------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------ "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ---------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News: October 7, 1995 Issue#246 Noted in Passing: A national convention has been convened to draft a new constitution which would be in harmony with present-day realities and reflect the aspirations of the entire nation. - U Ohn Gyaw at the UN Since the very intention of that convention is to ensure that the military plays a leading role in the future political life of Burma, it can never reflect the aspirations of the nation. - NCGUB response (quoted in NCGUB: REBUTTAL TO OHN GYAW'S SPEECH) Headlines: ======== BORDER REPORT: DKBA ATTACK ON SHOKLO REFUGEE CAMP NCGUB: REBUTTAL TO OHN GYAW'S SPEECH BPF: ANALYSIS OF SLORC STATEMENT AT THE UNGA MAYKHA-L: LEPROSY IN BURMA HRWATCH/ASIA PRESS RELEASE ON YE HTUT THE NATION: PRETENDERS TO DRUG BARON'S MANTLE MASS THE NATION: KHUN SA BEGINS TO FEEL THE HEAT BKK POST: BURMA PUTS CONVENTION DATE BACK BY ONE MONTH NATION: LETTER - A BURMESE APPEAL ---------------------------------------------------------- Produced with the support of the Burma Information Group (B.I.G) and the Research Department of the ABSDF {MTZ} The BurmaNet News is an electronic newspaper covering Burma. 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Look under the International Political Economy section, then select Geographic_Archive, then Asia, then Burma. ---------------------------------------------------------- BURMANET SUBJECT-MATTER RESOURCE LIST BurmaNet regularly receives enquiries on a number of different topics related to Burma. The scope of the subjects involved is simplytoo broad for any one person to cover. BurmaNet is therefore organizing a number of volunteer coordinators to field questions on various subjects. If you have questions on any of the following subjects, please direct email to the following coordinators, who will either answer your question or try to put you in contact with someone who can: Arakan/Rohingya/Burma- Michael W. Charney Bangladesh Border GoMaha@aol.com Campus activism: tlandon@ewu.edu Boycott campaigns: [Pepsi] wcsbeau@superior.ccs.carleton.ca Buddhism: Buddhist Relief Mission, brelief@gol.com Chin history/culture: plilian@asc.corp.mot.com Fonts: tom@cs.colgate.edu History of Burma: zni@students.wisc.edu Kachin history/culture: 74750.1267@compuserve.com Karen history/culture: 102113.2571@Compuserve.com Karen Historical Society Mon history/culture: [volunteer needed] Naga history/culture: Wungram Shishak, z954001@oats.farm.niu.edu Burma-India border [volunteer needed] Pali literature: "Palmleaf" c/o burmanet@igc.apc.org Shan history/culture: [volunteer needed] Shareholder activism: simon_billenness@mail.cybercom.net Tourism campaigns: bagp@gn.apc.org "Attn. S.Sutcliffe" World Wide Web: FreeBurma@POBox.com Volunteering: christin@ksc.net.th [Feel free to suggest more areas of coverage] ************************ BORDER REPORT: DKBA ATTACK ON SHOKLO REFUGEE CAMP October 7, 1995 Last night a group of approximately 25 DKBA soldiers went into Shoklo refugee camp and killed two Karen refugees. Their names were Ga Duh Baw, 58, section leader, father of seven children, and Ga Lah, 25, father of two children. The DKBA entered the camp in civilian clothes, with weapons concealed under their longyis. There were no Thai soldiers in the camp to provide security for the refugees. There were a few local policemen at the checkpoint in front of the camp, but they did not intervene. On September 25, the DKBA kidnapped 2 people from Shoklo, but those people have now returned. The refugees in Shoklo are very afraid, and every night they close up their houses as soon as it gets dark. The refugees in Bae Glaw (Mae La) camp are now also feeling very nervous about their safety. ****************************** NCGUB: REBUTTAL TO OHN GYAW'S SPEECH by Sar NK October 3, 1995 NCGUB INFORMATION OFFICE 815 Fifteenth Street, NW, Suite 910, Washington, DC 20005 Tel: (202) 393-7342 (202) 393-4312, (202) 393-7343 Speech By The Slorc Delegate And What It Means 50th Session of the United Nations General Assembly October 3, 1995 As the United Nations celebrates its 50th anniversary, many delegates to the UN General Assembly came forth to offer suggestions on how to expand the role of the United Nations in achieving peace, security and development. Yet, when the time came for the SLORC delegate, Ohn Gyaw, it was obvious that he was there mainly to defend the injustices being committed by the military regime in Burma. Nothing in his speech indicates that SLORC intends to improve the human rights situation or to advance the process of democratization and national reconciliation in Burma. He even refused to use the words "human rights," "reconciliation" and "democracy" in connection with Burma. Ohn Gyaw says SLORC was aiming for national "reconsolidation" which meant that SLORC was forcing the whole country, including the ethnic people, to conform to its political agenda. He also indicated that SLORC was pushing ahead with the process to legitimize military rule in Burma via the national convention. Some observations regarding Ohn Gyaw's speech are: NATIONAL CONVENTION More important, U Ohn Gyaw said "a national convention has been convened to draft a new constitution which would be in harmony with present-day realities and reflect the aspirations of the entire nation." Since the very intention of that convention is to ensure that the military plays a leading role in the future political life of Burma, it can never reflect the aspirations of the nation. The people of Burma have made it quite clear, once in 1988 and again in 1990, that they want nothing to do with military rule. The constitutional principles laid down by the convention are all geared to serve the military. They require that the future president be someone with military experience, that 25 percent of the seats in parliament be reserved for military candidates, and that the Commander in Chief of the Defense Services be given the right to take over the reins of the country