------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------ "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ---------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News: October 14, 1995 Issue# 250 Noted in Passing: Burma has unfortunately become the frontline in a global battle between those who advocate efficient wealth making at any cost and those who advocate capitalism in an open and democratic society. - Dr. Sein Win, NCGUB Prime Minister (quoted in NCGUB: DR. SEIN WIN'S SPEECH TO TRADE UNIONS CONFERENCE) HEADLINES: ========== NANDO TIMES: SUBJECT: SUU KYI URGES MORE OVERSEAS PRESSURE NCGUB: STATEMENT TO THE INTERNATIONAL FREE TRADE UNIONS NCGUB: DR. SEIN WIN'S SPEECH TO TRADE UNIONS CONFERENCE BKK POST: RENEGADE KAREN BLOCK RIVER TO CHARGE FEES BKK POST: RANGOON RETICENT ON RED CROSS ACCESS AGREEMENT BKK POST: FIGHTING FLARES AS 300 WA JOIN KHUN SA FORCE NATION: SUU KYI EXTENDS OLIVE BRANCH AS CONVENTION DELAYED NATION: MAUNG AYE'S STAR RISES OVER BURMA NATION: LETTER - A SISTER'S APPEAL (FOR YE HTUT) NATION: LETTER - AMNESTY APPEAL ---------------------------------------------------------- Produced with the support of the Burma Information Group (B.I.G) and the Research Department of the ABSDF {MTZ} The BurmaNet News is an electronic newspaper covering Burma. Articles from newspapers, magazines, newsletters, the wire services and the Internet as well as original material are published. The BurmaNet News is e-mailed directly to subscribers and is also distributed via the soc.culture.burma and seasia-l mailing lists and is also available via the reg.burma conference on the APC networks. 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Look under the International Political Economy section, then select Geographic_Archive, then Asia, then Burma. ---------------------------------------------------------- BURMANET SUBJECT-MATTER RESOURCE LIST BurmaNet regularly receives enquiries on a number of different topics related to Burma. If you have questions on any of the following subjects, please direct email to the following volunteer coordinators, who will either answer your question or try to put you in contact with someone who can: Arakan/Rohingya/Burma- Michael W. Charney: GoMaha@aol.com Bangladesh Border Campus activism: tlandon@ewu.edu Boycott campaigns: [Pepsi] wcsbeau@superior.ccs.carleton.ca Buddhism: Buddhist Relief Mission: brelief@gol.com Chin history/culture: plilian@asc.corp.mot.com Fonts: tom@cs.colgate.edu History of Burma: zni@students.wisc.edu Kachin history/culture: 74750.1267@compuserve.com Karen history/culture: Karen Historical Society: 102113.2571@Compuserve.com Mon history/culture: [volunteer needed] Naga history/culture: Wungram Shishak: z954001@oats.farm.niu.edu Burma-India border [volunteer needed] Pali literature: "Palmleaf": c/o burmanet@igc.apc.org Shan history/culture: [volunteer needed] Shareholder activism: simon_billenness@mail.cybercom.net Tourism campaigns: bagp@gn.apc.org "Attn. S.Sutcliffe" World Wide Web: FreeBurma@POBox.com Volunteering: christin@ksc.net.th [Feel free to suggest more areas of coverage] ************************ NANDO TIMES: SUBJECT: SUU KYI URGES MORE OVERSEAS PRESSURE Oct 10, 1995 (excepts from ) MANILA - Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has called for further international pressure on the ruling military government to grant greater democratic rights to the Burmese people. In a videotaped message to a human rights conference aired in Manila on Tuesday, Suu Kyi said foreign governments and non-government organisations should pressure the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) to respect the will of the people. "There should be many, many organisations (and) non-government organisations to offset the authority of the central government," Suu Kyi said. She said the international community had a major role to play in shaping the future of the country. "I would like to thank all the international organisations which have done what they can to help us achieve what to us is not just a question of political rights, but a question of survival and social development," she said. ***************************** NCGUB: STATEMENT TO THE INTERNATIONAL FREE TRADE UNIONS October 6, 1995 ------------------------------------------------------------------ National Coalition Government Of The Union of Burma Office of the Prime Minister 815 Fifteenth, NW, Suite 910, Washington, DC 20005 Tel: (202) 393 7342 (202) 393 4312, Fax: (202) 393 7343 ------------------------------------------------------------------ The National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB) was formed with representatives elected from the National League for Democracy (NLD) and NLD affiliated parties during the free and fair elections of 1990. The military-run State Law Order and Restoration Council (SLORC), which arranged those elections, refused to honor the results and instead imprisoned and persecuted many of our elected Members of Parliament and our supporters. We were therefore forced to form the NCGUB in exile and have continued to work with many like-minded groups, such as the Federation of the Trade Unions - Burma (FTUB) and others, to fight for the restoration of democracy in our homeland. Led by our leader, Nobel Laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, we are confident that we will