------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------ "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ---------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News: September 3, 1995 Issue #214 Noted in Passing: Aung San Suu Kyi is an ordinary politician. There's nothing significant in her so why do I have to see her. - Thai Defense Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh (quoted in Thai Minister Meets Burma's Top Generals) Headlines: ========== BKK POST: BURMA SETS CONDITIONS FOR IMPROVEMENT IN TIES NATION: BANHARN WANTS TO VISIT BURMA THIS YEAR - REUTER: THAI MINISTER MEETS BURMA'S TOP GENERALS BKK POST: THAI REPORTERS KEPT BUSY WITH AIR-TIGHT SCHEDULE,, BKK POST: THAI GOVT GIVES MRS SUU KYI NO SPECIAL RECOGNITION BKK POST: FIGHTING IN BURMA PUTS HALT TO LOGGING REUTER: ALBRIGHT VISITS BURMA, INDONESIA AND PHILIPPINES REUTER: RANGOON BETEL-SELLERS GO UNDERGROUND AFTER BAN NYTIMES: U.N. FORUM HEARS SPEECH BY BURMESE: WOMEN TOLD A CURE FOR MISERY IS POWER BKK POST: WA TROOPS, KHUN SA MEN IN HEAVY CLASHES NLM: DESINITY OF THE NATION-24 (on Aung San Suu Kyi) ---------------------------------------------------------- Produced with the support of the Burma Information Group (B.I.G). The BurmaNet News is an electronic newspaper covering Burma. Articles from newspapers, magazines, newsletters, the wire services and the Internet as well as original material are published. The BurmaNet News is e-mailed directly to subscribers and is also distributed via the soc.culture.burma and seasia-l mailing lists and is also available via the reg.burma conference on the APC networks. For a free subscription to the BurmaNet News, send an e-mail message to: majordomo@igc.apc.org In the body of the message, type "subscribe burmanet-l" (without quotation marks) Letters to the editor, comments or contributions of articles should be sent to the editor at: strider@igc.apc.org ------------------------------------------------------------- INFORMATION ABOUT BURMA VIA THE WEB AND GOPHER: Information about Burma is available via the WorldWideWeb at: FreeBurmaWWW http://sunsite.unc.edu/freeburma/freeburma.html [including back issues of the BurmaNet News as .txt files] BurmaWeb: http://www.uio.no/tormodl Burma fonts: http://www.cs.bham.ac.uk/~lka/burmese-fonts/moe.html Ethnologue Database(Myanmar): http://www-ala.doc.ic.ac.uk/~rap/Ethnologue/eth.cgi/Myanmar TO ACCESS INFORMATION ABOUT BURMA VIA GOPHER: gopher csf.colorado.edu. Look under the International Political Economy section, then select Geographic_Archive, then Asia, then Burma. ---------------------------------------------------------- BURMANET SUBJECT-MATTER RESOURCE LIST BurmaNet regularly receives enquiries on a number of different topics related to Burma. The scope of the subjects involved is simplytoo broad for any one person to cover. BurmaNet is therefore organizing a number of volunteer coordinators to field questions on various subjects. If you have questions on any of the following subjects, please direct email to the following coordinators, who will either answer your question or try to put you in contact with someone who can: Arakan/Rohingya/Burma- [volunteer needed] Bangladesh border Art/archaeology/: [volunteer needed] Campus activism: [on summer vacation] Boycott campaigns: [Pepsi] wcsbeau@superior.ccs.carleton.ca Buddhism: Buddhist Relief Mission, c/o NBH03114@niftyserve.or.jp Chin history/culture: plilian@asc.corp.mot.com Fonts: tom@cs.colgate.edu History of Burma: zar1963@violet.berkeley.edu Kachin history/culture: 74750.1267@compuserve.com Karen history/culture: 102113.2571@Compuserve.com Karen Historical Society Mon history/culture: [volunteer needed] Naga history/culture: [volunteer needed] [Burma-India border] Pali literature: "Palmleaf" c/o burmanet@igc.apc.org Shan history/culture: [volunteer needed] Shareholder activism: frdc@igc.apc.org "Attn. S. Billeness" Tourism campaigns: bagp@gn.apc.org "Attn. S. Sutcliffe" World Wide Web: FreeBurma@POBox.com Volunteering: christin@ksc.net.th [Feel free to suggest more areas of coverage] ---------------------------------------------------------- BKK POST: BURMA SETS CONDITIONS FOR IMPROVEMENT IN TIES September 2, 1995 by Nustara Sawatsawang BURMA has set conditions for Thailand to meet before the two countries can expand cooperation, Defence Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh said yesterday. The State Law and Order Restoration Council identified security along its border with northern Thailand, the suspended construction of the Thai-Burmese Friendship Bridge and fisheries conflicts in Ranong province as the problems that need to be resolved first, Gen Chavalit quoted Gen Than Shwe as saying. Gen Than Shwe is chairman of the ruling SLORC and also defence minister and commander of the armed forces. He and Gen Chavalit met yesterday after he arrived in Rangoon for the two-day visit. Foreign Minister Ohn Gyaw was also included in the Burmese delegation discussing bilateral issues with the Thai side. Although SLORC did not mention any group by name which threatens its security, it is known that Rangoon was referring to drug warlord Khun Sa and his aides who sometimes take refuge and receive medical treatment on Thai soil. Concerning the suspension of bridge construction, Gen Than Shwe was quoted as saying that the Burmese government wanted to see the construction resumed "as soon as possible" but the problem stemmed from the fact that "there are some groups of Thais who abused a small island in the (Moei) river for their own benefit." The present land encroachment into the river where there are stalls and shophouses including rock filling along the river bank, is considered by the Burmese authorities as altering the borderline and infringing on its sovereignty. Burma sets conditions for improvement in ties Gen Chavalit promised that Thailand would not stay idly by but intended to tackle all problems to strengthen bilateral ties. "I wished our relations could date back into 1988 when it was very warm and Gen Than Shwe said he feels the same," he told reporters. He said Thai authorities concerned have plans to enforce measures on the border but refused to elaborate. The murder of Burmese fishermen deepened already soured relations between the two countries. Gen Chavalit handed a letter on