------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------ "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ---------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News: AUGUST 8, 1995 THE NATION: PITFALLS FACING THE NATIONS RUSHING IN WITH AID THE NATION: THE WINDS OF CHANGE THE NATION: KHUN SA REPORTED TO BE PRODUCING AMPHETAMINES BKK POST: SUU KYI UNDER FIRE FOR AID REMARKS BKK POST: THAILAND TO REMAIN NEUTRAL OVER SUU KYI INVITE BKK POST: WORLD WAR SET STAGE FOR BURMA'S FREEDOM- AND MORE WAR BKK POST: ASEAN STEPS UP PACE OF TRANSFORMATION BKK POST: S.KOREA MISSION BKK POST: BURMA-BRUNEI LINK BKK POST: SLORC MOVES ON KHUN SA BKK POST: TALKS BID REJECTED ---------------------------------------------------------- Produced with the support of the Burma Information Group (B.I.G). The BurmaNet News is an electronic newspaper covering Burma. 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Sutcliffe" World Wide Web: FreeBurma@POBox.com Volunteering: Dr. Christina Fink c/o burmanet@igc.apc.org [Feel free to suggest more areas of coverage] ---------------------------------------------------------- ===== item ===== PITFALLS FACING THE NATIONS RUSHING IN WITH AID 6 AUGUST 1995, The Nation Don Pathan When the Japanese stopped giving aid to Burma in 1988 in deference to its Western allies' dicision to isolate the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council from the world community, rangoon's junta knew they were in for tough times. Slorc has since had its hands full containing the country's ethnic minorities fighting for autonomy yet they have still managed to strengthen their grip on power despite constant criticism from foreign governments and condemnation from international human rights groups for the arbitrary detention of Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other political activists. On July 10, Slorc stunned the international community by releasing Suu Kyi, who had been under house arrest for nearly six years. The news was doubly surprising as Slorc intelligence chief Lt Gen Khin Nyunt had slammed the West just a week before for hypocrisy and double standard of human rights. "The rights of 45 million people in the country are more important than the rights of an individual," said the defiant general. Whatever Slorc's reasons for releasing Suu Kyi, the ruling junta must have been certain the action would serve their interests and be worth the accompanying political instability. Most analysts agree that Slorc must feel capable of handling any challenges that may come with Suu Kyi's release. Some also suggested that Burma may be making overtures to join the Assciation of South East Asian Nations, which stuck its neck out for Burma against the Western political community and human rights organizations. Other believe Japan worked behind the scenes for Suu Kyi's release. Shortly after she was freed, Japan's foreign ministry released a statement calling the event "an important step towards the democratization of Burma". A Rangoon based Western diplomat emphasized that Japan's business community made no attempt to hide their disappointment with Tokyo's decision to halt Burmese aid in 1988 with no economic sanctions between the countries and Burma's political instability, most Japanese businesses felt compelled to pull out of Burma. Japanese investors were irked when other countries took advantage of Japanese inactivity by cutting deals with Slorc to exploit the country's vast natural wealth. "Before 1988, there were no Koreans, Thais or Singaporeans investing in Burma," said the foreign diplomat. "It was exclusively Japan's turf." Indeed, a change in Japan's attitude was apparent in March this year when Tokyo pledged Y 1 billion ($11.5 million) in "humanitarian assistance" to Burma. Moreover, two months later a Y4 billion debt-relief grant was arranged despite the West's continued negative response. During a recent news conference after a meeting between Asean and its dialogue partners, which include the US, Japan, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the European Union, Japanese Foreign Minister Yohei Kono said he was "encouraged" by the increasing number of political prisoners being released in Burma. He also noted that Suu Kyi's release was not due to pressure from the international community. "We don't believe that the release of Aung San Suu Kyi was brought about by the continued isolation of Burma from the international community," he said. Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas was quick to credit Suu Kyi's release to Asean's constructive engagement policy. He was echoed almost immediately by foreign ministers from Asean, who steressed the efficacy of constructive engagement which has been criticized by the international community as a thinly disguised scheme to protect Asean's business interests with Slorc. Constructive engagement calls for a constant, low-key dialogue with Rangoon, continued investment and trade, and the non-imposition of sanctions. Such a policy, Aean argued, would eventually take Burma out of its self-imposed isolation and bring its government in line with the international norms of the world community. But while Asena is quick to pat itself on the back, Suu Kyi questioned the