------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------ "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ---------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News: October 30, 1995 Issue #266 Noted in Passing: It needs to be realised that SLORC will not enter into a dialogue (with Aung San Suu Kyi) unless the cost of not doing so increases significantly. How can we increase the cost for SLORC of not entering into such dialogue? Obviously, economic sanctions. - Dr. Thaung Htun, Central Executive Committe Member of ABSDF. (quoted in: NCGUB: DR THAUNG HTUN'S SPEECH IN NEW YORK) HEADLINES: ========== INDEPENDENT REPORT: PARTICULARS OF THE MON CEASEFIRE NCGUB: DR THAUNG HTUN'S SPEECH IN NEW YORK WEST BURMA GROUPS: COMBINED DECLARATION ABSDF-DNA:DECLARATION OF THE ABSDF'S FOURTH CONFERENCE NATION: EX-SOLDIER COINS MONEY WITH A TOURISM VENTURE INDIAN EXPRESS: MIZORAM JOINS INVESTMENT DRIVE ************************************** Produced with the support of the Burma Information Group (B.I.G) and the Research Department of the ABSDF {MTZ} The BurmaNet News is an electronic newspaper covering Burma. Articles from newspapers, magazines, newsletters, the wire services and the Internet as well as original material are published. The BurmaNet News is e-mailed directly to subscribers and is also distributed via the soc.culture.burma and seasia-l mailing lists and is also available via the reg.burma conference on the APC networks. 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Look under the International Political Economy section, then select Geographic Archive, then Asia, then Burma. ---------------------------------------------------------- BURMANET SUBJECT-MATTER RESOURCE LIST BurmaNet regularly receives enquiries on a number of different topics related to Burma. If you have questions on any of the following subjects, please direct email to the following volunteer coordinators, who will either answer your question or try to put you in contact with someone who can: Arakan/Rohingya/Burma volunteer needed Bangladesh Border Campus activism: zni@students.wisc.edu Boycott campaigns: [Pepsi] wcsbeau@superior.ccs.carleton.ca Buddhism: Buddhist Relief Mission: brelief@gol.com Chin history/culture: plilian@asc.corp.mot.com Fonts: tom@cs.colgate.edu History of Burma: zni@students.wisc.edu Kachin history/culture: 74750.1267@compuserve.com Karen history/culture: Karen Historical Society: 102113.2571@Compuserve.com Mon history/culture: [volunteer needed] Naga history/culture: Wungram Shishak: z954001@oats.farm.niu.edu Burma-India border [volunteer needed] Pali literature: "Palmleaf": c/o burmanet@igc.apc.org Shan history/culture: [volunteer needed] Shareholder activism: simon_billenness@mail.cybercom.net Tourism campaigns: bagp@gn.apc.org "Attn. S.Sutcliffe" World Wide Web: FreeBurma@POBox.com Volunteering: christin@ksc.net.th [Feel free to suggest more areas of coverage] ************************ INDEPENDENT REPORT: PARTICULARS OF THE MON CEASEFIRE AGREEMENT October 31, 1995 by Christina Fink This report is based on information provided by Nai Shwe Kyin, the President of the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and other Mon representatives in Thailand. Nai Shwe Kyin spent 2 months in Burma meeting with the SLORC, discussing the ceasefire agreement, and touring the Mon State. Provisions of the Ceasefire Agreement: The NMSP will be permitted to do business by itself as well as to participate in joint ventures with the SLORC or with foreign companies. A Mon holding company has been established and registered by the SLORC, and the SLORC has stated that all business should be organized through this company. The name is Rehmonnya International. Certain businesses will be given a preferential tax rate. Note: Nai Shwe Kyin reported that the SLORC ministers asked him to do business with Malaysia and Singapore, but to try to avoid doing business with Thailand. In particular, the Mon should not sell logs or seafood to the Thais. He has already received offers from several companies in Thailand, Malaysia, and Singapore interested in establishing joint ventures. Nai Shwe Kyin and a few other members of the Central Executive Committee of the NMSP have been given Burmese passports, but these are only good for three countries: Thailand, Malaysia, and Singapore. The Mon will be allowed to continue running their schools and clinics, but they will not receive any support for this from the SLORC. If the Mon cannot support their teachers, the SLORC will send it its own teachers, who will be paid to teach the SLORC curriculum. The Mon can also send their teachers to be trained in the SLORC curriculum, and these teachers will be paid if they return and teach the SLORC curriculum. The NMSP cannot collect any taxes from the Mon people. Only the SLORC has the right to collect taxes in the Mon State. The SLORC will provide the NMSP with the equivalent of 400,000 baht per month for food for the NMSP. (Note: this is not enough to cover all of the NMSP, let alone the teachers.) The NMSP cannot contact any foreign organizations or receive any cross- border assistance from Non Governmental Organizations. They can only work with NGOs which come through Rangoon and are SLORC-approved. NMSP soldiers can remain in 12 small, designated areas. Whenever they go out of these areas, they cannot carry their weapons. 