ultimately prevail. As leaders of a future democratic government in Burma, we are continually shocked and outraged by the rampant and widespread human and labor rights abuses against individuals from all of Burma's ethnic groups. SLORC's widespread use of forced labor on infrastructure projects and use of innocent civilians as porters of military supplies in war zones, in complete contravention of Burma's treaty commitments as a state that has ratified ILO Convention #29, has resulted in the death, injury and impoverishment of countless persons. Under the SLORC, Burma has become one of the most egregious users of forced labor in the world, leaving a stain on Burma's international reputation. As the leaders of a future democratic government in Burma, we pledge to erase that stain and fully comply with requirements of ILO Convention #29. Let me add that we greatly appreciate the hard work of the ICFTU/ITSs and the international trade union movement in exposing these abuses at the ILO and in other forums and hope it will continue. Furthermore, to give the workers of Burma the rights to which they are certainly entitled, we wish to inform you that we have made the following policy determination as the rightful government of Burma. When democracy is restored, it will be the policy of the new democratic government to move immediately to ratify and enforce the following key ILO Conventions: (1)No. 87--Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organize (2) No. 98 -- Right to Organize and Collective Bargaining Convention (3) No. 105 -- Abolition of Forced Labor Convention (4) No. 135 -- Workers Representatives Convention (5) No. 138 -- Minimum Age Convention Until democratic rule is restored, we will continue to work with the Burmese trade union movement and our friends in the international trade union movement to educate Burmese workers at home and abroad about these important conventions. We greatly appreciate the support that the democratic movement in Burma has received from the ICFTU, the ITSs and many national labor federations and we look forward to continuing to work with you towards the day when democratic rule is returned to Burma and the rights of all the workers in our country are guaranteed. ************************************ NCGUB: DR. SEIN WIN'S SPEECH TO TRADE UNIONS CONFERENCE October 10, 1995 Manila, Philippines B U R M A & T H E F U T U R E by Dr. Sein Win, Prime Minister National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma STRATEGIES FOR DEMOCRATIC TRADE UNIONS - BURMA Mr Chairman, distinguished guests, respected delegates, ladies and gentlemen. Thank you for this opportunity to address you at this very important conference. I am confident that what will be discussed here will help to lay the foundation for the kind of Burma we want in the future. The venue for this conference is very appropriate, being the home of the people's power revolution that shook the confidence of authoritarian governments everywhere. Since then the Philippines has been at the forefront of the fight for democracy in the region and in Burma. President Corazon Aquino was the only ASEAN leader to officially speak out while still in office on behalf of our leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The Philippines was also the first ASEAN nation to officially welcome the Burmese democratic move- ment when I was invited here in July 1994. For that very significant step, we have to thank President Fidel Ramos and the Philippine Democratic Socialist Party headed by Norberto Gonzales. I feel very warmly welcomed here and (with strong supporters like Senator Blas Ople present,) I look forward to the discussions we will be having. But since I am addressing labour leaders who are known more for their action than their words, I will try to keep my remarks short and to the point. First, I have to clarify that the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma which I head is a provisional government. Based on the results of the 1990 general elections, we are working on behalf of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the people of Burma to end military rule and restore democracy in Burma. When our job is done, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the people will decide what kind of future they want for Burma. Therefore, what I say today cannot be taken as the final blueprint for Burma. It is, however, a strong indication of the direction in which I and my colleagues would like to see Burma take in the future. It will be the task of organizations like the Federation of Trade Unions, Burma, to ensure that what we would like to see happen in the future actually takes place. That is another reason why I am very encouraged by this conference and the strong support from the international trade union movement. Second, I am aware that Burma has unfortunately become the frontline in a global battle between those who advocate efficient wealth making at any cost and those who advocate capitalism in an open and democratic society. On one side we have authoritarian governments who are aligned with powerful transnational economic actors who see democracy as an obstacle to profit-making. They prefer a controlled democracy where the economic actors can make profits efficiently with a minimum of fuss. In turn, the profits are shared with those in government