policy's effectiveness. She also asked foreign governments to wait before rushing in with aid. "The question is, for whom has [constructive engagement] been constructive? Was it constructive for the forces of democracy? Was it constructive for the Burmese people in general? Was it constructive for limited business community? Or was it constructive for Slorc" she asked. (TN) ===== item ===== THE WINDS OF CHANGE 6 AUGUST 1995, The Nation Ancient traditions way for new, modern terns as Burma struggles to find its feet in a fast paced, changing world. Don Pathan wondered, however, what price the Burmese will have to pay for such changes. Driving through the city of Rangoon, it is quite obvious that Burma is no longer a country where time has stood still. Throughout the city, remnants of the old blends quite well with the new. The busy traffic in front of the two-thousand year old pagodas creates an impression that Burma is on its way to modernity a long, rough road from which there is no turning back. And in spite of the fact that the people of Burma have a strong sense of history, changes, like anywhere in the world, will always come with a price. Throughout downtown Rangoon, numerous billboards of various seizes advertize local and foreign goods. But unlike other major cities of the developing world, American fast-food franchises are nowhere in sight. Hotels and shopping centres are being erected throughout the city and many of these constructions are expected to be completed in the next few months. "The Slorc is looking twenty years ahead," said a Rangoon-based foreign diplomat. "These hotels are not being built for the 1996 Visit Myanmar Year. They are being built now because the construction cost is quite cheap at the moment," he added. In the foreground of these constructions, the sight of some one hundred people waiting in line in front of the post office nearly one hour before it opens shows that Burma has long way to go with its infrastructure. Burma knows quite well what it has to do to be in line with the trend of post-World War II era. Now, it is the question of political will. It is quite clear that after two decade of self- imposed isolation from the international community, Burma is trying desperately to jump on to the market-oriented economy band wagon a path that has brought a great deal of wealth to many of its neighbouring countries. But unlike many major cities in the region which went through modernization and unbanization, homelessness, pan-han-dling, violent crimes, prostitution and other social ills that accompany the process are virtually non-existant in Rangoon. Also, Rangoon's neightlife has been toned-down quite a bit in the last two years. This, however, does not mean that the city or the4 country as a whole is without problems the memory of the brutal military crackdown in 1988 is still fresh in the minds of many Burmese and moreover, the lack of trust between the military junta and the people will always be an obstacle to modernization and national reconciliation. Nevertheless, the people of Rangoon continue to trudge along with the hope for a better tomorrow. Like anywhere else in the world, life in rangoon goes on in spite of the great uncertainly. Churches, mosques and temples are well-attended and many find comfort from their faith as seen at the Shwedagon Pagoda where many loals mediate, in spite of the fact that it's also a major tourist spot. Rangoon residents say Thailand's newly appointed Defence Minister Gen Chavalit Yongchaiyudh had visited Sule Pagoda to make a special wish to Bodawgyi, a diety enshrined there. The former army chief is said to have prayed for his long-awaited dream of becoming Thailand's prime minister. Local people said his wish wasn't granted because his offerings to the deity were far too small. (TN) ====item==== SUU KYI UNDER FIRE FOR AID REMARKS 8 August 1995, Bangkok Post THE New Light of Myanmar, a Burmese state -owned paper, has criticised dissident leader Aung San Suu Kyi for urging countries not to rush to resume economic aid to Burma. It did not mention her by name in last week's article, but said the comment was a hindrance to foreign aid. The article, written by U Phyoe, a former Buddhist monk, accused Suu Kyi of being motivated by malice, despite her usual rhetoric about forgiveness, unity and cooperation. He also said she was jealous of Burma's achievements and that its 45 million people were going to benefit directly from foreign aid. (BP) ====item==== THAILAND TO REMAIN NEUTRAL OVER SUU KYI INVITE 8 August 1995, Bangkok Post THAILAND will officially remain neutral over a visit to Rangoon by Democrat Masdit to invite Burmese dissident leader Aung San Suu Kyi to give a keynote speech at the Non Governmental Forum on Women 95. Khunying Supatra is a convener of the forum which will open in Beijing on August 31, ahead of the fourth United Nations' Conference on Women. We neither support nor oppose (the visit), Foreign Minister M.R. Kasem S.Kasemsri said yesterday. He said the Thai Embassy in Rangoon would assist Khyuning Supatra's visit as much as it could. She left yesterday. Khyuying Supatra said earlier that her visit to Rangoon was on Behalf of the UN and had nothing to do with politics. Mrs Suu Kyi's speech will