17 Economic Enterprises were proposed by the New Mon State Party and approved by the SLORC. They are as follows: 1. To extract felled logs and sell them - to any country except Thailand. (These logs were cut by Thai companies, but the SLORC revoked the Thais' permits, and the companies had to leave the logs where they were felled.) 2. Sea fishing 3. Give rights for 4 boats carrying contraband goods from Singapore and Malaysia to bring their supplies into Burmese ports each month. 4. Inland transport business - car, truck, and rail transport of goods and passengers, including the transport of salt from Mon State to Northern Burma (especially Mandalay) 5. Cut old rubber trees, and make them into furniture to be sold 6. Construction contracts - for bridges, roads, and buildings 7. Sun-dried salt industry 8. Gold mining: there is gold in the upper reaches of the Sattaing River 9. Marble mine - 10 miles east of Moulmein 10. Ice factory - used to be run by Thais on an island in the Andaman Sea, but now the Thais have been forced to leave, so the Mon can take it over 11.Animal feed products - given access to more than 1000 acres of land near Rangoon for grass growing to sell to Korea and Japan. 12. Fish products to feed pigs/ducks 13. Prawn breeding 14. Soft drink factories 15. Gas/diesel suppliers for trawlers and motorcars in Mon State 16. Tourist business 17. Grow rubber and cashew nut trees Conclusion: Nai Shwe Kyin is quite optimistic about the potential of Mon businesses and feels that the Mon State will develop very rapidly. Some projects will take longer than others, however, so the benefits may not be immediate. Nai Shwe Kyin and the other members of the NMSP were pleased with the deferential treatment they received from the SLORC. After meeting the SLORC, they were able to travel through every district in Mon State to meet with the Mon people. Thousands of villagers turned out to meet Nai Shwe Kyin at each place he stopped, and he gave speeches to the villagers in the local temples, and then allowed them to ask questions. In the rural areas, most of the questions had to do with taxes: some asked if the SLORC would stop collecting porter fees now that there was a ceasefire. Others asked if their tax rate would go down now. One person even asked if it would be possible to get a rebate on some of the taxes previously paid to the SLORC. In the towns, many of the questions had to do with education. Education in the Mon language is a topic of critical concern to a large number of Mon. While Nai Shwe Kyin himself is very excited about the future of the Mon State, others are taking a more skeptical view of the ceasefire settlement. Many Mon suggested that there is a great danger that the NMSP will become too wrapped up in making money, and the Mon people will feel that the NMSP does not have their interests at heart. In addition, it will be very difficult for the NMSP to support their schools since they are not allowed to collect any taxes or receive cross-border assistance. How long the SLORC will provide financial support for rice for the NMSP is also unclear. Moreover, whether the 17 projects will turn out to be financially viable or not remains to be seen. The SLORC has tried to isolate the NMSP by telling them that there is no need for tri-partite negotiations. Khin Nyunt stood up after Nai Shwe Kyin's speech in Rangoon and said "we don't want any third party", there is no need to talk to the pro-democracy groups. If the NMSP goes along with the SLORC's demand to not do business with the Thais, relations between the Mon and the Thais may become more strained as well. The ceasefire agreement has left many issues unresolved. Where the refugees will be sent back to has not yet been decided, and most do not trust the SLORC. The SLORC has not promised to stop using forced labor in the Mon State, and there is no guarantee that human rights abuses will end. The SLORC has also insisted that the Mons' political grievances cannot be resolved by the SLORC as the SLORC is only a temporary caretaker government. How long the ceasefire lasts, and, most importantly, whether conditions for the people improve in Mon State, remains to be seen. ******************************** NCGUB: DR THAUNG HTUN'S SPEECH IN NEW YORK October 27, 1995 posted by the NCGUB INTERNATIONAL STUDENTS ACTION DAY ON BURMA, ROUND TABLE MEETING, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY Presentation made by Dr. Thaung Htun, Central Executive Committe Member of the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF) Dear Friends, It is a great pleasure for me to talk to you about the situation in Burma and why US investments should be withdrawn on this day of International Students Action for Burma. I am so encouraged to know that more than 50 Universities around the United States have organized similar meetings on this day. It is the university campus activism that led to US Economic Sanction against the apartheid regime in South Africa. It is the economic sanction that led to the