have travelled through Thailand a number of times and have friends there. A. I must admit that for the last six years through reading newspapers like The Nation and other publications in Bangkok which have been very supportive, there are many people in Thailand who really understand our situation and really want to help us. This, for me, has been a tremendous encouragement that there's so much support for our cause in Thailand. You have been so strong in many of the things you have written. And I heard that there is sometimes pressure on you to tone down your articles and yet you remain very strong. Newspapers in Thailand always keep an interest on Burma. For me, Thailand in general is a friendly and supportive country. there have been problems, of course. Our democratic forces have complained about the official Thai policy. And I know that there has been trouble with refugees camps. But this is something natural and normal because when there are refugees, there must be spats with the local people. But on the whole, the people of Thailand are very sympathetic and supportive. Q. What about the government of Thailand? A. We have had complains in the past about official Thai policy. I would like to ask the government of Thailand to put the people of Burma first. The people are more important than the government. And even the government itself would not say it is more important than the people. Certainly, it's the people who are more important. Q. What do you mean when you say people are more important than the government? A. Their aspirations, their hopes, their situation. When you think of investment and aid you should really look at how far they help the common people, the really poor people. We are not really interested in investment that will help the rich to get richer. I hope you understand that such a situation can snowball and the rich get richer and richer all the time while the poor hardly find any change in their conditions. Q. Some of the Thai officials believe that your release was due partly to the success of Thailand's constructive engagement policy toward Burma? A. I frankly do not know how successful the constructive engagement policy and international pressure were. But of course, officially, nobody would ever admit that they have given in to pressure. We'll have to wait a few years more to know what happened within inner government circles in order to evaluate how successful the constructive engagement policy was. Q. Did you hear about constructive engagement policy while you were under house arrest? A. Yes, all the time. Q. What was your first reaction? A. I was rather surprised. My first reaction was that it was something to be expected. It did worry me that they might carry it too far and would adversely affect the progress of democracy. Q. How constructive has the constructive engagement policy been? A. The question is for whom has it been constructive. That we have yet to find out. Was it constructive for the forces of democracy? Was it constructive for the Burmese people in general?Was it constructive for a limited business community? Or it constructive for Slorc? This is the question: for whom was it constructive? Q. Was it constructive for the forces of democracy or NLD at all? A. I have yet to find any hard evidence that it affected us directly although some have said that because of the constructive engagement policy I have been released. But nobody has said exactly why I have been released. So we can't take that for granted. Q. Burma is being admitted by Asean into the family of nations. What kind of change do you want to see in Asean policy toward Burma? A. I would like the Asean nations to look closely at conditions among the ordinary Burmese people and not just to look at place like Mandalay and Rangoon. And even in Rangoon there are certain parts which seem more prosperous and yet there are other parts which have not changed the last 10-15 years. I can recognize those parts which remain exactly the same as they were a number of years ago. I would like Asean to think of our long-term relationship and long-term development of Burma and to consider the fact that you cannot have economic progress without peace and stability. Q. What kind of advice would you give to the government as Burma moves toward joining Asean? A. It is in our NLD booklet that we hope one day Burma will be a member of Asean because I do believe in this regional community of nations which is very good for the region and very good on the whole for the world to have such community. so one day I very much hope that Burma will be a member of Asean. But I understand that (former Singaporean prime minister) Lee Kuan Yew said a few months ago that it's going to be a number years before Burma is ready to be in a condition to join Asean. Q. Would Burma integration into the regional community accelerate the move toward democracy in Burma? A. I am not certain about that. I do not know just how effective the persuasive parts of the Asean nations are when it comes to internal change. I do notice that while promoting the policy of constructive engagement some Asean nations are careful to say that they do not interfere in the internal affairs of another country. If they do not interfere in the internal affairs of another country then how far can they help us achieve change. Q.Would you consider it and interference if an Asean country starts commenting about the pace of democratic change in Burma? A. I don't think so because the world is getting smaller all the time. We have to accept that no country is really free from some degree to international opinions and external influence. There is, of course, a limit as to how far people can be allowed to interfere in the internal affairs of a nation. One does not expect them to come marching in or to introduce measures that would interfere with our sovereignty. But if we care about our regional peace and stability we should care about the kind of governments that are in place in those countries. Q. Do you agree with sanctions? A. I have one reservation