to maintain their power and control. On the other side, we have the democratic countries and the dispossessed who believe that every individual should be able to have a say in how he wants to live and who he wants to rule over him. Given this new global conflict, we, the Burmese people, must carefully choose what we want and make sure we get it. But before I talk about the future. let us look at some recent events which have a direct bearing on our discussions. As you know, our leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was released from house arrest on 10 July. At that time many hoped that her release would be followed by a dialogue between her and SLORC which would in turn facilitate the process of national reconciliation and a peaceful transition to democracy. Three months have passed and no dialogue has been started. The special envoy of the United Nations Secretary General, Mr Alvaro de Soto, who went to Burma in August to encourage a dialogue, was ignored. Last week, speaking at the UN General Assembly, SLORC's Foreign Minister U Ohn Gyaw. did not even bother to pay lip service to democratization and national reconciliation as he has always done in the past. Instead, he spoke about SLORC's agenda for a militarized unitary state and its program of national reconsolidation. From these indicators, it is clear that the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was only a tactical move on the part of the generals. After her release earned SLORC acceptance into ASEAN and Japan re-initiated aid programs. SLORC has switched back to a hard line position. It has no intention of deviating from its plan to establish an Indonesia model of government where the military will have a central political role in Burma's future. It is not interested in reconciliation or a transition to democracy. Therefore, in our discussions, we should not hope for any short cut or quick fix solution to the problems we face in Burma. We must be prepared for a long struggle and we must be prepared to work hard to put into place all the building blocks necessary to achieve the kind of society we want. What then, is the future society we want? Let us start by looking at what is happening in Burma today. Multinational corporations are being invited to exploit Burma's resources. These include oil and gas, minerals, timber, and fish. Tourism is being promoted in a big way. Industrial Parks and Free Export Zones are on the way The export of labourers is also becoming a big business. What does all this mean for Burma? As labour leaders you are all very familiar with what it means but let me list for you some of the worse results in Burma. The generals who are also co-owners in many of the new ventures are becoming increasingly rich and powerful. Forced labour, child labour, unemployment and prostitution are on the rise. Basic commodities such as rice are becoming scarce as they are diverted for export. Farmers are becoming landless as farms are confiscated to be transformed into military agro-businesses for export. Worse still, the freehold farmer is being forced to become a slave labourer as the need for agro-business labourers increases. In other words, the number of people benefitting from the economy is becoming smaller and the gap between the haves and the have nots is becoming greater. It means that the generals are in the process of transforming Burma into an efficient profit-making machine for global entrepreneurs. If left unhindered, the generals and their economic partners could continue ruling Burma for at least the next 30 years. If this SLORC-version of a future Burma is not what we want, what can we do about it? In the past, the people of Burma have resisted military domination by taking up arms. We have been at war with each other for 47 years. The option to change the system by force which was questionable at best, is becoming increasingly unviable. SLORC has purchased from China alone almost US$2 billion worth of modern arms and it is in the process of expanding the armed forces to a full strength of half-a-million men. In 1962, 1974 and 1988, the people of Burma tried to change the system through demonstrations. These were brutally crushed. In 1990, we tried again to change the system through the ballot box. We won 82% of the parliamentary seats but the election results were ignored by the military, More recently, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has tried to change the system by offering to negotiate. to begin a dialogue with the generals. Again, they have fallen on deaf ears. What options do we have left? Although the situation looks bleak, it is not hopeless. We can still influence events. This is because, while SLORC wants to transform Burma into its own private club, it does not yet have the means to do so. In spite of the investments that seem to be pouring in, SLORC does not have enough to really make a difference. This is borne out by the most recent World Bank and Asian Development Bank Reports. We must, therefore, concentrate on certain key areas. The armed democracy forces on Burma's borders have tried to slow down SLORC's military advances but we have not been very successful. Therefore, since 1993, the NCGUB and its allies have embarked on a program to rekindle political activity inside Burma through the Democratic Voice of Burma Radio and