behalf of Prime Minister Banharn Silpa-archa to his counterpart. The letter expresses the Premier's intention to visit Rangoon as soon as possible, probably before the summit of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in December in Bangkok. An official in the Thai delegation said the prime minister would arrange for the visit after tension has eased and temporary checkpoints are reopened. Foreign Minister Kasem S. Kasemsri said yesterday he plans to consult the Burmese government in his forthcoming trip to Rangoon to pave way for the prime minister's visit. M.R. Kasem departs. for Phnom Penh this afternoon and is scheduled to return on Monday. The visit of the prime minister would follow a series of exchange visits over the next four months between Thailand and Burma, he said. "I wish to speed up the adjustment procedure to make relations back to normal and step further into bilateral cooperation. "Mr Banharn's trip is the end of all bad things (between the two countries) and the beginning of future cooperation," said M.R. Kasem. M:R. Kasem said he would visit Burma in his capacity a co-chairman of the Thai-Burmese Joint Commission and hope to lay the groundwork for future relationships. He said Gen Than Shwe would come to Bangkok to participate in the summit of leaders from 10 Southeast Asian countries, to be held back-to-back with the ASEAN Summit at the end of the year. The Foreign Ministry also plans to invite Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt; secretary of the SLORC, to visit Thailand. M.R. Kasem said he telephoned on Wednesday to extend an invitation to Khin Nyunt for the visit. Lt-Gen - Khin Nyunt agreed in principle last January to visit Thailand as guest of the then-Deputy Prime Minister Chamlong Srimuang, but the plan was shelved due to border tension between the two countries. The foreign minister also commented on the keynote address by Burmese dissident Aung San Suu Kyi at the NGO Forum on Women in Beijing, that this should not lead to any problem between Bangkok and Rangoon. The videotape was originally scheduled to be brought to Beijing by MP Khunying Supatra Masdit who is convener of the NGO Forum on Women. She was banned from entering Burma but the forum still managed to smuggle the tape out of the country. ***************************************************************** NATION: BANHARN WANTS TO VISIT BURMA THIS YEAR - Chavalit proposes fence-mending trip ahead of December Asean Summit September 2, 1995 RANGOON In a paramount effort to restore strained Thai-Burmese relations, Prime Minister Banharn Silapa-archa has officially notified the Burmese junta that he wants to visit Burma before the Asean summit in mid-December. The message was conveyed to the junta leadership by Defence Minister Gen Chavalit Yongchaiyudh, who began a high-profile two-day visit to Rangoon yesterday. Banharn cannot make the trip to Burma at the moment because he is engaged in several other official activities, Chavalit said after a one-hour meeting with Gen Than Shwe. Chairman of the the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc). The meeting was also attended by Slorc leader and military intelligence chief Lt Gen Khin Nyunt and Burmese army commander Gen Maung Aye. Chavalit said Banharn wants to meet Than Shwe before the Asean summit, but if that is not possible, the two leaders will meet during the Bangkok meeting. Chavalit, also deputy prime minister, handed Than Shwe a letter from Banharn expressing his regret at the murder in early August of Burmese crewmen aboard a Thai fishing vessel. The former Army chief said Than Shwe had requested that Bangkok help resolve three outstanding problems _ encroachment on the Moei River bank by Thais, the need for direct control by the central government of events along the Thai-Burmese frontier, and a "fair settlement" of the murder of the Burmese fishermen. Chavalit said the Burmese were pleased that Thailand was "sincere" in wanting to resolve the Moei River encroachment issue. The river's banks serve as the natural Thai-Burmese boundary. He had informed Than Shwe that authorities have already ordered that the bank of the Moei be returned to its original condition. The two countries will later hold talks to delineate the common frontier, he said. Than Shwe replied that construction of the Thai-Burmese bridge across the Moei River will resume if the river bank encroachment issue is resolved, Chavalit said. Chavalit added that he gave an assurance the handling of the murder investigation would be accelerated and those found responsible would be prosecuted. Than Shwe said the two sides could resume fisheries cooperation once the murder case is settled, he said. The visiting minister said Than Shwe urged Thailand to follow international practice and ensure that the central government, in Bangkok, plays the leading role in overseeing border activities and resolving any problems or conflicts that occur. This was also the Burmese approach, Than Shwe said. Chavalit, who hopes his military background and personal connections with the Slorc leadership will facilitate an improvement in relations, said he tried to clear up all outstanding issues with Than Shwe. He pointed out that Banharn is personally concerned about the bilateral problem and stressed that "just a verbal message is not enough to restore Burmese confidence, there needs to be serious action". Chavalit, who was warmly welcomed by Slorc leaders upon arrival, tried to score early credit, saying that because of their long-standing acquaintance, the Slorc leader had openly discussed Thai-Burmese relations with him. "If we had not known or understood each other before, [Than Shwe] would not have told us so many things, or he could have spoken out very strongly [against us]," he said. So I made the trip here as a person with a good understanding of the minds of the people of the two countries, in order to promote peace in the region. "We [Thailand] will try to resolve the problems that have affected the feelings of the people and the governments of both countries," he added. Chavalit also visited two museums and played golf with top Slorc leaders yesterday. He is due to have more talks today before returning to Bangkok. Speaking in Bangkok before his departure, Chavalit told reporters Thailand does