whenever he deems the country is in a state of emergency. These principles can never be in harmony with the realities of Burma or the world today. Delegates attending the convention have expressed their opposition to these rulings. Discussions by delegates were, however, restricted by Rules and Regulations of the National Convention. Those who dared to express disagreement to the National Convention procedures were arrested and imprisoned. Some delegates fled to neighboring countries after disagreeing to the way the convention was being conducted. Finally, the crux of the matter regarding the National Convention is mandate. SLORC does not have any legitimacy and thus no mandate to convene a National Convention or to draw up a new constitution. POLITICAL PRISONERS SLORC is still refusing to acknowledge the presence of political prisoners in Burma. Even though Ohn Gyaw has tried to avoid using that term, credible international human rights organizations, such as the Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have well documented cases of thousands of political prisoners living under harsh conditions in Burmese prisons. Death resulting from systematic torture in prisons and because of harsh working conditions in labor camps is also very common. These are the reasons why SLORC has repeatedly refused the International Committee of Red Cross from visiting political prisoners. The ICRC finally has to close down its offices and withdraw from Burma because of SLORC's attitude. CEASEFIRE AGREEMENTS SLORC promises to carry out development programs in areas where ceasefire agreements have been reached. In reality, massive deployment of troops in these areas only increased the military control over the local populace who are subjected to grave human rights violations. A good example is the case of the Karenni Nationalities Progressive Party (KNPP) which protested these violations following the ceasefire agreement. SLORC responded by breaching the agreement and attacking Karenni areas. Many of the ethnic resistance groups that have entered into ceasefire agreements are unhappy with the SLORC because the promised development assistance did not come about, the agreements did not transpire into any political dialogue that addresses the rights of ethnic groups, and tough restrictions continued to be imposed on the ethnic organizations. One of the conditions imposed on ethnic organizations by the SLORC is to refrain from communicating with any foreign organization. This restriction has prevented the ethnic groups from contacting the UN Secretariat and thereby hindering the effort of the UN Secretary General to assist in the process of national reconciliation and democratization. BORDER DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMS U Ohn Gyaw is taking credit for undertaking development programs at the border areas. It is a known fact that many of these border development programs never fulfill the needs of the people and are only propaganda exercises. For instance, the Bangkok Post running an article entitled: "Broken Promises," cited Wa leaders as saying schools and clinics are constructed and opened with much fanfare and propaganda. The local people however were never provided with teachers for the schools or medical staff workers for the clinics. There obviously is something wrong with SLORC's border area development programs. The number of refugees fleeing the border areas for neighboring countries is growing with time. This is because forced porterage for the military, forced labor for development of construction projects, extortion, forced relocation, abuses of women and other human rights violations are going on at the border. ECONOMY Ohn Gyaw claims a "dramatic increase" in production and in the fulfillment of basic needs of the people. He cites, among other things, an increase in rice production. The problem that faces the people today is high commodity prices, including that of rice which has jumped almost 500% as compared to 1988. SLORC's drive to earn foreign exchange through rice exports by ignoring the growing demand at home due to population growth is one of the reasons for the spiralling prices. The Burmese economy until today is a form of extracted economy where natural resources are exploited on an unlimited scale. This has led to deforestation and depletion of natural resources. Most investments that Ohn Gyaw claim to be increasing are in the form of joint ventures between the military and foreign entrepreneurs in the field of oil and gas, mining, timber extraction and tourisim. The present form of military command economy only benefits the military elite and their relatives. The majority of the people are getting poor and what Ohn Gyaw meant by narrowing the gap in living standards is that the urban poor are getting as impoverished as those in the rural areas. Economic benefits never trickle down to the people. Per capita income of people is not more than US$250 while the inflation rate, even according to official data, is about 30 percent. SOCIAL SECTOR Contrary to what Ohn Gyaw has said no discernible effort has ever been made to improve the social sector. The SLORC has only concentrated on building up the military and modernizing its weaponry. Military expenditures take up about 40 percent of the budget while health and education sectors receive about 10 percent. The situation has caused many social problems. Malnutrition rate is soaring in the country with many cases detected even in the capital, Rangoon. Yet, no effort has been made until today to correct the problem. Hospitals only have medical staff and nothing else much. Due to shortage of medical supplies, hospitalized patients are asked to bring in bandages, medicines and whatever they might need during their stay in hospitals. Children with preventable diseases are dying because of the lack of effective primary health care programs. Child and maternal mortality rates are increasing. In the education sector, drop out rate at schools from primary level up is on the rise. Young children and students cannot finish their education because they are