by providing training on democratic principles and non-violent but relatively safe ways to defy the military. I believe our program in this area needs to be expanded beyond the border areas deeper into Burma. Another way it can be expanded is to include in the training, more information about trade unions and the skills required to organize one. Our program has reached the major cities in Burma and I would like to suggest that you look at how we can step up our program, in your discussions, Since 1990, my government has been concentrating on denying political legitimacy to SLORC in the international arena. We have been quite successful and this has had the effect of denying SLORC the foreign aid it needs to really transform Burma's economy. This political campaign combined with grassroots activists worldwide have also slowed down SLORC campaign to attract foreign investment and tourists. This is another major area in which I believe we will need more help. As SLORC gets desperate, it will intensify its campaign to gain legitimacy and aid. We have to be able to not only counter their efforts but to take the political initiative. We really appreciate the help labour unions have already given to my government, to the National League for Democracy in the Liberated Area and to the Federation of Trade Unions, Burma. But we are still very short of personnel and resources. I would like to request that in this meeting you seriously look at ways how you might be able to help us to continue denying SLORC the resources it needs to survive. Another important point is that if we do not want the kind of Burma SLORC has in mind, we will need a very strong trade union movement. Some educated and talented Burmese will be seduced by SLORC's authoritarian free market economy and the opportunity to become rich but the vast majority of Burmese workers who will not benefit from the system will not be co-opted. That is where our strength lies and I believe that is where we need to concentrate our attention. Here I am not only talking about trade unions on the borders or in exile. As SLORC opens up more to foreign investments, I believe we should ensure that independent trade unions are allowed to be set up. I strongly urge that some mechanism be set up not only to coordinate with us and to liaise with the business community but also to be a resource centre for Burmese workers in the new industries and services being encouraged by SLORC. Finally, in the short-term, I would like to suggest that the unions consider some type of strike action to send a signal to investors who are supporting slave labour in Burma that their actions will not be tolerated and to give notice to SLORC that releasing Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and ignoring her is not acceptable. At the very least it should officially begin a dialogue with her as a prelude to a transition to democracy. SLORC has to learn that it cannot just make deals with investors and governments and ignore its workers. Thank you once again for this opportunity and I look forward to further discussions with you. ************************** BKK POST: RENEGADE KAREN BLOCK RIVER TO CHARGE FEES October 13, 1995 Mae Hong Son Renegade Karen Buddhist soldiers have blocked the Salween River in Sob Moei District to demand fees from boat operators and passengers. Informed border sources said members of the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army are charging 20 baht from each boat and 50 baht from each passenger at the checkpoint. The sources said the DKBA a breakaway group from the Karen National Union _ resorted to demanding the fees because they were not allowed to move beyond the Thai-Burmese border by Rangoon troops. They also face a shortage of supplies. The DKBA has been assigned to protect Manerplaw camp captured from the KNU early this year. Several DKBA members became disillusioned with the Burmese and defected back to the KNU, said the sources. The KNU, one of the world's oldest rebel groups, is set to sign a ceasefire agreement with Burma's generals before taking part in a national convention, Thai military and Karen sources in Mae Sot said. The ceasefire was prepared when three delegates from Rangoon led by former minister of Karen State, Soe Myint, and KNU leaders including president Gen Bo Mya met on the Thai border on Monday, a Thai army source said. "The KNU leaders are set to sign the ceasefire agreement with the State Law and Order Restoration Council representative in Pa-an (the Karen State capital) later this month or early November at the latest," a senior KNU source said. After the ceasefire agreement the KNU will discuss how it will take part in the SLORC-organised national convention due to resume meeting on November 28 to draw up the guidelines of a new constitution. Sixteen armed rebel organisations have reached ceasefire agreements with the SLORC. In Rangoon, Burma's army chief-of-staff has reiterated military plans to continue to play a role in the country's political life, official newspapers reported yesterday. Lt-Gen Tin Oo, second secretary of the State Law and Order Restoration Council, made the remarks at a preparatory meeting where "objectives" for the next Armed Forces Day celebrations were being laid down. One objective spelled out by Tin Oo was for the military to modernise so that it would be