not have any special interest" in Burma's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and considers her just "a Burmese citizen' with an interest in politics". Prime Minister Banharn will start his two-leg tour of Thailand's Asean partners on Sept 24 with an official visit to Malaysia and Singapore as part of the first leg of the tour, set for Sept 24-25, said Veerasak. The visit will enable him to familiarize himself with the leaders of the region. REUTER: THAI MINISTER MEETS BURMA'S TOP GENERALS September 1, 1995 (editor's note: sections identical to above two articles have been deleted) RANGOON, Sept 1 (Reuter) - Thai Defence Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh met the leaders of Burma's military government on Friday in the first high-level meeting between the two countries since a recent period of strained ties. Earlier on Friday Chavalit told reporters in Bangkok he would offer Burma full cooperation in its military campaign against opium rebel Khun Sa. ``Khun Sa is a narcotics trafficker so Thailand is ready to offer full cooperation in crushing him if the Burmese government asks for it,'' Chavalit told reporters before leaving for Rangoon. Chavalit declined to elaborate in what particular areas Thailand could help Burma in its campaign against the warlord, who controls zones in northeastern Shan state near the border with Thailand. Last week a senior official from Burma's military government told Reuters Thailand must stop supplies being smuggled across its border to Khun Sa if he is ever to be defeated. Thailand officially sealed its northern border with areas controlled by Khun Sa last year. But smugglers are known to still operate along some remote sections of the frontier. Chavalit was visiting after a period of strained bilateral relations since the beginning of the year, when Burmese forces launched an offensive against autonomy-seeking guerrillas in southeast Burma, forcing thousands of refugees into Thailand. Chavalit said he would not seek a meeting with Burma's democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi. ``Aung San Suu Kyi is an ordinary politician. There's nothing significant in her so why do I have to see her,'' he said. While army chief in December, 1988, Chavalit became the first foreign dignitary to visit Burma in the aftermath of the bloody crushing of a pro-democracy uprising that year. Shortly after his visit Thailand repatriated scores of Burmese dissidents who had fled the crackdown in Burma to the Thai side of the frontier, many of them by force. At the same time Burma granted extensive logging concessions to Thai companies in southeastern and eastern Burmese frontier areas. ------------------------------------ BKK POST: THAI REPORTERS KEPT BUSY WITH AIR-TIGHT SCHEDULE,, September 2, 1995 Rangoon BURMESE authorities have been keeping Thai reporters busy during every moment of the day, apparently fearing they might try to sneak out and visit pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Twenty reporters travelling to Burma with Deputy Prime Minister and Defence Minister Gen Chavalit Yongchaiyudh have found themselves occupied according to an air-tight schedule prepared by the Burmese government. All this despite their requests yesterday afternoon to be able to return to their hotel to file articles. After covering the meeting between Gen Chavalit and Gen Than Shwe, chairman of the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council, the Thai reporters were immediately whisked off on yet another series of activities that left them without a single minute to spare. While Gen Chavalit spent the afternoon playing golf with Gen Than Shwe and other senior Burmese military officials, the reporters together with Assistant Army Commander Gen Chettha Thanajaro were taken on a guided tour of the Gem Emporium, Defence Museum and Thanlyin Kyauktan industrial zone. The Burmese authorities even declined the Thai reporters' petition to be able to return to the Inya Lake Hotel to file articles or contact their headquarters. One Burmese official explained that his government was "afraid that the reporters would have free time and find ways to do a story in front of Aung San Suu Kyi's house." Nobel peace prize laureate Suu Kyi was released on July 10 after six years under house arrest. This was the first visit ever by such a large group of foreign reporters since her release, the official pointed out. In addition the reporters were repeatedly instructed by the Thai Defence Ministry not to ask "sensitive questions," including any on Suu Kyi, fearing this may send the already soured Thai-Burmese relationship even further down the drain. "This is a confidence-building trip, so everyone should help. Even if you ask him (Gen Chavalit) about her (Suu Kyi), his answer will be that it's Burma's internal affair" said a Thai Defence official. ***************************************************************** BKK POST: THAI GOVT GIVES MRS SUU KYI NO SPECIAL RECOGNITION September 2, 1995 THAILAND does not give special recognition to Burmese dissident leader Aung San Suu Kyi, considering her merely a Burmese citizen carrying out political activities in her country, Defence Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh said yesterday. "I don't know why we have paid much interest to her," he said. Speaking before leaving for an official visit to Rangoon yesterday, Gen Chavalit said there is nothing wrong with following up on political movements and political parties in other countries but it is not proper to place emphasis on any particular person. Thailand views Mrs Suu Kyi as a local Burmese politician and that the country sees no difference with the way it looks at Thai politicians such as Seritham Party leader Arthit Ourairat, he said. "We see political struggle as a common matter," Gen Chavalit said. The Thai delegation will not discuss the issue concerning Mrs Suu Kyi during the visit, he added. The Defence Minister apparently tried to avoid comments about Mrs. Suu Kyi, who was released in July by the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) after almost six years under house arrest, for fear that it might affect the relations between Thailand and Burma. Gen Chavalit also brushed aside remarks that his visit might affect Thailand's image because Burma