be telecast to the forum, because of her decision not to leave Burma. Last Thursday, M. R. Kasem gave approval for Thai Ambassador to Rangoon Pokask Nilubol to visit Aung San Suu Kyi at her house, saying it was the right thing to do to express Thailand's anxiety over the progress of democracy in Burma following her release from house arrest. (BP) ====item==== WORLD WAR SET STAGE FOR BURMA'S FREEDOM- AND MORE WAR 8 August 1995, Bangkok Post THE WELL-TENDED graves at the war cemetery in this small town are a grim reminder of the tumultuous period during World War II when Burma went from British to Japanese and back to British hands all the while searching for independence. The cemetery, with its tombstones and columns engraved with the names of 27,000 Allied soldiers who died in Burma during the war, shows the obvious physical remnants of the war in Burma. But to Burma, the war meant more than just being a battle ground for two colonial powers. It was also a pivotal period for the country's nascent independence movement, which wanted to break from British colonial rulers who had been in Burma since the 1800s. In addition, the war marked the beginning of ethnic tensions in the nation which continue today. In the early 1940s, Burmese nationalist leaders decided the best way to gain independence would be to side with the Japanese against the British and Allied troops, in exchange for help in gaining freedom for Burma. After making a deal with the Japanese to help them occupy Burma- a strategic gateway to India- and close the Burmese Road into China in exchange for future independence, a group of young men known as the Thirty Comrades went abroad in 1941 for military training with the Japanese. The Thirty Comrades, led by nationalist leader Aung San, then formed the Burma Independence Army (BIA) and accompanied the Japanese into Burma, which they occupied in early 1942. The march of the BIA into Burma alongside the Japanese troops was an occasion of great pride and joy to the Burmese who felt that at last their national honour had been vindicated, wrote Aung San's daughter and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi in a biographical article of her father. Others agree, saying the Burmese hoped they could at last be freed from British rule, with the help of the Japanese. The Japanese gave us the spirit of independent, and not subject to British rule, said Vum Ko Hau, now a 78 year old veteran who served under the British and the Japanese during the war. But Vun Ko Hau, who sat facing walls adorned with wartime portraits and pictures, said the joy was shortlived. The Japanese treated Burmese people in a bad way, he said, recounting everal incidents where he had to watch Japanese troops torture, maim or kill Burmese citizens and soldiers. They slapped us and did things not practised by any other society. The British were gone but we had new masters. New masters who were even more cruel than the old ones, but this time the abuse was physical, not verbal. The British didn't martyr you. But if the Japanese suspected you of doing some thing wrong they'd kill you, he said. Torture, disappearances and forced labour conscription were also common place under the Japanese, historians said. On the Thai-Burma border, the Japanese forced Allied prisoners and slave labourers to build a 415 km railway through thick jungle- covered mountains between the two countries. Atrocious working conditions in the tropical climate, coupled with a near starvation diet and brutal treatment, killed one in five prisoners of war during the construction. About 16,000 Allied soldiers and 100,000 enforced labourers died in the 16 month construction of what became known as the Death Railway. Although the Japanese officially declared Burma a sovereign nationon August 1, 1943, Burmese nationalists quickly realised it was a farce and the Japanese planned to remain in control. So the nationalists and various ethnic groups formed resistance groups and contacted the British for arms and support. Eventually, with the help of British and Allied troops they ran the Japanese out of the country in mid 1945. But they years of fighting took their toll. Burma, once considered the rice basket of the region, was devastated by the armies that had trampled across its soil for three years. In addition, Burma's extensive oil production facilities were destroyed. The fighting also exacerbated traditional suspicions between the ethnic minorities of the frontier areas and the majority Burmans from the central plains. Minorities such as the Karen, Kachin and Karenni sided with the British and fought alongside Allied commandoes parachuted in to help infiltrate behind the Japanese lanes. Fifty years on, those conflicts still trouble modern Burma. (BP) ====item==== ASEAN STEPS UP PACE OF TRANSFORMATION 8 August 1995, Bangkok Post THE annual round of Asean foreign ministers' meetings has become such a complex event that it is sometimes difficult to sort out the important bits from the detail. In some respects this year's meetings appear bland, but on a handful of important issues, Asean has taken significant steps towards further future change. The most obvious achievement in his torical terms was the formal admission of Vietnam as