needed to go out and work to supplement the family income. Educational standard continues to decline as experienced teachers leave the academic world because their salaries cannot cover the increasing expenses. Other alarming problems that remain neglected by the SLORC are drug addiction, AIDS, refugees, war victims and environmental destruction. DRUGS U Ohn Gyaw claims that the "Armed Forces have been mounting major offensives against drug traffickers." He however forgot to mention that opium production in Burma tripled after SLORC came to power. This comes as no surprise because the only "major offensives" that SLORC has been launching are against traffickers who do not toe SLORC line. In areas controlled by SLORC allies where the bulk of the opium is produced, opium cultivation goes on undisturbed and with blessing by the SLORC. Meanwhile, western Burma areas bordering India have become a new opium cultivation and refining area. Even though there is no significant ethnic resistance movement or known major drug traffickers, opium production and cross-border drug trafficking have become a major concern. For the SLORC, offensives against drug traffickers in the northeast are merely well calculated moves to gain international recognition and sympathy. CONCLUSION In sum, Ohn Gyaw speech shows that SLORC is hardening its stance and intends to ignore successive UN General Assembly resolutions that call for improvement of human rights situation and political settlement through substansive dialogue. His speech is a signal to the international community that it needs to continue being critical of SLORC with regard to the ongoing human rights violations and to strengthen the mandate of the UN Secretary General so that he may facilitate a political dialogue between SLORC, the democratic forces led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and the leaders of ethnic groups. Any resolution passed on Burma at the 50th UN General Assembly should also be accompanied by a time frame for the implementation of that resolution. Member countries should use all their resources and firmly cooperate with the secretary general for the full implementation of the resolution on Burma. ******************* BPF: ANALYSIS OF SLORC STATEMENT AT THE UNGA October 6, 1995 by David Arnott, Burma Peace Foundation Analysis of the Statement By His Excellency U Ohn Gyaw, Minister For Foreign Affairs and Chairman of the Delegation of the Union of Myanmar in the General Debate of the Fiftieth Session of the United Nations General Assembly, New York 3 October 1995. This Statement is remarkable mainly for what it leaves out. There is no mention whatsoever of democracy, human rights, or cooperation with the Secretary-General, all of which received copious lip-service in previous years. There is no reference to dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi or reconciliation with the non- Burman ethnic groups; no hint that the Burmese people chose civilian rulers in 1990, or that the United Nations has adopted strong resolutions on Burma over the past five years. Instead, there is repeated use of such terms as the "stability of the State", "non-disintegration of national solidarity" and the "spirit of patriotism". This year's Statement uses a totally different style from those of previous years, which have been conciliatory and defensive. It begins with an lecture on UN reform which aligns Burma with the Non-Aligned Movement and ASEAN, followed by the unapologetic presentation of a programme for a militarised, unitary State. The main elements are: * "ENSURING THE STABILITY OF THE STATE". This is to be accomplished by the Orwellian neologism of "national reconsolidation" (according to Burmese speakers the Burmese term indicates unification by force) along with a "new constitution which would be in harmony with present-day realities and reflect the aspirations of the entire nation". As an example of "national reconsolidation", U Ohn Gyaw cites the "return to the legal (sic) fold of 15 out of the 16 armed groups[1]". Apart from the 1989 deals with the Wa and Kokang, where the inducement to agree a cease-fire was tacit permission to traffic opium, the "returns" have been the result of military action and low-intensity conflict involving systematic and massive human rights violations directed against the civilian population and (in the case of the Kachin and Mon) pressure from the neighbours. The draft of the "new constitution" being worked on by the (military-organised) national convention describes a centralised unitary state in which the military would control political life. No doubt the "present-day realities" referred to are the realities of military rule, which the constitution would solemnly legitimise. The Commission on Human Rights concluded in its 1995 resolution on Myanmar that "the National Convention does not appear to constitute the necessary steps towards the restoration of democracy". Democracy is clearly not on the military's agenda. * FOREIGN INVESTMENT AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF AGRICULTURE: According to human rights organisations, the traditional village structure of Burma is breaking down as more and more land is confiscated for military farms and plantations run by slave labour. Combined with the export of rice while domestic consumers go without, the result is increasing malnutrition and high rates of child and maternal mortality (see recent UNICEF figures). In contrast with countries like Singapore, the Burmese economy is in ruins, the principal growth area of the economy and focus of international investment being resource extraction, revenues from which go to the military rather than benefiting the people as a whole. This Statement comes at a time when there is mounting evidence that the human rights situation in Burma is deteriorating. Increased incidence of killings, disappearances, torture, rape, forced labour, extortion, racism and religious intolerance by the Burmese military have been documented over the past year by human rights organisations and UN rapporteurs. (See, for instance, Amnesty