apartheid regime having dialogue with Nelson Mandela. Today South African people can enjoy peace and freedom in a non-racial, democratic society. It is a victory for international solidarity. It is the victory of human beings that admire peace and freedom. Today, the US Administration's policy on Burma is, as yet, not clear cut. Regarding investment, the Administration said it would not encourage or discourage investment. In reality, the commerce section of the US Embassy in Rangoon has been providing information to US businessmen in regard to the business potential in Burma and US investment has been increasing. This is propping up the Burmese military regime. The US has consistently been among Burma's SLORC regime's top five foreign investors during the last few years. The activity we are undertaking today is the starting point and I believe that it will create the momentum capable of changing the present US policy on Burma. Why should we impose sanctions on Burma ? Let me explain to you the situation in Burma briefly. After the Nobel Peace Laureate and leader of the democracy movement, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, was released from house arrest, the international community looked at the situation with the hope that it might lead to democratic change. As soon as she was released, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi called for dialogue to resolve the political and economic crises in Burma. However, the regime has yet to respond to her offer. We were very disappointed to hear last Tuesday that SLORC's Election Commission has declared illegal the reinstatement of Daw San Suu Kyi as the Secretary-General and U Tin Oo and U Kyi Maung as Vice-Chairmen of the NLD. It is an obvious attempt by the SLORC to interfere with the internal affairs of the NLD and we cannot accept it. It is the first signal of a confrontational stance chosen by the SLORC in response to the offer of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for national reconciliation. When we look at the human rights situation, we can see that it is actually getting worse. There are still one thousand political prisoners including 16 elected MPs. Political prisoners are subjected to various forms of torture such as beating, electric shock, half drowning, solitary confinement, sleep deprivation and other forms of inhumane and degrading punishment. Prison conditions are terrible. Prison cells are crowded and enough food and medical care are not provided. The recent report of Amnesty International exposed cases of death in prisons because of torture, disease and malnutrition. In order to cover up the atrocities SLORC denied access to the International Committee of Red Cross (ICRC). Finally, ICRC decided to close its office in Burma in stating that they could not work with the SLORC. The worst abuse is the establishment of Labor Camps where prisoners are forced to work on the construction of roads, railway lines and bridges. Hundreds of prisoners are dying because of exhaustion, accidents on work sites, malnutrition and diseases such as malaria and dysentery. At this point, I would like to make a request to you. Min Ko Naing, Chairman of the All Burma Federation of Students' Union (ABSFU), outlawed by the regime after the coup in 1988, was arrested in 1989 and sentenced to 20 years imprisonment for his non-violent political activities. According to the information of UN Human Rights Special Rapporteur, Yozo Yokota, he is in bad psychological condition because of torture and long solitary confinement. He should not be forgotten. We request that you launch a campaign urgently for the release of Min Ko Naing. Fundamental freedom of people such as freedom of expression, freedom of association and freedom of assembly are severely restricted by unjust laws and orders. SLORC's order 2/88 that prohibits the gathering of more than 5 persons still exists. Seven students including three female students were arrested and sentenced for seven years imprisonment just because of singing a popular democratic song Ka-ba-ma-kyae-bu ('the world won't not forgive') at the funeral procession of U Nu, first Prime Minister of Independent Burma on February, 20. That is just one example of the regime's intolerance to any kind of dissent and it's readiness to crush by any means. All media, television, and newspapers are totally controlled by SLORC. Today, Burmese people have to rely on foreign radio services such as Voice of America (VOA), British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) and Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), which is run by the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma from Oslo (Norway), for uncensored news. After 1988, the military expanded its intelligence apparatus to ensure thorough monitoring of the political situation and any political activities. Criticism of the SLORC or Tatmadaw (Burmese Army) is regarded as a crime and leads to harsh punishment. In such conditions, 44 million people of Burma have to live. They live in a constant state of terror. Intellectuals and students are mostly suppressed and restrictions are imposed on academic freedom. Whenever a political movement led by