Asean's seventh member. In Brunei this might not have appeared too exciting since all the preparations had been concluded in advance. Nevertheless, the achievement was historical. With so many past expectations ending in disappointment, one important but intangible virtue remains- the high level of comfort Asean's members enjoy in each others' company. Now a former enemy is on the way hopefully to becoming a good friend, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations might never be the same again. A lot of questions remain to be settled about Vietnam's participation in Asean, however. two issues dominate: whether Vietnam will be able to attend all the many Asean meetings and if not whether Asean can streamline its increasingly cumbersome structure of committees, and challenge of the Asean Free Trade Area, even if it is allowed a three year delay. But the fact that doubts remain does not mean the issue will be insoluble. A year ago, when Asean agreed to negotiate Vietnam's membership it seemed questionable whether the necessary details could be completed even by this year's summit in Bangkok in December. So now, Asean and Vietnam have concluded the important first step ahead of schedule. Vietnam's membership has increased the tempo for Asean to expand. The talk is now of Laos and Cambodia joiningly by 1997 when Asean reaches its 30th birthday. Some analysts belive that so long as Cambodia's internal conflict is settled, both could adjust to the commitments of Asean more easily than Vietnam. Free trade would be easier to achieve, for example, because the state's economic machinery is less entrenched in Cambodia and Laos than in Vietnam. Whether this means the two could adhere to Asean's timetable for free trade by 2003 remains in doubt. They could be granted Vietnam's three year delay. Separate timetables for all new members would make administering the free trade area quite complex. Perhaps the biggest question about future expansion is Burma. The feeling in Brunei last week seemed to be that Burma could join by 1997 too. But some senior Asean diplomats- not necessarily Thai-are warning privately that Rangoon would have to convince its neighbours that reform is genuinely and irreversibly under way. Simply releasing Aung San Suu Kyi is not enough; the permanent establishment of an elected assembly would be a prerequisite, one diplomat says. But the first step of admitting Burma as an observer might take place next year. In this context, the Thai ambassador in Rangoon's decision to visit Aung San Suu Kyi, apparently in the face of Slorc disapproval, was a good move. The humble security safety valve, the informal Asean Regional Forum that met for the second time immediately after the foreign ministers' annual conference, also made some modest progress, mainly through franker airing of opinions. France - so anxious to attend last years as one of the European Union's troika of past, present and future six month presidents - found itself this year confronted with regional disquiet about its nuclear testing plans. And China remained "engaged" in the forum's attempt to avoid conflict over the Spratlys. The testing has not been stopped, and war could still break out in the South China Sea, so the forum's real worth has not yet been proved. Next on Asean's main fixtures list are the economic ministers meeting in October and the Bangkok summit it December. The Sultan of Brunei's proposal for free trade to be achieved in 2000 instead of 2003 is likely to be discussed seriously. So are further institutional reforms. Asean's new members and the increasing scope of the subjects covered - services and intellectual property could be next in line for Asean liberalisation for the secretariat and for the various committees. We will still have to wait some years to see if any of this has a real impact on the economies or the security of the region. But for the time being, the pace of Asean's transformation has quietly stepped up a gear. (BP) ====item==== S.KOREA MISSION 8 August 1995, Bangkok Post SOUTH Korea's Deputy Foreign Minister for Planning and Management, Kim Hang-Kyung, begun a four-day visit to Burma to strengthen trade and business ties between the two countries. Kim, who will be acting as a special envoy of Foreign Minister Gong Ro-Myung, will meet Gong's counterpart David Abel and Vice-premier Maung Maung Khin. (BP) ====item==== BURMA-BRUNEI LINK 8 August 1995, Bangkok Post BRUNEI and Burma have discussed the extension of commercial fights between the two countries and the construction of an international airport in Rangoon . Brunei Communications Minister Dato Seri Laila Jasa Haji Awang Zakaria Sulaiman led a delegation to Rangoon from August 2 for talks with BUrmese Transport Minister Air Chief Marshall Thein Win and Post and Telecommunication Minister Soe Tha. (BP) ===== item ===== SLORC MOVES ON KHUN SA 8 AUGUST 1995, Bangkok Post Shan leaders increasingly see drug warlord as barrier to outside support for independence cause Report: Subin Khuenkaew and Nussara Sawatsawang, Chiang Rai The State Law and Order Restoration Council has been massing troops along the Thai-Burmese border from Mae Hong Son to Chiang Rai in what is described as an all-out attempt to crush the forces of