International's report of 22 September 1995 "Myanmar: Conditions in prisons and labour camps" which speaks of thousands of political prisoners throughout the country who are subject to torture and forced labour.) It also comes as the United Nations and a growing number of countries are emphasising the inseparability of human rights, (including the right of popular participation) and development. According to the Working Group on "An Agenda for Development", "A vigorous civil society is indispensable to creating lasting and successful development" (para 245). Although the Foreign Minister speaks of the need for development, a vigorous civil society is not on the Burmese military's agenda. This Statement supports the view that the Burmese military believes that the neighbours and international investment will allow it to stay in power indefinitely, and that international opinion is irrelevant. Yet U Ohn Gyaw did, at the end of his Statement, renew his country's "dedication and commitment to the principles and purposes of the Charter". One of the purposes of the United Nations, as expressed in the Charter, is to promote and encourage "respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion". The forthcoming General Assembly resolution on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar should: * Be very firm in pointing out Burma's violations of its duties under the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as well as of its obligations under specific treaties to which it is a party, such as the Geneva Conventions of 1949, ILO Convention 29 on Forced Labour, and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. * Emphasise that the National Convention, designed to legitimise military rule, against to the will of the people as expressed in the 1990 elections, stands in direct opposition to the principle enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that the "will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government" (Article 21). * State that the military "reconsolidation" of the non-Burman ethnic groups into a centralised, unitary, military State does not reflect the political or development needs and aspirations of ethnic and other national groups. * Request the Secretary-General to (a) facilitate round-table negotiations between the de facto Government, the political opposition led by Aung San Suu Kyi, and genuine representatives of the non-Burman ethnic groups; (b) impose a time-frame for this process of national reconciliation and restoration of democracy; and (c) report to the General Assembly and the Commission on Human Rights on progress made. David Arnott 5 October 1995 ________________________________________________________________ [1] Since the Chin National Front, two Naga groups, two Arakanese groups, the Karen, the Karenni, the ABSDF and the Mong Tai Army are still in a state of belligerency with Rangoon, it is difficult to know where the figure of "16" armed groups comes from. And presumably among the "15" are the Karenni, who are currently fighting the Burma Army which broke the cease-fire agreement they had signed two months before. *************************** MAYKHA-L: LEPROSY IN BURMA Myanmar is number 5th rank(After India, Brazil, Bangladesh & Indonesia) in the WHO's 1995 Leprosy Estimation. Estimated cases: 50781; Registered cases: 24231 & New cases: 8303 see http://www.who.ch/programmes/lep/l3.htm ****************** HRWATCH/ASIA PRESS RELEASE ON YE HTUT FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE October 4, 1995 For Further Information Zunetta Liddell, London UK 44 -171-713-1995 Mike Jendrzejczyk, Washington DC 1- 202-371-6592 HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH/ASIA PROTESTS THE ARREST OF BURMESE STUDENT Human Rights Watch/Asia today protested the arrest of Ye Htut, a Burmese student, by military intelligence officials in Rangoon. According to a report in the government-run newspaper The New Light of Myanmar on October 4, 1995, Ye Htut was arrested on September 27, 1995 for sending 'incriminating documents' which Human Rights Watch/Asia believes were private letters addressed to Aung Zaw (aka Zaw Gyi), a member of the Burma Information Group, an activist organization based in Bangkok. "We believe that Ye Htut has been arrested solely for having sent information to friends and contacts abroad. Under international law, this cannot be characterized as criminal behavior," said Zunetta Liddell, researcher for Human Rights Watch/Asia, "This arrest, just weeks after the release of Aung San Suu Kyi, is clearly intended to intimidate Burma s citizens. It should be a signal to the international community about the need to maintain the pressure for fundamental human rights improvements, she added. Human Rights Watch/Asia is concerned that Ye Htut may be subjected to torture and ill-treatment since his arrest a week ago, that he will not be granted a fair trial, and that he could be sentenced to over ten years imprisonment under Burma's draconian laws. Human Rights Watch/Asia urged the U.N. Special Rapporteur, Prof. Yozo Yokota, who is visiting Burma later this month on behalf of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, to make urgent inquiries about Ye Htut. The New Light of Myanmar article alleged that information sent by Ye Htut had been used by Aung Zaw in articles published in opposition journals, such as The Irrawaddy, and by the independent radio station, Radio Burma. It added that Ye Htut had admitted receiving payment from Aung Zaw for his work. However, international law protects the right to freedom of expression, including the "freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers" (Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights). Since Aung San Suu Kyi s release from house arrest on July 10, 1995, there has been a noticeable softening of the position of some governments towards the SLORC. Japan, for example, is sending a mission to Burma this month to discuss Japan s bilateral aid programs and prepare for the resumption of some major Official Development Assistance (ODA) projects, suspended since 1988. In