students arises in university campuses, the military responds with brute force, killing, arresting, torturing and closing down universities for unlimited periods. After the 1988 massacre, thousands of students and intellectuals ended up in prisons or in exile. Thousands of students were dismissed from their institutes of learning while thousands of teaching staff were dismissed from their jobs for their involvement in the democracy movement. When universities were reopened in 1991, teachers and professors were made to wear military uniforms and to take refresher courses. SLORC policies, security measures and surveillance methods to control possible student activities, were taught to the teachers. Universities in Burma today resemble concentration camps with military informers watching day to day activities. Students' unions and educational workers' unions which re-emerged on the eve of the pro-democracy movement in the summer of 1988 have been outlawed since the military coup of that same year. Since 1988, there has been an exodus of qualified teachers, and the educational standard in universities has declined noticeably. The situation has been made worse by the establishment of new regional colleges and the introduction of a "long-distance learning system" for higher education designed to avoid the concentration of students in major cities. The departure for foreign countries of other professionals, such as doctors, engineers and economists is also depleting human resources. Restrictions on the freedom of academic expression; freedom of association of professional organizations; and the lack of research facilities and seminars, exchange programs, further studies, and free access to information on advanced technology have also hindered the emergence of a new generation of intellectuals. Another cause of human rights violations is the regime's discrimination against ethnic minorities. SLORC is pursuing a policy of armed confrontation against ethnic minorities. In the course of the military campaign against ethnic resistance groups demanding equality and autonomy within the Federal Union, the Tatmadaw commits various forms of human rights violations. Arbitrary arrests, summary executions, torture, rape, forced porterage for the military and forced reallocations. These violations are well known to and recorded by Human Rights Watch and UN Human Rights Special Rapporteur. In order to resolve the present political and economic crises in Burma, we believe that the best means is substantive political dialogue between democratic forces, led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, ethic leaders and SLORC. This is where the role of the international community becomes critical if it is serious about bringing about genuine changes and improvements in Burma. It needs to be realised that SLORC will not enter into a dialogue unless the cost of not doing so increases significantly. How can we increase the cost for SLORC of not e ntering into such dialogue? Obviously, economic sanctions. Whenever we raise the issue of economic sanctions, the counter argument from some political circles is that unilateral sanctions by the United States won't work without cooperation from other countries. I would like to say that this idea is wrong. Why ? US investment in Burma is a substantial amount. US Oil Company, UNOCAL, invested in a natural gas pipe line project which is the SLORC's largest current and potential income generating scheme. Other US Oil & Gas Companies, TEXACO and ARCO, are also huge investors, having paid millions of dollars to the SLORC. The SLORC has great hopes for investment projects and "Visit Myanmar Year 1996", however, little has come of it. SLORC remains deeply in debt with low currency reserves and high inflation. They are, however, convinced that they will get a steady income, US, $400 million a year, if the gas pipeline is finished in 1998 as scheduled. US sanctions would end these investments and it would probably not be worthwhile for other oil companies such as France's Total, Britain's Premier and Japan's Nippon Oil to continue their Burmese oil & gas investment without US companies. Hence, US unilateral sanctions would be an effective tool that can have an impact on the SLORC. The other argument used by many who oppose sanctions is that "sanctions might hurt the general public". In the case of Burma, it is wrong. Income from US investment (Oil & Gas companies) usually goes directly to the SLORC or to various cronies of the military regime for example; Pepsico and Garment Manufacturing. As foreign investment increases the military elite and their cronies get richer and richer while ordinary people get poorer and poorer, further, the instance of slavery and porterage has increased dramatically. US Companies have employed few people in Burma and those employees usually must have the approval of the regime. The majority of the population cannot enjoy those job opportunities. The cancellation of US imports to Burma through sanctions would have little impact on Burmese consumers as consumer goods are largely imported to Burma through neighbours on an informal basis. Most people in Burma are living in a subsistence