drug warlord Khun Sa by the end of the year. The first hint of a large-scale war against Khun Sa came from Lt- Gen Khin Nyunt, Slorc's strongman, when he announced that the drug baron's strongholds would be the next target after the defeat of the Karen National Union early this year. He said Burma's 200,000 troops would be mobilised to crush Khun Sa's Mong Tai Army. Although Khin Nyunt had ex-aggerated the number of troops to be put on the warpath, about 10,000 troops have been committed for the operation. Well-informed sources said at least 10 battalions or about 4,000 Burmese infantary have since June crossed the Salween River to face the Karenni National Progressive Party's stronghold, opposite Ban Nai Soi village in Muang district of Mae Hong Son. The troops were sent there under the pretext of settling a logging row with the KNPP. But one of Khun Sa's close aides told Inside Indochina that Slorc troops intended to secure safe passage through the KNPP's area to attack Ho Mong township, Khun Sa's headquarters. About 90 per cent of the KNPP's territory has fallen to Slorc. On another front at Doi Pa Daeng Luang, another Khun Sa stronghold, only 30 kilometres south from Tachilek in Burma, another 4,000 Burmese soldiers have been engaged in a protracted battle with the MTA since March. This is the second attempt to break Khun Sa's defence after a humiliating defeat last November. About 2,000 Burmese troops have also been massing at Ban Doi Lang, opposite Mae Ai destrict, Chiang Mai, which is under the control of the United Wa State Army (UWSA). The UWSA, which is made up former members of the Burmese Communist Party, surrendered to the junta in 1993 and has since been allowed to remain in the BCP's territory to guard against the MTA. However, there is no sign whether the UWSA will join the Slorc in the battle against the MTA. Observers said Slorc chose to launch an offensive now because it felt Khun Sa's military power had been weakened and he also had been plagued with internal rebellion. Maj Karnyord, deputy commander of the 16th Brigade, recently broke ranks from the MTA with 500 men to form his own independent army. Karnyord, a young turk in the MTA, reportedly quit the army because of "discrimination" in the ranks, the MTA's deviation from the state's struggle for independence, and its infamous drug dealing image. Zao Gunjade, chairman of the Shan State National Congress (SSNC) believed Karnyord's split was instigated by the Slorc which noted the Shan resistance would not be able to get any outside help as long as it associated with Khun Sa. Analysts said Karnyord's defection was the result of the same trick employed by the Slorc which led to the Democratic Kayin Buddhist Organisation's breaking away from the KNU. The defection of the Karen Buddhists, from the mostly Christian Karens, caused the eventual fall of the KNU's Manerplaw and Kawmoora strongholds this year. "The DABO was supposed to inform the Slorc of all it knew about the KNU, both its weak and strong points. Karnyord will likely do the same about the MTA," they said. The recent speculation that Khun Sa may soon be forced to step down as head of the MTA indicates some serious internal problem. Several leaders in the Shan State National Congress have begun to feel that Khun Sa's notoriety as a drug warlord is an obstacle to their tasks. The SSNC is to hold a meeting to determine Khun Sa's fate. No dates have been fixed but Gunjade,a much-respected congressman and a veteran army leader who is tipped to succeed Khun Sa, told Inside Indochina the meeting is due to be held before the end of October. Military and political objectives aside, economic reasons have played a role in prompting the Slorc to launch all-out war against the MTA. A border source said the rich natural resources in the Shan State, as well as numerous heroin refineries under the control of the Wa and Khun Sa, could bring in millions of dollars for cash strapped Burma. Apotential site for a 5,000 megawatt hydro dam on the Salween River is in Khun Sa's territory, opposite Wiang Haeng sub-district, Chiang Mai. In Loi Kaw, the Karenni State's capital, a Thai company has proposed an inland site for the Salween dam. A recent trip to the site organised by the state-owned Myanmar Electric Power Enterprise was cancelled owing to security problems, a delegation member said. A Thai-Burmese border observer said Slorc had prepared its plans well in advance. he said that in the past two years, the Slorc had sent intelligence units into Thai-Burmese border provinces to learn about the MTA's movements. "They did a good job in identifying Khun Sa's safe houses," he said. But Thai authorities had trouble taking action against the occupants of the safe houses, who hold Thai identification cards. The Burmese military junta has spent millions of kyats to build roads and bridges over the Salween River toward Shan State. A Thai logging company, Thai-Sawasdi, has been granted a contract to build a road not far from the state's capital, Taunggyi, in exchange for 2,000 tons of logs. Infrastructure in sensitive areas such as Keng Tung province and nearby has been completed while that south of Shan State, from Taunggyi to Mawkmai and Namsang-Mong Nai-Mawkmai to meet Ta-sobteng