is still under dictatorial rule, saying it is Thailand's duty to convey messages of the world community to see peace in Burma. Thailand has established diplomatic relations with several countries which are ruled by the military governments, he said. Gen Chavalit said the Thai delegates will discuss general issues with the Burmese authorities during the visit, ending today. Thailand is ready to cooperate and coordinate efforts with Burma in narcotics suppression through exchanging information and stepping up joint crackdown operations. But Gen Chavalit said Thailand may not be able to comply with Burma's request that it stop providing medical care to wounded troops of drug warlord Khun Sa fighting the military government. It is necessary for Thailand to provide humanitarian assistance to people seeking refuge in its territory, he said. But any refugees suspected of involvement in drug trafficking would be detained for questioning after treatment he said. Gen Chavalit said Thailand has mercy in allowing Burmese students to take refuge in the country. However, those students should know that it would be inappropriate to use Thailand as a base to stage protests and other political activities against the Burmese government. "We may already have given them too much by allowing them to stay peacefully in Thailand," he said. Gen Chavalit said his visit to Burma is not based on Thailand's constructive engagement policy or any other policy towards that country. "I go there because we are brotherly countries." Those accompanying Gen Chavalit to Burma include his adviser Pat Akkanibut, his secretary Boonchu Wangkanond and Assistant Army Chief Gen Chettha Thanajaro. ***************************************************************** BKK POST: FIGHTING IN BURMA PUTS HALT TO LOGGING September 2, 1995 Mae Hong Son FIGHTING between SLORC troops and the Karenni National Army over the past two months has forced a Thai logging firm to cease its operations in Burma. The fighting along the Thai-Burmese border opposite Mae Sariang District has prompted the Thai Industrial Vinyl 1992 Co to cease transporting 400,000 cubic metres of processed wood into Thailand from its sawmills at Ban Mae Jae in Doi Kaw Province Burma. The company was previously transporting its wood through the Ban Sao Hin and Ban Huay Ton Noon border passes. Illegal taxes imposed by the Karenni National Party Liberation Front (KNPLF), which controls the area, is another factor discouraging the company from continuing with its business, according, to a company source. Between March and June the KNPLF seized two of the company's excavators which were returned after ransom was paid to the group, he said. The company, which was granted a logging concession in Burma, decided to hand over its excavators to Rangoon troops and officially notified the SLORC that it wanted to temporarily cease operations. The company requested the troops take care of the sawmill and its equipment, worth over 50 million baht. The Thai Industrial Vinyl 1992 Co earlier signed a contract with the Polpana Co Ltd to transport the processed wood products from Burma. So far, the Polpana Co has brought out 21,961 cubic metres of wood products and 57,300 wooden planks, worth a total of 108.2 million baht through the Ban Sao Hin pass. But Thai Industrial Vinyl 1992 Co may have other motives for ceasing its operations, other sources claim. One could be to close this particular logging route to prevent smaller logging companies from using it to illegally transport logs from that area into Thailand. This would force the small operators to deal directly with the company. ***************************************************************** REUTER: ALBRIGHT VISITS BURMA, INDONESIA AND PHILIPPINES UNITED NATIONS, Sept 1 (Reuter) - U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Madeleine Albright intends to visit Burma next week, the highest U.S. official to do so since the military junta took office, her spokesman announced on Friday. Albright, head of the 46-member U.S. delegation to the Fourth International Women's Conference in Beijing, also will visit Indonesia and the Philippines after her three-day trip to China. She leaves the United States on Sunday for Hawaii to meet first lady Hillary Rodham Clinton for the trip to China. In Burma, where she arrives on September 8, Albright will visit government officials as well as democracy campaigner Aung San Suu Kyi, released last month from house arrest after six years. She led pro-democracy uprisings in Rangoon in 1988, brutally crushed by the military which prevented her party from taking office. Albright's spokesman James Rubin said the visit was ``not a signal of any acceptance of their practices or a reward for releasing Aung San Suu Kyi.'' Instead, he said Albright would tell the military leadership that it sees ``progress on democracy, human rights and the rights of minorities in Burma'' as a necessary precondition'' for any further relations. The ruling military-run State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) has been criticised by the United Nations and all major human rights groups for its crackdown on democracy and forced labour, rape and other abuses by the army against peasants in border areas. The Clinton administration has been harshly critical of Burma and froze economic assistance but it has not stopped any U.S. investments in the Southeast Asian country. The last visit to Burma was in November 1994 by Thomas Hubbard, the deputy assistant secretary of state. In Indonesia and the Phillipines, both leaders in the non-aligned movement, Albright will meet government leaders and discuss U.S. goals and objectives for the upcoming 50th anniversary session of the U.N. General Assembly, Rubin said. Albright has already said she wants to focus on reform of the U.N. bureaucracy, under attack in Congress. ------------------------------- REUTER: RANGOON BETEL-SELLERS GO UNDERGROUND AFTER BAN RANGOON, Burma (Reuter) - In most parts of South Asia chewing betel leaf is easy. In India, Pakistan, Nepal and Bangladesh, a betel-leaf seller can be found within a few paces on any city street. That used to be true of Rangoon, the capital of Burma, until recently. Now, Burmese betel-leaf sellers have gone underground because a city ban on the sale of this local