more effective in protecting the "new emerging nation." "Another objective is to unswervingly accomplish the aim of the military to be able to participate in the leadership of the future state," Tin Oo was quoted as saying. He said the military had overcome both external and internal machinations and had managed to bring about "national consolidation" with 15 former anti-government ethnic rebel groups. "The military will not let the result achieved be lost," he declared. He repeated allegations that "certain big nations" were meddling in Burma's internal affairs, saying: "These nations employ all available means and resort to guile and wiles ... On the pretext of human rights." In another development, Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, SLORC first secretary, has called for an elaborate ceremony to commemorate the United Nations' 50th anniversary. Burma has regularly observed UN Day on October 24 but plans to do it "on a grand scale" this year in order to "significantly express the country's fine tradition of active cooperation with the organisation," official newspapers quoted Khin Nyunt as saying. UN rapporteur Yozo Yokota is currently in Burma to collect facts for an annual human rights report on the country. On October 10, he met Nobel peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. Yokota concludes his fact-finding mission on October 17. Meanwhile, diplomats said that by retaking the helm of the party she helped found seven years ago, Suu Kyi has given the generals notice they will have to deal with her eventually. Suu Kyi has been reappointed secretary-general of the National League for Democracy. "It's provocative, it raises the political temperature," one Rangoon-based diplomat said of the move. Though she has been de facto leader the party stripped her of the post of secretary-general in March 1991 after it came under intense pressure from the military. She was expelled from the party altogether that December. After she and other leaders lost their posts, the SLORC passed an edict banning changes to party central executive committees. "The appointments are against the spirit of the SLORC's instructions but it remains to be seen what they will do," the diplomat said. "The NLD is legally allowed to' make the changes but they have to be approved by the election commissions and they are unlikely to look very kindly on it," another diplomat said. "It's a .clever move. I think the SLORC is not going to recognise her as NLD secretary-general but it remains to be seen how they ignore that," he said. The diplomats said that by retaking the leadership, Suu Kyi had dispelled any doubts about the party's unity and any ambiguity about the loyalty of NLD members. "The main purpose is to put the Government on notice that even if it chooses to ignore her calls for dialogue it will have to deal with her, at least indirectly, in the national convention," one of the diplomats said. "They're aware of the importance of showing themselves as a unit, they needed to formalise the leadership structure,' another diplomat said. "Now she's not just an ordinary citizen among 45 million people. Now she's the secretary-general of the largest political party in the country." _ Bangkok Post/Agencies ***************************************************************** BKK POST: RANGOON RETICENT ON RED CROSS ACCESS AGREEMENT October 13, 1995 BURMA has remained silent on the signing of a memorandum of understanding with the International Committee of the Red Cross to allow the latter free access to political prisoners, a Bangkok-based ICRC senior official said yesterday. "The regional delegation in Delhi which is responsible for Burma is ready and waiting to enter into discussions anytime there are new developments. But the situation is still the same," said the acting head of the ICRC Regional Delegation Eric Aellen. The ICRC decided to close its Rangoon office in July after failing to persuade the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council to sign the MoU. The draft was originally presented in June 1994 and stipulates that Burma agrees to allow the ICRC free access to prisoners. The MoU contains principles and procedures under the UN International Humanitarian 1949 Geneva Convention which Burma acceded to in August 1992. The ICRC plays a role in trying to make the countries it operates in adhere to the principles of the convention. "The memorandum of understanding is the legal aspect of the whole agreement. Without the signing of the MoU, nothing can happen," he said. Mr Aellen responded to a report that the Burmese government had made visits conditional on a companion from the government side being present. He said: "This is not possible because our criteria for prison visits is that we like to see prisoners of our choice and without the press or somebody else being present during the interview. " He said despite the closure of the Rangoon office, the ICRC delegation in Delhi has been keeping in regular contact with the Burmese authorities. But until now there has been no further developments. There is still one local ICRC liaison officer who is continuing to look after the orthopedics projects in Rangoon through cooperating with the Myanmar Red Cross. Meanwhile, Foreign Ministry Deputy Permanent Secretary Saroj Chavanaviraj on behalf of the Thai government