bridge over the Salween River, is due to be completed this year. "This means Burmese troops are getting closer to our Ho Mong headquarters," an MTA officer conceded. Slorc's cabinet reshuffle in mid-June saw Maj-Gen Tin Htut appointed commander of the Eastern Command, replacing Maj-Gen Saw Tun, who was promoted to Construction Minister. Maj-Gen Tin Htut from the 33th Division was said to be under the direct command of Gen Maung Aye, Slorc's vice-chairman and the former eastern force commander. A Thai observer predicted that Khun Sa's strongholds would fall by the end of this year. According to Gen Zang Zhi Chen of the MTA, Burmese troops recently received 5,000 mortar shells from a neighbouring country, apparently China. Observers doubted whether it was a coincidence that Chinese Defence Minister Gen Chi Haotian paid an official visit to Rangoon early in July. Khun Sa is having problems with logistical supplies. His supply lines, including Ban Mai checkpoint, which was a major passage for rice, medicine and clothes, have been cut since July last year, affecting both the MTA and Shan people. Ban Mai, the opposite site of the stronghold, 45 kilometres north of Mae Hong Son province, was closed as a result of the Thai Government's tightening of security. MTA sources also said the Slorc tried to close another 30 checkpoints along border on its side to prevent supplies crossing from Thailand. Khun Sa's close aide said the MTA could remain strong until next year and would be ready for any offensive. The SSNC sources said they would conduct a political offensive to arouse nationalistic sentiment among the Shan to fight for independence. "The more they (Shan people) are oppressed, the faster they will join us. The Slorc only builds roads and bridges, but we help our people farm their land, repair their houses and give first aid. This way, they inform us about the Slorc army's movements while understanding better our goal in fighting for independence," one member said. (BP) ===== item ===== KHUN SA REPORTED TO BE PRODUCING AMPHETAMINES 8 AUGUST 1995, The Nation Golden Triangle warlord Khun Sa his ethnic rival Wa forces, long involved in the production of heroin, have gegun producing more- profitable amphetamines, acquiring the raw chemicals from China, acording to PM's Office Prasong Buranapong. Khun Sa has set up laborations in his Hmong headquarters located opposite Thailand's Mae Hong Son proveince, while the United Wa State Army is working from its base opposite Chaing Mai province. Prasong cited information from the Office of Narcotics Control Board (ONCB) indicating that the two Burma-based group' moving into amphetamine production was the result of cheap production costs. The minister said he had instructed the ONCB to cooperate with the Police Department both the local police force and border patrol police to prevent the trafficking of amphetamines from Burma into Thailand. Cracking down on amphetamines is not very effective because the drug provides a high return, about 10 times more profitable than heroin, he said. In Thailand, amphetamines are produced mainly in the North, Northeast and the Central regions. The drug is widely abused in Lop Buri and Ratchaburi provinces and injected amphetamine use is widespread in Sikhiu idstrict of Nakhon Ratchasima province, Prasong said. He said the drug, which used to be abused mainly by long-haul truck drivers, is now becoming popular among students, factory workers and fishermen. A new study shows that farmers and villagers who used to regularly take "Thamjai" caffeine-aspirin pills, are also turning to amphetamines. Since the Ministry of Public Health banned caffeine in "Thamjai" pills last year, farmers and villagers were switching to amphetamine pill is usually divided into small pieces which are then taken along with the "Thamjai" pills. Prasong said the government is considering including money earned from smuggling, illegal arms and petro-gasoline sales, as well as trafficking in women into a money laundering bill, which was initially drafted to allow the government to seize assets and properties of narcotics traffickers. The minister said the draft bill would go to Parliament either this month or next and probably pass Parliament as the current opposition parties had previously supported it when they were the government. He added that he believed all Mps would support the new draft bill as none would want to support contraband smugglers. Prasong said the government, however, had not yet reached a dicision as to the minimum amount of cash a person would be required to explain when making bank deposits. (TN) ===== item ===== TALKS BID REJECTED 8 AUGUST 1995, Bangkok Post The Karenni National Progressive Party has rejected the Burmese junta's invitation to talks in Loi Kaw, the capital of the eastern Kayah State, within 10 days or face military action. The party issued a statement last week saying it could not talk when the junta constantly attacked it. The Karenni signed a ceasefire with Burma in March, ending 50 years of hostility, and became the 13th such ethnic group to make peace with the junta. But the pact broke down in June when the junta allegedly sent 2,000 troops across the Salween River into the party's designated area. (BP)