agricultural economy, and are not now using American goods. In conclusion, we need your support in order to achieve that goal of "Economic Sanction" against Burmese Military Regime. On behalf of students and people of Burma, I would like to request that you extend your solidarity by: . Writing letters to President Bill Clinton to impose sanction on Burma, . Writing letters to Congressmen in your constituency to support the bill of the "Free Burma Act" initiated by Senator Mitch McConnell, . Writing letters to the Chairman of Senate/House Foreign Affairs Committee to support above mentioned Bill, . Writing letters to the CEOs of companies investing in Burma requesting that they withdraw their investment and . Writing letters to New York City Council members to support the "Selective Purchasing Law" which would place a boycott products of companies doing investment in Burma. There is a Burmese Proverb "tayout-arr-nae-you-thaw-maya, ta-thaung-arr-nae -you-thaw-ya-ee" (If the power of one fails, achieve it by the power of ten thousand). I hope that all of you will agree to join in the ten thousands. Thank you. ********************* WEST BURMA GROUPS: COMBINED DECLARATION Date: October 29, 1995 We, NLD / LA ( Western Region ), ABSDF ( Foreign Affairs Department ), FTUB ( West Burma ) and WRWAB ( Women Rights and Welfare Association of Burma ), make this combined declaration regearding with the October 27, the " International Action Day for a Free Burma". We are happy for hearing the news of a world-wide action for Burma's freedom. The news we also like to inform to all other activists is we have been making boycott actions against Corp., esp. the PEPSICO, supporting the SLORC. We've been distributing leaflets, phamlets, posters and stickers propagating that they also should boycott against that Corp. and support us for Burma's freedom. We are now planning for involvement of students' unions in and around our region such as New Delhi. Although we still do not have a joint-action with the student unions in our region, we do believe that they will join us as we've been lobbying them. Nowadays, we are distributing and sending the news of Burmese activists', around the world, actions concerned with the October 27. Today, we all are in a joint-hand for boycotting the un-ackowledged Corp., for step-down of SLORC, for a national reconciliated Burma, for a Democratic Burma. Western Activists *************************** ABSDF-DNA: DECLARATION OF THE ABSDF'S FOURTH CONFERENCE October 20, 1995 The fourth conference of the All Burma Students Democratic Front was successfully ended on October 20, 1995 at the student camp in the liberated area. The 15-day conference which had its first session on October 5, was attended by 69 representatives from the different student camps. During the sessions of conference, representatives analyzed the current political situation inside Burma and also adopted the future political policy and military strategy of the front. The participants also amended and adopted the organizations constitution and military code of conducts based on the four Geneva Conventions. The following aims and objectives were promulgated; (1) to liberate the entire people of Burma from the suppression of military dictatorship (2) to achieve democracy and human rights (3) to restore internal peace (4) to emerge Federal Union of Burma. The participants of the conference unanimously decided to intensity their struggle until these aims and objectives are achieved. After the secret ballots, new Central Committee composed with 24 members and 3 reserved Central Committee members were elected. Naing Aung was re-elected as the Chairman. Kyaw Kyaw was also re-elected as Vice-chairman. Sai Myint Thu was elected general secretary while Myint Cho and Htay Aung were named joint secretary (1) and (2). ABSDF Conference strongly denounces the State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc) for its responsibility for on-going human rights violations and lack of democracy in Burma. ABSDF also gets aware of the education, health and social crisis inside due to the cause of economic hardships. ABSDF strongly believes that, in order to cure this crisis, military dictatorship must end and democratic government with the people support must be restored in Burma. The will of the people can be clearly seen in the 1990 elections when they expressed their desire for restoration of democracy in their motherland. To emerge towards a peaceful and developing country, it much depends on whether Slorc wants to solve the political impasse by political means. Thus, ABSDF supports the national reconciliation called by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to overcome the present political problems in Burma. ABSDF also believes that national reconciliation with full guaranty of the democratic and ethnic rights only can move towards the genuine and long-lasting peace in Burma. ABSDF strongly demands the comprehensive political dialogue between Slorc, the democratic forces led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and ethnic forces (both from the liberated areas and from inside Burma) and also believes that it is the only means of proceeding