yesterday donated $30,000 in humanitarian aid via the ICRC to the government of Bosnia-Herzegovina, as requested by the latter. The donation will be used for the hospital in the Bosnian city of Bihac to stockpile food and bring in essentials like medical equipment as well as for field operations. ***************************************************************** BKK POST: FIGHTING FLARES AS 300 WA JOIN KHUN SA FORCE October 13, 1995 Mae-ai, Chiang Mai THE defection of 300 fighters from the Rangoon-backed United Wa State Army to Khun Sa's camp sparked intense fighting yesterday. Col Khun Duen, the Mong Tai Army spokesman, said the Wa defectors were led by Mar La. "They decided to defect while engaged in an offensive against our forces," he said. "They sent representatives to say they wanted to join us." A Thai source reported fierce fighting between Wa and MTA forces near this border district. "Fighting erupted after the rains held off since last Monday," he said. "There have been reports of heavy troop deployments in the area by both sides over the past few weeks." Elements of the Naresuan Task Force have been sent to the Ban Pang Tong Duea and Pang Ton Koh areas near Doi Lang to prevent any incursions. ***************************************************************** NATION: SUU KYI EXTENDS OLIVE BRANCH AS CONVENTION DELAYED ONCE AGAIN October 13, 1995 by Aung Zaw On Oct 5, 1995, the State Law and Order restoration Council (Slorc) announced it was postponing the national convention, which was supposed to have resumed in the last week of the month. The state-owned media said the delay would help ensure the attendance of the convention's 700 delegates and that this would prevent any disruption in their livelihood and observance of religious holiday. A Burmese ambassador in Europe told the BBC World Service that representatives of farmers associations had proposed the delay so as not to disturb the planting season for a second rice crop. Some Burmese residents said the reason had more to do with the total solar eclipse, which will be visible in several parts of Burma on Oct 24, the day when the national convention was supposed to resume. Many Asian countries, including Burma, generally consider the eclipse to be inauspicious. Burmese and regional analysts, however, suggested that the timing may have more to do with the coming annual UN resolution on Burma. Burmese dissidents speculated that this year's resolution would be more strongly-worded than previous ones. The UN special human rights investigator is currently in Rangoon and is expected to meet with top Slorc leaders and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Further, they noted the recent changes at the leading opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD). Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi resumed her position last week as general secretary of the party two months after being released from six years of house arrest. Leading dissidents Kyi Maung and Tin Oo were appointed vice chairmen. Associated Press reported that the list of central executive committee members was then submitted to the government's election committee. The latest moves at the NLD prompt the question as to whether Slorc will accept the leadership changes. Up until now, current NLD chairman U Aung Shwe, a former army officer, has attended the conference. During the time she was under house arrest, Suu Kyi criticized the convention, saying it was just a sham but sources said the NLD was now divided on the merits of the convention. "While one group has no faith in this process, another group is willing to give it a try," said one Burmese close to the NLD. As things stand at the moment, Suu Kyi cannot become a head of state since the Slorc-run convention guarantees that the armed forces will play a "leading role" in politics. It has also introduced measures that would effectively bar Suu Kyi from ever becoming Burma's prime minister or president because of her marriage to a foreigner and her life overseas. Extending the olive branch On Oct 4, Suu Kyi went to Karen state and met a famous Sayadaw, U Wi-Naya, who is better known as Thama-nya Sayadaw because he lives near Thama-nya mountain. The monk, who is revered by top government officials and the opposition, came to Mae Sot a few months ago and hundreds of Burmese went to see him. Sources in Karen state say the monk supports Suu Kyi and would like to see reconciliation between the two sides. But villagers near Thama-nya said the monk welcomes everyone whether they are from the military, opposition or Karen rebels who are active in areas close to his monastery. Sources in Rangoon said Suu Kyi's trip was not solely due to religious reasons. Some even speculated she met some high-ranking military officials at the Thamanya mountain in preparation for a future dialogue. Soon after she came back from visiting the monk on Sunday Suu Kyi held a religious ceremony to mark Buddhist Lent day. Among the guests invited by Suu Kyi, were former strongman Gen Ne Win, 84, and current military leaders, although they failed to show up. Student sources in Rangoon said the military informed them that it was "too early" to attend such a ceremony. "We created a peaceful atmosphere so that if they want the can come and sit and talk," said one student. "If they truly believe in national reconciliation