a report released on July 24, 1995 Human Rights Watch/Asia stressed the urgent need for the repeal of laws which prohibit freedom of expression, association and the rights of citizens to participate in the country's political process if there is to be any meaningful improvement in the human rights situation in Burma. Ye Htut is likely to be charged and convicted under those laws. Human Rights Watch/Asia called on the international community to press the Burmese government for the immediate release of Ye Htut and others jailed on similar grounds. Others arrested for similar offenses since 1988 include lawyer U Nay Min, who was arrested in September 1988 and sentenced to fourteen years imprisonment for having allegedly sent information to the British Broadcasting Corporation during the time of the pro- democracy demonstrations; Dr. Thida, a medical doctor and close aid of Aung San Suu Kyi who was arrested in August 1993 and sentenced to twenty years imprisonment for allegedly distributing anti- government literature in Rangoon; and U Khin Zaw Win (aka Kelvin), Daw San San Nwe, U Khin Maung Swe, U Sein Hla Oo and Myat Moe Moe Htun who were all arrested in August 1994 and given sentences of between seven and fifteen years for having given 'false information' to embassies and journalists. Khin Zaw Win was also alleged to have contacted the U.N. Special Rapporteur on his visit to Burma in 1992. ************************** BKK POST: BURMA PUTS CONVENTION DATE BACK BY ONE MONTH October 6, 1995 AFP Burma announced yesterday it was putting off the next session of a national constitutional convention for a month, to November 28, to avoid disrupting rice-pla Analysts, however, linked the delay to the annual United Nations vote on a resolution calling for an improved human rights situation in Burma. "By delaying well past the time when the resolution will be debated, the junta can rest on the laurels it won in releasing Aung San Suu Kyi," one Burma-watcher If the convention resumed as scheduled, "It would be obvious that the State Law and Order Restoration Council was not going to talk to Suu Kyi or address her c Analysts also pointed to the total solar eclipse which is to be visible across parts of Burma on October 24, the day the convention was to have resumed. Countr State-run newspapers reported yesterday that the delay would help ensure the attendance of the 700 delegates to the convention, and avoid disrupting their live October 24 falls in the midst of the planning season for a second rice crop, and just after the three-month Buddhist Lent. "The religious holidays and the plan st said flatly. Burmese Foreign Minister Ohn Gyaw, addressing the UN General Assembly on Tuesday, said his government had made great strides in getting rid of insurgents and i "I'm happy to be able to say that in Myanmar peace reigns like never before and that the momentum for positive change continues," he said. He said the country leased. "Insurgency which was born with our independence is now coming to a close," he said. "The unprecedented return to the legal fold of 15 out of the 16 armed grou es to prevent disintegration of the union, ensure the non-disintegration of national solidarity and ensure the perpetuity of our country's sovereignty," he sai He also said the Slorc has been working hard to combat drug trafficking. "Our men have sacrificed life and limb so that the world may be rid of the scourge of killed in drug-related combat since 1988. "The numbers speak for themselves," he said. Burma has been hoping to break the international consensus on a strong anti-Rangoon resolution in the General Asse But Burmese dissident Sein Win, speaking outside the assembly Wednesday, urged the international community to continue to look criticially at Burma. "The very repressive laws are still there. Other political prisoners are still there," said Sein Win, speaking on behalf of a Burmese government-in-exile. On October 3, state-run Burmese radio and television reported the arrest of a student, Ye Htut, on charges of spreading anti-government information to contacts Human Rights Watch/Asia, protesting against the arrest, said it "should be a signal to the international community about the need to maintain the pressure for The latest session of the constitutional convention was adjourned in March. No time frame was announced for it to complete its work. Observers said it had done little more than set down so-called basic principles 104 of them to be covered in the final document, while fleshing out three of th Meanwhile, two Burmese ministers left Rangoon to lead delegations on official visits to Africa and the United States, Radio Rangoon said. The station said the ster Brig-Gen Win Tin. Maung Hla led a four-member team to study the activities of the United Nations Human Rights Commission in Africa, it said, without giving specific details of c Win Tin and his six-member delegation were heading for Washington to attend the annual meeting of the International Monetary Fund, the radio added. (BP) ********************** NATION: WORLD IMPLODING ON SHAN STATE October 6, 1995 The Burmese border state is being convulsed by change and possibly destroyed by a dangerous explosion of free trade, drugs and prostitution, Andrew Nette reports. Best known until recently for its location among the opium fields of the Golden Triangle, Burma's remote Shan State is becoming one of the epi-centres of the HlV/Aids epidemic sweeping across the country. The World Health Organization estimates 400,000 people _ almost one per cent of the total population _ could be infected with the virus in Burma, on a per capita basis far surpassing Thailand and India, the two Asian countries considered worst hit by the disease. Experts say that in addition to high rates of injecting drug use and poor access to health services, Shan State is especially vulnerable to the spread of Aids due to its position at thecentre of the growing economic rivalry between Thailand and China. This has led to an explosion of cross border trade and movement, both legal and illegal, which experts say is accelerating the