about sanctions alone. I do want to make sure that it does not hurt the ordinary people. Whoever thinks of sanctions should study the situation carefully to make certain that whatever sanctions to be implemented. As I understand it the economic change that has taken place in Burma the last six years has not really filtered down to the question whether sanctions in any way will affect the general public either. Q. How responsive is the military regime in Burma to outside pressure? A. They are not unaware of outside pressure. They are not completely oblivious to it. And I hope as they have more dealings with the international community and as they get more mature they will have a greater respect for international opinions. Q. Are they getting more mature? A. That I cannot say. Apparently some of them said I have they become more mature. I hope when they say that they are comparing me with themselves. Q. Are there signs that the military will transfer power to a civilian government? A. It's too early to talk about such a thing. There are some things that we prefer to do quietly at the moment. And when the time is right and we think that we should comment on the rate of progress and on our efforts to achieve dialogue, we shall speak out then. Q. Does that mean you will have talks with the government without making public statements until the time comes when you have some concrete outcome? A. I just mean that at this time I don't want to speculate openly on when we think they might be talks and how the talks might develop. If we have too many prior expectations it's difficult for us to get down to a working relationship. If one side lays down conditions the other side will also want to lay down conditions. So to get dialogue going smoothly a period of quiet discussion is necessary. Q. Does that mean you don't have a specific objective at the moment and you would let the talks continue and find out whether you can be satisfied with a certain level of compromise from the regime? A. I am not going as far as that. I am just saying that at this moment we don't even yet have a specific target when we hope to start dialogue. Q. You mentioned Nelson Mandela in some of your interviews. Do you foresee a South Africa solution for Burma? A. Not exactly a South Africa solution because we are not South Africa. I was just using South Africa as a model for the way in which you can achieve settlement through dialogue. There was a time when nobody would have believed that such a thing could be possible. I would like to use South Africa as an example as opposed to the Yugoslavian situation where people just would not consider sitting down talking with the result that everything is in ruins and nobody has gained from it. In South Africa, Mandela and others who at one time were very active and rigid in some of their views over the apartheid problem became very flexible over the years and decided in the end that negotiation was the only way. Q. How do you see your role in the next step of the political solution in this country? A. Now I feel that my role is once more to unite the democratic forces and to revive those parts of our movement which have been intimidated in the last six years. Q. Will you demand the release of political prisoners as a condition? A. We have urged in my first statement the authorities to release political prisoners as soon as possible. But we are not starting out with conditions. We are starting with a clear objective of getting people to sit around the table so we can start talking about conditions. Q. Is that happening? A. No. As you can see at the table we are sitting around like this one, it's just you and me. Q. Are there signs that they are willing to talk? A. I am not able to say whether they are unwilling or willing. Let me say that the moment the positions seem very neutral. I have not seen overt signs of unwillingness nor willingness. But it is still a little too early in the day. Q. Is there any open line of communication at the moment? A. There is a line of communication. I have kept my military intelligence personnel at the gate. So I am not out touch with the authorities. Q. You have told your supporters not to expect too much, too quickly. What are their expectations now? A. I think they understand what I mean. One of the saddest things about Burma is that a lot of my supporters do not trust the authorities. There is a climate of suspicion in Burma. Everybody is afraid that somebody else is an informer. To build up a climate of trust is going to be one of the most difficult jobs. And the people understand perfectly well when I say don't raise your expectations too high, don't be in such a hurry. A lot of them, in fact, have told me to be careful because they can't really believe that I have been released. Q. If your supporters can't trust the authorities do you trust the authorities? A. They will have to show that they are trustworthy. We would need indications of their trustworthiness before we can trust them. It's a mutual process. Q. Do they trust you? A. You must ask them the question. I would like to know the answer too. They have dealt with me for six years and they know a lot about me. I would be grateful if you ask them: Do you trust her? Q. You have surprised a lot of people by saying that you have no ill feeling or resentments toward your former captors. A. Has that come as a surprise? Most of our people who have lived under far worse conditions than I in In Sein jail and other jails have no ill feelings either. It's fortunate that my colleagues are all very fine and honourable people and they always look forward to the future and not the past. And because they are so strong in themselves and so committed, they have been able to bear all the troubles of the last six years and yet have to no sediment of ill will. ===== item ===== BLANK CHEQUE FOR AUNG SAN SUU KYI Bkk Post/Perspective/30.7.95 History is repeating itself in Burma. Burma's national leader Daw Aung San Suu kyi is asking the Burmese people to support her campaign for democracy, unconditionally. She