they will have to come one day. Among the guests at the party was Bohme Aung, one of the famed Thirty Comrades and a close friend of independence hero Aung San. It was also revealed that Suu Kyi recently went to pay respects to a former politician who was close to her father, Gen Aung San, the founder of the Burmese Army. The former politician- suggested that she see Ne Win and pay her respects. Many still believe that one of the reasons why Suu Kyi was arrested was because she vehemently attacked and criticized Gen Ne Win, officially retired in July 1988. "This is the Burmese way to pay respect," said a Burmese in Rangoon. He said people outside Burma should not expect a formal dialogue between Suu Kyi and current military leaders. But he quickly added that at a religious ceremony or reception, the two sides can meet and talk informally. "Then if the two think they can go a step further, they should begin proper political dialogue," he said. Rangoon residents also speculated that Suu Kyi made an appointment with Ne Win, widely believed to still wield the power behind the throne. If it is so, the question is will Gen Ne Win forgive and reconcile with Suu Kyi, the daughter of Gen Aung San who happened to be one of his former colleagues. ***************************************************************** NATION: MAUNG AYE'S STAR RISES OVER BURMA October 13, 1995 by Aung Zaw As generals line up to succeed Than Shwe, speculation is focusing on the No. 2 spot in Slorc. Aung Zaw writes. Lt Gen Khin Nyunt, secretary No.1 of the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council has long been considered Burma's most powerful military officer. After a meeting with him last year, US Congressman Bill Richardson declared, "I think the future of Burma will be determined by two people: Khin Nyunt and [opposition leader] Aung San Suu Kyi." More recently, however, there has been a growing belief among Burma watchers that the military chief, often portrayed as former strongman Ne Win's protégé, is losing his grip on power. His rivals, including senior army officers, are said to be gaining more control through the build-up of personal power bases. Khin Nyunt, they argue, is lagging far behind. Asiaweek magazine reported in a recent issue that "a military shake-up over the past months, indicates the influence of Lt Gen Khin Nyunt is crumbling. The much-feared intelligence chief and military junta member is said to have opposed the granting of freedom to Suu Kyi. Now, four of his key supporters, including the heads of the air force and the navy, have lost their posts." The magazine quoted unnamed sources attributing the changes to Gen Maung Aye, "a well-respected and professional soldier". "The generals' new, less-hard-line view has made a political settlement between the army, activists and ethnic rebels a more realistic proposition," the magazine said. While reports about maneuverings within the close-ranked Tatmadaw are often highly speculative one thing is definite _ Slorc chairman Senior Gen Than Shwe is due to retire in the near future. Some Rangoon residents have suggested as soon as the end of this year. His deputy, vice chairman of Slorc and Defence Service deputy commander Gen Maung Aye, is expected to take over. The question, however, is who will become vice-chairman of Slorc? Will it be Lt Gen Khin Nyunt or Lt Gen Tin Oo, Secretary Two of Slorc, chief of staff and Special Operations No I commander. It is widely believed that the two do not see eye to eye. In contrast to Asiaweek's report, a Thailand-based military analyst said Lt Gen Khin Nyunt's position was secure. "Only a general who is from the light infantry would be given the top position," he said. "The military leaders always consider seniority," he added. He declined to speculate on who would be given the position of vice chairman, but he said Lt Gen Kyaw Ba, Lt Gen Htun Kyi, Lt Gen Myint Aung, who were believed to be Khin Nyunt's rivals, were out of the running as they are already SLORC ministers. The analyst, however, said it could not be assumed that Khin Nyunt will take over the position of Slorc chairman and army commander in chief. He noted that Burma's previous intelligence chiefs had never been given this position. But he cautioned that Slorc has survived primarily because of military intelligence. Khin Nyunt, therefore, is valuable to Slorc. He recalled the time when Slorc chairman Gen Saw Maung was unexpectedly retired in 1992. For more than a year the positions of vice-chairman and army commander were left vacant until Maung Aye took over. "This could be repeated," he said. The military analyst, who is a retired army officer, said other army officers promoted in the recent reshuffle should not be underestimated. In June, the ruling junta undertook a major reshuffle within the military and government, with some regional commanders being given ministerial positions. Brig Gen Khin Maung Than, who was recently appointed Rangoon division commander, Adjutant Gen Maj Gen Win Myint, Maj Gen Ket Sein (Southeast command head), and Brig-Gen Sein Htwar (inspector general) are all candidates for army commander and higher positions, he said. He added that a regional commander might be promoted to Slorc vice chairman. Maung Aye, who was the Eastern regional commander before his special promotion, is from the Defence