favorite is being strictly enforced. Prices of ``kunya'' or the dark green betel-leaf -- usually folded with a host of condiments such as white lime, areca nut parings, tobacco and a host of other aromatic Indian spices -- have risen sharply. Betel-chewing has been a gentle and possibly addictive South and Southeast Asian habit for centuries, but the trouble with kunya is the blood-colored saliva it generates -- which is promptly spat out. As in many parts of neighboring Bangladesh and in India, many betel-chewers have rampantly turned the city streets into one big spittoon. Systematically, they continue to leave pavements, drains and corners of buildings with red stains. Irked by this, the Rangoon city municipality imposed a ban on kunya sales in April in six central townships to save the city's streets and buildings ahead of Visit Burma Year in 1996. ``Some kunya which used to cost 75 pyas (three quarters of a kyat) now sell for two kyats or more because sellers cannot sell them openly and face fines if they are caught selling it,'' said an ardent Burmese fan of the leaf. (The official exchange rate of the kyat is six to the U.S. dollar but it trades at 110 to the dollar on the black market.) The fan says he used to chew up to 50 pieces of kunya a day until the recent price hike. ``I now chew about 10 at the most. It's getting expensive, you know,'' he said with a smile which revealed his red-stained teeth and lips. Chewing kunya is one of the few luxuries left for the ordinary, poverty-stricken Burmese, who generally earn anywhere from $15 to $25 a month in the local currency. Kunya is mainly sold in Rangoon by Bangladeshi migrants. Conspicuously absent these days are the hundreds of little kunya trays, with their sellers perched nearby, which used to openly line Rangoon lanes at intervals of a few paces. The kunya trays are now either hastily carried around by energetic, roving sellers to avoid city enforcement officers or are parked along alleyways or on secluded staircases leading up to shophouses. ``I was just photographed for selling kunya by the city officer,'' said a seller sitting by his kunya tray near a drain on a side street. ``I think they have got me this time.'' Kim Maung, 45, who has been in the business for many years reported brisk sales since the ban was announced. ``People now don't even look at the price. They need it, so they just pay for it,'' he said squatting at his mini-store with kunya strategically placed hidden below the counter. He said he can easily sell up to 700 pieces of kunya a day. A housewife said the ban had affected the quality of kunya sold. ``The kunya is now pre-wrapped and can get stale. They are not as fresh as before when they made it in front of you and the quality of condiments is dropping,'' she said. But one thing is clear. The Rangoon authorities have stepped up their war on kunya and the days of relaxed betel-chewing may be numbered. NYTIMES: U.N. FORUM HEARS SPEECH BY BURMESE: WOMEN TOLD A CURE FOR MISERY IS POWER by Patrick E. Tyler September 1, 1995 (abridged) HUAIROU, China - In a videotaped address that seemed to radiate across Asia with its admonitions against intolerance by authoritarian governments and violence against women, the Burmese Nobel laureate, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Thursday opened a mammoth meeting of private women's groups gathered from all over the world to shape the issues of the Fourth World Conference on Women, which opens Monday. "For millenia, women have dedicated themselves almost exclusively to the task of nurturing, protecting and caring for the young and the old, striving for the conditions of peace that favor life as a whole," Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi said. "It is time to apply in the arena of the world the wisdom and experience" that women have gained, she added. Her criticism of repressive and male-dominated governments was as blunt, perhaps more so, than any statement the opposition leader has made since her release from house arrest this summer, and she said her video-taped message had only reached China after unspecified "difficulties." The address was an extraordinary beginning for what may be the largest convocation of women ever assembled to lobby world governments, if only because it was delivered in China, whose Communist Party leadership has become so intolerant to the kind of challenge Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi represents that it has jailed thousands of dissidents and persecuted those who have undertaken even modest efforts to petition for democratic reform. The women's meetings here, an hour away from the main conference in Beijing, are private and separate, yet officially connected to the main conference by an agreement between the United Nations and China. Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi's videotaped message was in marked contrast to the official male-led Burmese delegation, which, reports say, will insist Burmese women already have full equality with men. "Insecure people tend to be intolerant," she said, "and their intolerance unleashes forces that threaten the security of others." In the videotape, recorded in Myanmar, formerly Burma, she said, women have not been given political power in the countries around the world and have been exploited in Asia's sex trade. "It is want that has driven so many of our young girls across our borders to a life of sexual slavery where they are subject to constant humiliation and ill treatment," she said. "It is fear of persecution for their political beliefs that has made so many of our people feel that even in their own homes they cannot live in dignity and security." The official Chinese news media did not report her words, but the many foreign, shortwave-radio broadcasts that reach China are likely to carry the speech within a day or two. More than 4,000 women showed up for Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi's address at a converted cinema that sat only 1,500. Most were turned away. It was not clear what prevented her from delivering her speech in person except that her arrival as an pro-democracy opposition leader would have drawn obvious parallels to China's suppresion of its own opposition movement. The opening day of the conference, where more than 17,000 delegates have arrived so far, was also marked by acts of defiance against the Chinese authorities, who have erected one of the most pervasive and intrusive security environments ever put in place for a U.N.