spread of Aids. Road building, linking Shan State to other parts of Burma and to Yunnan and Thailand, has also increased. "After years of relative isolation the world is imploding on them," commented Dr Doug Porter, a lecturer at the School of Pacific and Asian Studies at the Australian National University, in reference to the transformation taking place in the Shan State. In particular, Beijing is keen to make Burma into a land bridge between China and the Indian Ocean. Visitors to northwest Burma report that Chinese road crews are already hard at work repairing the Old Burma Road under a bilateral cooperation scheme with the Burmese government. The 1,154 kilometre road connects Lashio in Shan State to Kunming. With the opening up has come foreign media, bringing about a shift in cultural mores. " The Shan State today has a roaring sixties feel to it," said Christian Kroll, who is involved in drug and HIV prevention efforts on the Burma/Yunnan , border for the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific. "Many communities are surviving at _level basic subsistence, yet at the same time they are receiving TV from Hong Kong and Thailand," said Kroll. "It just makes them more vulnerable as they can't help but compare their own lives to what they are watching." Although the exact HlV/Aids situation is difficult to judge due to limited surveillance, there are already reports of people starting to die from the disease in rural Shan villages. Testing in Tachilek in south eastern Shan State reveals that HIV prevalence rates have increased dramatically among injecting drug users, pregnant women attending ante-natal services and male patients with sexually transmitted diseases. As well as epitomising the contemporary face of the HlV/Aids epidemic in Asia, however, Porter believes the Shan State illustrates the failure of traditional responses to the disease. "The fact that population movement is commonly associated with the spread of Aids is leading to initiatives to try and stabilize people in one place," he says. ''Whether these involve better policing of borders or schemes to generate small business to get people to stay at home, they seldom work. As he puts it, this is because anti-Aids campaign "tend to characterize these people only as victims, thus giving them no agency." "Why do young Shan women cross into Thailand as sex workers? Poverty is obviously a key reason. But they are not just escaping from things, but to things, to new places and identities. "There are a huge number of reasons why people cross borders, and along side these our responses to the disease are puny and don't take into account the diversity of people's experience," he said. Porter's views are the result of research carried out on behalf of the UN in the Shan State over 1993. Undertaken with a Burmese research team, the main objective was to identify the patterns of trade transport and population movement which would be relevant to attempts to prevent the spread of HIV in the area. Entitled Wheeling and Dealing: HIV/Aids and Development on the Shan State Borders , the study concentrated on the section of the Old Burma Road from Mandalay to Muse on the border with Yunnan, about the same distance as that between Bangkok and Chiang Mai. Released early this year, the study documents how the growth in cross-border trade and the privatization of the trucking industry in Burma have led to an increase in the number of vehicles on the road, in turn prompting a proliferation of truck stops at which commercial sex services are often provided. "The conventional approach is to provide Aids education to truck drivers and the women working at these stops," said Porter. "Our research showed that most of these people were already very aware of what Aids is, and that the money would be more usefully spent on strategies to facilitate faster movement so that drivers would not have to stop so often, like improving customs facilities at the border." A key problem faced by anti-Aids efforts in the Shan State is the nature of much of the cross border movement, which Porter describes as "a twilight world". "Traders, truckers, and women who take part in the cross border sex industry prefer to remain anonymous and avoid contact with the formal health system, because with visibility comes surveillance and the possibility of being identified as a "risk group' by the government. The study also deals with the value of local knowledge. "Travellers have amazing networks of information and are responsive to changes in a way that the formal health system cannot be." One example is the impressive intelligence and research capacity of truckers themselves and the people who control the majority of trade between Yunnan and Burma, the commercial Chinese families in Mandalay. "We don't need special researchers we need to facilitate a way of working with these people," said Porter. Although he stressed that Burmese health officials are genuinely concerned about the Aids problem, Porter said the country's present political climate makes implementing new ideas difficult. The study caused an uproar among senior government officials in Rangoon, who quickly moved to halt the project. "Officially the government doesn't like to admit to such things as the Chinese control over cross border trade. We found out too much." These sensitivities are heightened by the border's militarized nature and what he called, the fact that the study addressed illegal activity such as prostitution and drug use, and conceptions of ethnicity and the part of the central authorities to those dwelling in the border areas. "The lowland Burmans who run Rangoon government fear the Shan State. They see it as an uncertain world of crooks, prostitutes and drug runners, and this gives them a prejudiced view of what is going on." ************************************************************ THE NATION: KHUN SA BEGINS TO FEEL THE HEAT October 6, 1995 Phoney war or not, government troops are closing in on the Shan war lord, Andrew Nette writes. For thirty years Khun Sa has been the most feared and powerful of Burma's drug