Services Academy's Batch 1. Nevertheless, if Slorc chooses either Tin Oo or Khin Nyunt, seniority will play an important part in the decision. There is also the matter of who commands more respect in the Tatmadaw. Recent reports from Burma indicate that Maung Aye has been going around several regions and conducting inspections of many government projects. He has also been reported to have received diplomats and state officials. All these have been interpreted as part of preparations for him to assume the top post. Secretary Two Tin Oo has also been seen as having accompanied him most of the time. A former associate of Maung Aye, now based in Thailand, recalls: "During our school days at DSA [Defence Services Academy], he [Gen Maung Aye] was not an outstanding student. He was quiet and not ambitious." In another recent event being taken as a sign of his growing influence, Maung Aye issued a warning to soldiers and the public last week saying that letters urging soldiers to join democracy forces are being sent to army officers. He said the letter campaign is part of the Burmese communist party's methods. He stressed that some destructive elements in the country wanted to create chaos and disturbances in order to have a repetition of the 1988 event. A diplomat in Rangoon commented that based on the tone of Maung Aye's speech, it indicated that the letter campaign has succeeded. Sources said activists and underground student groups have been writing letters to army officers to join the democratic forces. "They [military] have very different views on Suu Kyi," he noted. Should Khin Nyunt, now 54, be given the position of vice-chairman, it will clearly indicate that he will have a chance of becoming Slorc head in the future. If that happens, then Richardson's prediction will have been fulfilled. Still, there are some obstacles. It has been suggested that Gen Ne Win does not control Slorc anymore and that Khin Nyunt's links with the former national leader will count against him. More importantly, Khin Nyunt lacks support from the army. Some Slorc watchers said Khin Nyunt cannot become the army commander because his power base is limited to the intelligence services. ***************************************************************** NATION: LETTER - A SISTER'S APPEAL (FOR YE HTUT) October 13, 1995 I am writing to you concerning the arrest of my brother, Ye Htut of Rangoon, by Burma's Slorc, or "Na Wa Ta". It is true that there has been some correspondence every two or three months between us since I fled Burma in September 1988 after Gen Saw Maung's coup. I value very much the letters from my family, relatives and loved ones. At my insistence, my brother sent me copies of monthly Burmese magazines such as Ma Hay Thi, Si Pwar Ye, Dana, Ah Pyo Ma and other publications in Burma screened by the Press Scrutiny Board (Sar Pe Si Sit Ye), an agency manned by Military Intelligence officers. Ma Hay Thi is published by an ex-Burmese army major turned publisher and is purely non-political. Si Pwar Ye and Dana are business magazines published by pro-military lackeys, who took advantage of their closeness with the junta by indirectly supporting the forced development of Burma that has only served to line the pockets of those in power. Ah Pyo Ma (Belle) is basically a women's magazine. Our letters focus only on family matters and we never discuss the situation in Rangoon. They don't have to _ the BBC and the Internet do it for me. Two years ago while I was still with the Burma Information Group (BIG), I asked Ye Htut to enclose some clippings from Burma's only newspapers,-namely, the New Light of Myanmar and the Mirror. To make it legal, I asked him to use the government postal service. BIG had been trying to subscribe to the New Light of Myanmar, but they never received any reply. What Ye Htut has been doing is legal under Slorc's laws. I heard that my brother was forced to confess his guilt. How can sending letters to a sister be considered a crime? I have encountered nightmares that Slorc soldiers are torturing my brother. All I can say is that here in Canada, half a world away from home, I feel that I am still persecuted by Slorc. Win Win Htay Ottawa, Canada *************************** NATION: LETTER - AMNESTY APPEAL October 13, 1995 While we welcome the release of over 2,000 political prisoners in Burma since April 1992 and the recent release of 1991 Nobel peace prize winner Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, we are appealing on behalf of Hlaing Moe Than, a student who was arrested in December 1991. He was one of about 900 students arrested during or after demonstrations at Rangoon and Mandalay universities when they were calling for the release of all political prisoners detained in Burma. He was sentenced to 15 years' imprisonment in 1992 and was detained in the Thi Thant section of Insein prison. In January 1993, the sentences of those serving more than 10 years were reduced to 10 years. On June 24, 1994, Hlaing Moe Than was one of 30 political prisoners moved to either Myingyan prison in Magway division or Taugoo prison in Bago division. Amnesty International is concerned that he may be a prisoner of conscience, solely imprisoned because of his non-violent political beliefs. We urge his immediate and unconditional release. G Voorham The Netherlands ***************************