-sponsored meeting. Outside, the human rights group Amnesty International staged a demonstration to call attention to the plight of political prisoners around the world. The Chinese authorities had said they would not tolerate demonstrations outside the perimeter of the conference site here, and they repeated Thursday that they will not brook any criticism of Chinese leaders. "The Chinese have said they will not allow free speech on the grounds of the forum," said Pierre Sane, secretary general of Amnesty International. "We're calling their bluff." BKK POST: WA TROOPS, KHUN SA MEN IN HEAVY CLASHES September 1, 1995 FIGHTING raged yesterday between the army of a minority ethnic tribe that supports the government and troops of a drug warlord in Burma's opium-rich Golden Triangle. Border Patrol Police reported more than 200 troops had died in heavy fighting between he United Wa State Army and opium warlord Khun Sa's Mong Tai Army. The Wa, who were allied with the Communist Party of Burma until its collapse in 1989 and until recent times were headhunters, have a history of territorial disputes with the ethnic Shan people who make up the majority of Khun Sa's troops. The Wa are now also allied with the government, which has started its third military campaign in as many years to smash khun Sa. Government troops have been advancing on Khun Sa's positions outside of Tachilek and near Loi Lun on the Thai border. Loi Lun is across the border from Chiang Mai. Tachilek is opposite Chiang Rai. A force of 5,000 Wa fighters clashed with about 2,500 of Khun Sa's troops near Mong Yong, adjacent to Loi Lun. The Wa succeeded in capturing two of Khun Sa's bases while losing one of their own. A recent factional split in the Mong Tai Army left the drug warlord weakened as 2,000 of his fighters allied themselves with the government. The Mong Tai Army has sent representatives to the Wa asking for ceasefire negotiations, the BPP said, but the Wa have demanded that the Mong Tai Army withdraw its troops from the disputed areas first. Meanwhile in Rangoon, Gen Khin Nyunt, co-leader of the government, said Burma's leaders were trying to end armed insurrections among the ethnic minorities. He said the rebellions were the result of mistrust from the divide-and-rule policies of colonialists. His remarks were from a speech to leaders of the Mon ethnic group that was published in the state-owned New Light of Myanmar yesterday. The Mon are the 15th ethnic group to sign a ceasefire accord with the government. Also yesterday near the border at Tak, 100 Karen troops, who had earlier joined a faction that allied itself with the government, returned to the rebel Karen National Union army, said a spokesman of the National Democratic Front who demanded anonymity. The returnees said the government broke its promise of giving them arms, ammunition and a salary. They said many others wanted to return, but were waiting to hear how other returnees were being treated by the Karen National Union. _ AP NLM: DESINITY OF THE NATION-24 By Nawrahta (New Light of Myanmar) There were some who vigourously asserted that the Political Defiance Programme was Bogyoke Aung San's Programme. Others made preparations to attack the Tatmadaw from aboveground and underground. Those who still stank of slavery kept asking the West Bloc for help. Some persons appropriated to themselves part of help received. Bombs kept exploding. At that juncture, signals were given to create disturbances on the Martyrs Day. It was impossible to just skip Martyrs Day. It was impossible not to commemorate Martyrs Day. And when it was learnt that disturbances had been prepared to take place on the Martyrs' Day, the Na-wa-ta was compelled to do what it had to do. On 19 July 1947, the national leader Bogyoke Aung San along with other leaders were gunned down by a group of imperialist henchmen. 19 July was therefore designated Martyrs Day and commemorated every year. It marks a day of sorrow. It is a day when anti-imperialist spirit and patriotic spirit need are strengthened. In the year 1989, chances for an orderly commemoration of the day appeared bleak. The government, in keeping with tradition, invited families of the Martyrs to the ceremonies. It permitted ten leaders from each political party to come and pay their respects at the Martyrs' Mausoleum. There were over 200 parties and they would be sending over 2,000 representatives. But then they laid plans to turn the Martyrs Day ceremonies into a political stage. On 8 July 1989, the General Secretary of the National League for Democracy met Correspondent Connergoski of the Thai Nation and said: "Tatmadaw is doing the work of a thug: it is trying to keep a group of old men in power." She also made a false accusation at a Press conference that the Tatmadaw bayonetted to death eight young men mining jade. The same leader alleged that "militarists are trying to crush by force of arms ar- rangements being made by the masses to honour the Martyrs: they are making dastardly plans to again stain the Martyrs Day with blood". Verbal attacks on the Tatmadaw gradually escalated. They said they would march in procession to the Martyrs Mausoleum on the Martyrs Day and thus laid plans to create disturbances. The Tatmadaw had to issue Martial Law Order 1/89 and 2/89 to prevent possible disturbances. The General Secretary of the National League for Democracy did not lay a wreath at the Martyrs' Mausoleum but she tried to lay a wreath in Myenigone as a political stunt. It was claimed that students died at that spot. In fact, no student died there: only some policemen died under the attack of violent elements near Sanchaung Police Station. Gene Sharp's methods to achieve democracy called for demon strations during funeral processions. It was like alleging deaths of demonstrators at Tadaphyu (White Bridge) when in fact nobody had died there and then ceremonially renaming the bridge the 'Red Bridge.' Trying to lay a wreath in Myenigon was of the same pattern. Gene Sharp however did not say that this method, adopted by a single person, would become a mere political stunt. Beginning 20 