lords, responsible for nearly 60 per cent of the world's heroin, produced in a s he Burmese government have their way, this will not be the case for much longer. Normally, the rains that blankets the Golden Triangle from May to November are so heavy that little movement is possible. But this year, the monsoon has masked n Sa's base of Ho Mong, opposite the Thai border. Reports indicate that Khun Sa has responded by evacuating civilians from his base, and moving millions of dollars into Thai bank accounts, in preparation for w serious drive to eliminate the drug baron yet come the dry season. Others see these machinations as part of the phoney war on drugs in the Golden Triangle, which they claim has been carried out for decades. "It's a game. If they were serious they would just bomb Khun Sa and get it over with, but the reality is that Khun Sa is the best public relations device the B "They can point to their campaign against him as evidence of their efforts to crackdown on drugs," he continued. "If they didn't have him, they would have to i Throughout his career he has combined ruthlessness with a flair for publicity which once saw him try to hire Henry Kissinger to persuade the US government to b Khun Sa achieved international notoriety in 1989 when he was indicted in a New York court on drug trafficking charges. Although he does not deny that opium is he trade to fund his activities as a Shan nationalist. "I don't grow poppies. It is my people who grow them... Because they need to buy rice to eat, and clothes to wear for themselves and their families," he is quo of several public relations tracts to have appeared in bookshops throughout Thailand in recent months. He has claimed he is a scapegoat, blamed for Washington's failure to control drugs, and has accused the Burma's ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council While few observers give any credibility to Khun Sa's nationalist pretensions, most agree that given the Slorc's iron grip over the country it is inconceivable "They are definitely involved in the drug trade," said one Australian academic familiar with the situation in Burma. "This is one of the poorest nations in Asia, and it is difficult to see how the government could have acquired the army they have without access to some altern Also implicated have been businessmen and government officials across Asia, who have reportedly used profits from the drug trade to fund the construction of ne Despite labelling him the "worst enemy the world has", the American government bears much of the responsibility for Khun Sa's rise to power, a saga deeply entw e World War II. He received his first military experience fighting with the Kuomintang, anti-communist Chinese forces who during the fifties and sixties waged a guerrilla war opium trade. In the late sixties he was recruited by Rangoon's military government to head a "home guard" unit against the once powerful Communist Party of Burma. He used t Western observers say that eliminating Khun Sa is a vital part of the Burmese military regime's effort to dispel foreign perceptions of official complicity in In addition, the Burmese government is keen to access the abundant natural resources available in the area under Khun Sa's control including hydro-electricity a under his control in anticipation of Khun Sa's defeat. Rangoon appears to be using similar tactics against Khun Sa to those employed successfully against the Karen headquarters of Manerplaw earlier this year: encir Rangoon has sealed off the border with Thailand, cutting the drug lord's trade routes and preventing vital supplies of food and medicine from entering his terr The Slorc has also succeeded in exploiting ethnic differences within the Muang Tai Army between the mainly Chinese leadership and a group of younger Shan leade Rangoon has lured over a key defector, Lt-Col Gunyod who now leads an independent Shan militia of 500-1,000 men. He reportedly quit because of Khun Sa's "discr Thai and US drug enforcement agencies have cooperated in an unprecedented wave of attacks on Khun Sa's trafficking organization abroad. The biggest of these to Thailand, which led to the arrest of ten of his top lieutenants and the seizure of vital internal records and financial documents. Most seriously of all, the Slorc has enlisted the support of ethnic Wa hill tribes, who have engaged in fierce fighting with Khun Sa's forces over the last few United Nations and law enforcement officials in Bangkok claim that together these activities have succeeded in cutting the drug lord's heroin processing abilit d gem trading. But while this has led some to speculate that the drug lord's days as the undisputed ruler of the Golden Triangle may be approaching their end, others are more y to bounce back. Despite internal divisions, his organization remains the most powerful ethnic army in Burma. His private army is estimated to number 20,000 full-time fighters, Although it has received considerable media attention, the Chaing Mai source predicted that the break-away faction would not be successful due to the fact that In March the Burmese regime announced a cease fire with the Karenni_ a move considered vital to the regime's attempts to isolate Khun Sa, as Karenni state is a ************************* THE NATION: PRETENDERS TO DRUG BARON'S MANTLE MASS October 6, 1995 By Andrew Nette Whether the present assault against Khun Sa is successful or not, what is certain is that the flow of drugs from the Golden Triangle will continue. "Khun Sa is e many others who will take his place," said an informed source in Chaing Mai. Indeed, if Khun Sa's dominance does come to an end, many believe it will have less to do with the machinations of the Slorc and the US Drug Enforcement Agency, by which the narcotics business in the Golden Triangle has been conducted. In the past, hill tribe farmers grew the opium poppies, and merchants connected to Khun Sa bought the opium and refined it into heroin in laboratories on the T land to South East Asia and the West. This situation changed following the collapse of Communist Party of Burma in 1989. Throughout