with genuine national reconciliation in Burma. ABSDF welcomes and is ready to cooperate with Slorc without any suspicion if Slorc is sincere to work for genuine democratization for the sake of the entire Burmese people. Though ABSDF welcomes the peaceful solution to overcome the political impasse, ABSDF will continue the struggle until the termination of the military dictatorship in Burma by all means. ABSDF warmly welcomes the commitment of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for the cause of democracy struggle since her release. ABSDF fully supports Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her leadership role as long as she is struggling for Burma and its people. ABSDF also urges to establish more unity and cooperation among the democratic forces in order to build up the solidarity. ABSDF also will works with full extend of its effort for the solidarity of ABSDF, among the students and all opposition groups. ABSDF strongly believes that, only with the participation of the entire people, military dictatorship can be toppled down. ABSDF urged the entire Burmese people to join actively in hands with the democratic forces in the struggle for democracy and human rights in Burma. ABSDF rewards the honor to the people have sacrificed their lives during the struggle against the military dictatorships in Burma and notes their sacrifices. ABSDF also expresses its gratitude to the people who are still fighting for democracy and to the person, organizations and governments who are supporting ABSDF physically and morally. With the support to our organization, ABSDF will take more responsibility for its duty. ABSDF also requests our friends to continue the support for the struggle and urges to continue the effective pressure on Slorc internationally. To show its sincerity for national reconciliation, Slorc must take the following actions: - to unconditionally release all political prisoners including Min Ko Naing. - to stop the so-called National Convention. - to abolish all unlawful acts and restrictions in Burma. - to institute a nationwide cease-fire -to start meeting with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in the first stage and announcing that they would agree to hold the tripartite meeting. In conclusion, ABSDF would like to express its determination to continue the struggle until the end of military dictatorship who are hindering the peace and development in Burma. ******************************** NATION: EX-SOLDIER COINS MONEY WITH A TOURISM VENTURE IN BURMA October 29, 1995 by Yvan Cohen With his company, Tour Mandalay, entrepreneur Khin Zaw Nichols in one of Burma's new and increasingly affluent business class and a metaphor for the changes taking place there. Yvan Cohen speaks to him about the nascent tourism sector in the country. RANGOON, Burma _ Khin Zaw Nichols is understandably proud of his Mazda 929. In Burma, the luxurious Japanese sedan is the ultimate s status symbol. "It used to belong to a minister," says Nichols, as we glide past a traffic policeman who springs suddenly to attention. "He still thinks here's a minister inside," he chuckles, evidently flattered by the error. A few minutes later we are at the Serenity bar, the preferred meeting _lace, says Nichols, for the cream of Rangoon society. In the shadows at the front of the bar, a Chinese-looking singer croons in English, filling the air with the unmistakable rhythms of a hit from the 1970s. In the short time it takes us to finish our beer and chips, we have spent half the monthly wage of a government civil servant. "It's on me," says Nichols, scooping up the bill. Khin Zaw Nichols is one of Burma's new and increasingly affluent business class. In many ways, the former soldier turned entrepreneur is a metaphor for the changes taking place in the country. "My background as a soldier has given me the discipline and determination to make my business a success," says Nichols, 40, who enjoys telling visitors hat his grandfather was an adventurer from England who came to Burma just before World War II. "Actually my grandfather was originally Greek," he adds. "But an English family adopted him and changed his name from Nicholas to Nichols." In a country which has been ruled by the military since 1962, joining the army has long been the career of choice for ambitious young Burmese. A graduate of Burma's Defense services Academy, Nichols left the army in 1988 to become a civil servant at the Myanmar Export and Import Service. In 1990, he transferred again, this time into the government-owned company, Myanmar Travels and Tours where his position as a manager in charge of sales and operations enabled him to gain an early understanding of the potential of Burma's nascent tourism sector. Then, in 1992, not long after completing a course in Tourism Planning and marketing at the West Flanders Economic Study Office in Belgium, Nichols made his first foray into the private sector as director and general manager of Golden Land Travel Services. After just two years there, he broke away in October 1994 to set up his own company called Tour Mandalay. Occupying two floors of a narrow, rather dilapidated-looking building in downtown