July 1989, action had to be taken against the President and the General Secretary Secretary of the National League for Democracy under Section 10 of Law Protecting the State from the Threats of disruptors. The Law was prescribed to protect National Sovereignty and National Security or the Public Peace from dangers of disruption. Another aim of the law was also to protect the fundamental rights of the citizens. Persons against whom action has been taken under this Law are not imprisoned: they have to stay in their own residence. They are not allowed to have any contacts with outsiders. The State takes responsibility for the person's health and medical attention. It is generally understood as house arrest. This sort of action, as compared to the magnitude of the offence said to have been committed, can be regarded as very lenient. Though action was taken against persons as individu als the party concerned was not dissolved. That the party concerned remains legitimate up to now is an illustration of generosity. The State Law and Order Restoration Council has been compelled to take action against Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The Na-wa-ta government has full sympathy with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, she, being daughter of national leader Bogyoke Aung San. The NA-wa- ta leaders could not have had any intention to hurt Aung San Suu Kyi. But they , at the same time, will not act contrary to mass interest. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi slanded to the Tatmadaw her father had founded to the point of opposing it which was not a happy augury. She could even have misled those who were supporting her with their eyes shut. And there were numerous persons inside and outside of the country who were waiting for a chance to make her their stepping stone to exploit political profits. When Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's movements were thus restrained a howl of protest rose from political parties as well as abroad. They propagandised as if Daw Aung San Suu Kyi have been ar rested and mistreated: Na-wa-ta leaders did not appear to have been nursing a personal malice on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Pre- sumably Daw Aung San Suu Kyi also did not have any personal grudge. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi who had lived away from Myanmar for many years returned to Myanmar on 22 July 1988 , together with her husband, an Englishman named Michael Aris, to attend to her mother who was ill. And then she took part in political move- ment. Within one year she began to tread an anti-Tatmadaw path. Her husband was entitled to only one week visa but he sought permission from the government and remained in the country for three months and twelve days before he left. He made frequent visits later on. Two days after action had been taken against Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, on 22 July 1989, her husband Michael Aris arrived. He stayed with his wife until 12 August 1989: the British Embassy citizen has been detained under guards Michael Aris and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi then remained in constant contact. Though Michael Aris is said to be an Englishman he lived not only in England. He kept going about the whole world taking part in Myanmar politics on account of his wife. It cannot however be said who are behind him. HE is an activist in concert with the international NGOs hostile to Myanmar. He came to Myanmar twice in 1989 and 1991 and eight times between 1992 and 1994 altogether ten times and lived with his wife for 284 days. The Na-wa-ta readily issued visas to Michael Aris. Requests for visa extensions were readily granted. In fact, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, for-bidden to have contacts with the whole world through Michael Aris. The Na-wa-ta was unlikely to be unaware of this. No searches were made at the airport on Michael Aris' arrival and departures. HE was treated as a gentleman. And nothing was said against Michael Aris making contacts by means of computers. The State Law and Order Restoration Council made arrangements to have discussions with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi at an appropri ate time. On 20 September 1994, the State Law and Order Resto ration Council Chairman and Defence Services Commander-in- Chief Senior General Than Shwe had a cordial meeting with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi at the No1 Tatmadaw Guest House. Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt was present at this meeting. The masses were delighted to notice a TV footage of this meeting in anticipation of a solution to a crisis. The Slorc, Secretary-1, Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt had another cordial meeting on 28 October 1994 at the Tatmadaw Guest House No 1. A press communique issued after the meeting stated that prevail ing political and economic situations progress of Na-wa-ta' s political,economic and reform programmes, tasks that should be undertaken for the long term welfare of the nation were cor dially and frankly discussed. Also present at the meeting were the Judge Advocate General Brig-Gen Than Oo and the Defence Services Inspector-General Brig-Gen Tin Aye. Discussions between the the Na-wa-ta leaders and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi were a process that would surely contribute to na- tional reconciliation. The masses were happy with anticipa- tion. The Na-wa-ta leaders were also apparently satisfied and pleased with the prospects of easing of tension in one area. But all these hopes were dashed when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's press statement appeared in Bangkok after Michael Aris came to Myanmar on 24 December 1994 and left for Bangkok on 22 January 1995. It is learnt that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, in her statement, had promised to continue her struggle. Perhaps Michael Aris came butting in as Na-wa-ta leaders and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi were on the verge of an understanding, and ruined it. What sort of a person is this Michael Aris who keeps roaming about the whole world? Has he been dominating his wife? and who has been dominating him? But, allow Myanmar to be a