the seventies Beijing supplied the CPB with more aid than any oth With the warming of relations between China and Burma in the early eighties this declined, forcing the CPB into a reliance on the two cash corps available in t After the party's break-up the 15,000 strong force split along ethnic lines. Within months, the Slorc had signed peace deals with them, under which they were r hey wished, including narcotics, in return for severing any links to those forces still fighting Rangoon. This facilitated the rise of a new generation of drug lords who used the freedom to increase opium production to a record 2,500 tonnes in 1994, according to a These include Lin Mingxian, a former Red Guard who joined the CPB in the late sixties, and Lo Hsing-han, an ethnic Kokang, both of whom command ex-CPB forces n While Khun Sa continues to command his forces from a remote base in the Shan state, dealers like Lim Mingxian and Lo represent a different breed of socially mo They stay in first class luxury hotels in Rangoon, Yunnan and Singapore, play golf with Slorc generals and own real estate in throughout Asia. Lim has hosted v mese government's Constitutional Convention. In addition to establishing a host of new heroin producing laboratories within the Golden Triangle itself, they and other drug dealers have used their connecti china. Southern China is now the conduit for an estimated 50 per cent of the heroin produced in the Golden Triangle. According to sources in Kunming, the trade has fl heir way from the Burmese border in military and police vehicles. Western law enforcement officials say new routes are superceding Khun Sa's existing network, which remains largely based in Thailand and is under increasing at New drug barons are also expanding their operations within Burma. Informed observers believe that Lo has bought up much of the opium crop northern Shan state, Citing the participation of elements of the Wa State Army, in Rangoon's campaign against Khun Sa, the Chaing Mai source said: "The Wa are involved only because Law enforcement forces, meanwhile, remain at a loss as to how to combat the new traffickers. "To get to the key people you have to have an international invest of that." (TN) ********************* NATION: LETTER - A BURMESE APPEAL October 6, 1995 Just after the coup that took place in Burma on Sept 18, 1988, the Slorc (State Law & Order Restoration Council) vowed and made known worldwide that they wanted to establish democracy based on the true will of the people with participation of political parties in Burma. In addition, the then coup leader, General Saw Maung made a promise that soldiers would return to barracks after transferring power to the government by the people's representatives who were to be elected in general elections. Well, let's recall the political events that followed. General elections were held in May 1990 and the NLD (National League for Democracy) won most of the seats with overwhelming support from the people. Then, the Slorc declared that drawing up of a new constitution was a must before the transfer of power. Thus, the "National Convention" was organized with the Slorc hand-picked delegates and MPs elected by the people. Anyhow, the number of the former is much larger than than of the latter! At the sessions of the Convention, the Slorc has manipulated through the former to include such strange, sub-standard and undemocratic clauses as: Parliament must consist of not only people's representatives but also those chosen by Tatmadaw (armed forces); Tatmadaw must take a leading role in national politics; a coup can be staged by the commander-in-chief of Tatmadaw in times of national chaos disorder and danger- the head of state must be a typical citizen of Burma, not married to a foreigner. These are just a few to mention. The National Convention and a new constitution which would be adopted at the end of this year or in the following year, reflect the true colour of the Slorc: instead of transferring power back to its own people, it consolidates its present position with the aim of making Tatmadaw a sole and uncontested heir of politic power in Burma. Almost after six years of house arrest, Aung San Suu Kyi has been released because of international pressure and confidence of the Slorc in itself. Since the release, Suu Kyi has persistently requested the regime to open a dialogue in order to cooperate and coordinate efforts for a timely national reconciliation and rebuilding of the country, one of the poorest nations in the world today despite its richness in natural resources. Leading nations like, the United States, United Kingdom, France, Norway, Sweden, Germany, India, Australia and Asean have repeatedly [asked] the Slorc bluntly or diplomatically to step up a democratic process that would fulfil the wishes of the Burmese people. General Ne Win who foolishly clung to power for 26 years by using Tatmadaw as a stooge, has virtually destroyed Burma and its people in almost every sphere of life: education, health, economy, national character and so on. We, the Burmese people, have already had very painful lessons at the expense of our identity in the world today. Enough is enough. Now, it's the national duty and responsibility of every citizen of Burma not to let history repeat itself. When my friends and I were at the Defence Services Academy in Burma from 1955 to 1959, we had to study a course called "Appreciation in Military Science" in order to draw up practical strategy and tactic that would in turn guarantee victory over a potential enemy. It might seem a bit too late now but I sincerely believe there are still some workable options left. For this reason, may I take this opportunity as a last earnest request to all professional soldiers of Tatmadaw and some of my friends who still hold high positions in the Slorc to properly understand the implications of their actions on the country. There is no threat in the country and all the Burmese people ask for is genuine democracy and true national reconciliation. Khin Maung Myunt Batch 1 of the Defence Services Academy Rangoon *****************