said she really needs unified support of the Burmese people. I will march towards the goal and I want 100 percent of you behind me. I need 100 percent of your support, and after we have achieved our goal, then you can criticise me", she said. About 50 years ago, in April 1947, U Aung San, the national leader, asked the nation to support him unconditionally. "Elect the candidates that we name," he said at a public meeting, "For they are trusted and true. We do not need educated persons. We want revolutionaries." His request to the nation was to give his leadership complete support to obtain freedom from the British. Since the beginning of the struggle for freedom, U Aung San faced a bitter experience of disunity of political leaders in Burma. His political front, the Anti-fascist People Freedom league(AFPFL) was founded under the Japanese occupation in August, 1994. When the Japanese were driven out, the AFPFL began a battle with the British for freedom, and it started a split with communists who argued for an arms struggle. U Aung San embraced the democratic way. In December 1946, the British Government invited Burmese political leaders to talk about Burma's future. U Aung San led the AFPFL delegation and U Saw and Thakhin Ba Sein represented their parties to take with Mr. Clement Attlee, then prime ministers of his majesty's Government. And Aung San- Attlee agreement was signed on January 17, 1947. U Saw and Thakhin Ba Sein refused to sign the document and declared that U Aung San had sold the nation to the British. "We will obtained our freedom within one year," declared U Aung San and began his campaign for election on his return to Burma. As the agreement called for general elections to the constituent Assembly, U Aung San prepared for the contest. The first called of the leader to his nation was a rather strange. U Aung San said he did not want educated candidates in the assembly, because they talk too much, but would use educated persons later when Burma obtained freedom. His celebrated words, "I only want candidates who only know how to raise his hand to vote" was the response by the media with rowdy, stormy criticisms. But the nation assented to their leader's freakish solicitation. Accordingly, U Aung San, with committee members U Nu and U Tin, selected 182 candidates from the proposed 2,000 names. U Aung San requested the nation to vote for his front's candidates claiming the nation faced two roads_ freedom of a longer life of slavery. People gave their mandate to U Aung San at the 1947 April election. The AFPFL won with landslide majorities. The communist Party won seven out of 255 seats. Many ethnic representatives were elected too_ the Karens, the Shans, the Chins, the Karennis and the Anglo-Burmans. U Aung San moved his basic points for the new constitution at the Constituent Assembly on June 16 and the Assembly, continuously pushed for Union and States powers; The Judiciary; fundamental Rights and other clauses. Eventually the Constitution was drawn. The outcome was that the British transferred power to the Burmese parliament, peacefully. U Aung San asked the nation for 100 percent support for his fight for freedom and as the nation heeded his demand, Burma became an independent nation peacefully. The trust in U Aung San was vindicated. Today, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is demanding 100 percent support for her goal to achieve true democracy. There was no doubt the entire Burmese nation's response is solid support to their national leader. Most people inside Burma and exiles abroad have pledged absolute support to the lady. However, one or two dissident voices came from stray politicians abroad. They are demanding a conference with the Burmese generals and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi which includes ethnic leaders. It is obvious that as almost all ethnic groups signed ceasefire agreements, what they want is nothing but a chair at the meeting table for themselves. It was suspected that they want to delay the process of democracy just to continue their enjoyment of lavish assistance provided by friendly nations abroad. To priorities the ethnic problem ahead of the democratic process would certainly delay the main goal. U Aung San faced a similar question of ethnic endorsement. He sincerely promised their rights at the Panlong Conference and skillfully asked them to be united behind him. His succeeded in building a harmonious nation. It should be noted that even a leader like U Saw, who later staged the bloody assassination, supported for racial policy in building a new nation at that time. Today's, struggle for Democracy led by Saw Aung San Suu Kyi is for all people of Burma, that includes ethnic groups. The ethnic people fighting minority rights, understand that they can enjoy their rights only on a Democratic Unions, and are supporting Aung San Suu Kyi solidly. Priority one is democracy. It is simple and easy to settle differences in a democratic union. Thus, the greedy political line would be fainted in due course and the full support of the Burmese for their national leader would become louder and clearer up until to the end of their national leader would become louder and clearer up until to the end of the goal. The road to democracy in Burma is solidly paved by the Burmese people and their leader and the future now rests with the Burmese generals. The Burmese as well as civilized nations of the world are watching the Burmese military government step. Will they sincerely cooperate with Aung San Suu Kyi? Will they join the people in building a democratic rule? Beyond any doubt, there is still hope for a peaceful pace towards this goal. Otherwise the consequences would be a dangerous ending for the generals. To priorities the ethnic problem ahead of the democratic process would certainly delay the march toward that goal. U Thaung is former editor/Owner of the Mirror Daily. He now edits New Era journal, and is base in Pompano Beach Florida. ================================================================== <>