Myanmar in a Myanmar way. Myanmar had lived as an imperialist slave: spare Myanmar from domination of any sort of foreign again. Between 17 July and 18 August 1989, 181 persons in Yangon and 27 persons in the districts, totalling 208, had to be detained under Martial Law. But today Martial Law is no more and those detained who posed no threat to national security had been freed. The Tatmadaw remained strictly to prevent political distur- bances escalating into violence and anarchism. But political defiance did not come to an end. Incitements and instigations continued unabated from foreign countries. Human rights slo- gans were introduced. All sorts of help were given to insur- gents on the border. Clandestine activities continued. The Tatmadaw concentrated attention to holding elections successfully. To ensure smooth balloting, new National Regis- tration cards were issued across the whole country. At the juncture rumours appeared flying about like moths. All bank deposits would be confiscated! Currency notes would be de monetised. Leaders are being rounded up! These rumours covered all and diverse subjects. The Martial Law promulgated in July 1989 did not apply to the whole country. It covered only the Yangon Command, the Central Command (Bago Division) and the North-West Command (Mandalay Division, Sagaing Division and Chin State). Military Courts appointed under the Martial Law tried cases of decapitation, murders during the disturbances and agitators. Civil Courts were not abolished. Civil Courts passed death sentences on about a hundred persons who had committed major crimes. But these sentences have since been commuted, and not one sentence has been executed up till now. Military Courts also passed death sentences but none of these sentences has been carried out. One return of peace and stability the Martial Law was with drawn township by township. The rule of law made noticeable gains. Peace returned to the countryside. Political distur- bances declined. As elections drew near, party candidates were allowed to launch their election campaigns. Masses watched TV programmes with interest when candidates canvassed votes on TV. Multi-party democracy general elections were successfully held on 27 May 1990. Out of the 235 parties were able to field candidates. Only 27 parties won seats, some of them winning only a single seat. Political party inflation gradually disappeared. The Tatmadaw remained strictly neutral in the elections. Tatmadaw personnel were permitted to cast their ballots freely. There were absolutely no armed intimidations of voters. Speculations that the Tatmadaw would rig elections in favour of National Unity Party were proved absolutely wrong. In the elections the National League for Democracy won 392 constituencies out of a total 485 and the Burma Socialist Programme Party, renamed National Unity Party, won ten con stituencies. The rest of the constituencies went to regional nationalities parties. When the National League for Democracy won a victory, politi- cians inside the country and the West bloc media heartily lauded the elections as being very free and very fair. Had the National League for Democracy not won a victory the Tatmadaw would again be bashed and disturbances likely to resume. The Tatmadaw remained strictly neutral in the elections but some political forces were found to have resorted to unfair means to win the elections. Mobs coerced voters into casting their ballots to particular candidates. Whole communities were threatened to vote for their party candidated if they did not want their homes to get burnt down. Village level and Ward level election commissions were also intimidated. But the Tatmadaw dealt with these irregularities strictly in accordance with Law. Had there been no elections, or had the National League for Democracy not won the elections, it would have to be the Tatmadaw's responsibility to cope with problems that might arise. That might even lead to warfare. The problem of transfer of power arose after elections. The Tatmadaw had earlier declared that power would be transferred only to a government constitutionally formed after the elec- tions. But as successful election results seemingly signified strong public support, persistent demands came to be made for immediate transfer of power. In the 27 May 1990 multi-party democracy general elections 93 political parties took part: The National League for Democracy fielded 447 candidates of whom 392 got elected. There were 485 constituencies. Rakhine National League for Democracy won 11 constituencies and the National Unity Party won 10 constituen cies. The Mon National League for Democracy won 5 constituen cies and other parties shared 38 constituencies among them selves. Six independent candidates were elected. All sorts of comments emerged after the elections but all of them were dominated by the assessment that the elections were very fair. Those who said the elections were supporters of the National League for Democracy. There were objections against elections held were multi-party democracy general elections but some took them to be a contest between the National League for Democracy and the National Unity Party. It is pertinent here to see who those persons were who won the elections. A wealthy man living on Sule Pagoda Road in Yangon contributed large sums to three parties which meant buying Hluttaw members. That wealthy man was a religious fundamental ist. He desired to segregate Buthitaung, Maungdaw and Rathetaung areas a religious zone. Some of his candidates won seats under the guise of party candidates and if a democratic course of action was to follow a possibility of northern Rakhine State breaking away arose. This was one incident. The Tatmadaw realised, as early as about a year before elec- tions that transfer of power immediately after elections would become very problematic. But it was the Tatmadaw's responsi- bility to prevent the Union from collapsing, to prevent na- tional solidarity from disintegrating and to strengthen sover- eignty. It would not be fair for people to do whatever they wished to do and later on blame the Tatmadaw for the conse quences. The Tatmadaw had therefore to extinguish the sparks from a fuse leading to a powder keg. The Tatmadaw had to defuse the powder keg. (The New Light of Myanmar)