Rangoon, Tour Mandalay seems unexceptional in comparison with the multi-million dollar development going on elsewhere in, the city. But it is emerging as one of' the city's most dynamic travel businesses. Dressed in a traditional longyi and collarless shirt and tunic, Nichlos preaches a modern management approach. "I believe in profit sharing," says Nichols. "All of my employees are given a small share in the company, that way they feel responsible and motivated to see the company develop." Currently Tour Mandalay has a staff of 51, all of whom are personally trained by Nichols. "It's not just about grabbing the biggest share of the market. If we want to be the best we need high quality employees," says Nichols, who employs only university graduates with diplomas from the Institute of Foreign Languages in Rangoon. With a fleet of 58 vehicles and three branch offices in Pagan, Mandalay and Taunggyi, Tour Mandalay already deals with at least 26 international tour operators from both Asian and Western markets. Nichols estimates that his company handled around 20,000 travellers between October 1994 and July 1995 and he expects the numbers to keep rising. "We have between 10 and 20 percent of the market," he notes. On the subject of politics, Nichols answers most questions with a polite smile. In Burma, criticism of the ruling junta can be dangerous to one's health and it is well known that government informers are ubiquitous. "I like the lady though," ventures Nichols cautiously, referring to Aung San Suu Kyi. "Her release is a good thing for our country." Even better, at least from Nichols' point of view, is the government's decision to declare 1996, Visit Myanmar Year. He expects his business to, grow by as much as 40 per cent. Government forecasts predict that tourist arrivals will jump from around 100,000 in 1995 to as many as 300,000 in 1996. However, some analysts in Rangoon think the plan is premature, pointing out that existing air services are only capable of bringing in around 2,000 people per week (140,000 per year) and of some 16 hotel projects under construction in the capital, only two will be completed in time for 1996. For the new class of Rangoon businessmen like Nichols, the concerns of international human right groups who condemn the Burmese government for its use of forced labour in renovating some tourist sites and continued detention of hundreds of political prisoners, seem distant. For Nichols, SLORC's economic reforms have opened up new horizons. "We are free to run our businesses exactly as we like," he says. _ World News Link. ***************************** INDIAN EXPRESS: MIZORAM JOINS INVESTMENT DRIVE, OFFERS TAX HOLIDAY October 27, 1995 (slightly abridged) >From : FTUB (West Burma) New Delhi, Oct 27: Not to be left behind in the ongoing 'chase-the-investor' campaign, tiny Mizoram has approached some corporate groups and leading trade bodies to invest in its projects availing the tax holiday. The Chief Minister, Mr Lal Thanhawla, recently approached the Confederation of Indian Industries (CII), Federation of Indian Chambers and Commerce and Industries (FICCI) and a number of business houses to come his remote State to set up agro and forest-based industries and invest in hydel power projects. The Chief Minister attributed Mizoram's economic backwardness to the prolonged spell of insurgency in the State. Because of 20 years of insurgency we were lagging behind others; our main task is to clear this massive back-log," he said. He said that despite the Center's announcement of a tax holiday for project in the North-East and the state's high literacy rate hardly any industry had come up in Mizoram. "The work on the Lengpui airport project will be completed in about three years times' and I am trying to bring the railhead to Aizawl; without good communication links we have no hope of attraction investments," he said. Mr Lal Thanhawla said he had drawn up a plan to make Mizoram a "model State" by developing its industrial and human resources. The state government has planned generation of about 1,000 mw of hydel power from its abundant water resources over the next 1 years. Apart from the airport, the State is going to have its first university and an agriculture research institute in the next few years. Flanked between Myanmar and Bangladesh, the State has welcomed border trade among people across the frontiers. However, while Burma has responded positively to across-the-border trade, Bangladesh has not reciprocated the gesture. The Center has already sanctioned rupees eight crore (80,000,000) for building up infrastructure for a trade center at Champhai on the Indo- Myanmar border. Despite the State's political stability and peace since the Mizo accord about a decade back, the issue of infiltration has of late caused social and ethnic tension. Mr La Thanhawla said that the task force in every Mizoram district had been directed to identify the infiltrators from both Myanmar and Bangladesh and deport them. He puts the total number of infiltrators in the State at around 45,000. "Foreigners are foreigners whether they are Myanmar or Bangladesh," the chief Minister remarked. *************************************