------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------ "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ---------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News: Nov 2, 1995 Issue #268 Noted in Passing: It's not ethical. You can't just care about money. - U. of Indiana MBA student Peter Cheng, protesting Pepsi's investments in Burma. (INDIANA DAILY STUDENT: PROTESTERS PICKET PEPSI) HEADLINES: ========== ASIAWEEK: EDITORIAL - MYANMAR'S WAY NATION: PATIENCE PRAGMATISM PAYS OFF FOR 'THE LADY' NATION: STARVING TROOPS TURN BANDITS NATION: BURMA SURGES UP LIST OF TRADING PARTNERS BURMANET: A TALLY OF BURMANET SUBSCRIBERS INDEPENDENT APPEAL: STRANDED BURMESE SAILORS INDEPENDENT REPORT: SLORC FORCIBLY RECRUITING VILLAGERS INDIANA DAILY STUDENT: PROTESTERS PICKET PEPSI ANNOUNCEMENT: PAPER TIGERS CONFERENCE ON SEA CRDB: LETTER TO THE WORLD BANK ---------------------------------------------------------- Produced with the support of the Burma Information Group (B.I.G) and the Research Department of the ABSDF {MTZ} The BurmaNet News is an electronic newspaper covering Burma. Articles from newspapers, magazines, newsletters, the wire services and the Internet as well as original material are published. The BurmaNet News is e-mailed directly to subscribers and is also distributed via the soc.culture.burma and seasia-l mailing lists and is also available via the reg.burma conference on the APC networks. For a free subscription to the BurmaNet News, send an e-mail message to: majordomo@igc.apc.org In the body of the message, type "subscribe burmanet-l" (without quotation marks) Letters to the editor, comments or contributions of articles should be sent to the editor at: strider@igc.apc.org ------------------------------------------------------------- INFORMATION ABOUT BURMA VIA THE WEB AND GOPHER: Information about Burma is available via the WorldWideWeb at: FreeBurmaWWW http://sunsite.unc.edu/freeburma/freeburma.html [including back issues of the BurmaNet News as .txt files] BurmaWeb: http://www.uio.no/tormodl Burma fonts: http://www.cs.bham.ac.uk/~lka/burmese-fonts/moe.html Ethnologue Database(Myanmar): http://www-ala.doc.ic.ac.uk/~rap/Ethnologue/eth.cgi/Myanmar TO ACCESS INFORMATION ABOUT BURMA VIA GOPHER: gopher csf.colorado.edu. Look under the International Political Economy section, then select Geographic Archive, then Asia, then Burma. ---------------------------------------------------------- BURMANET SUBJECT-MATTER RESOURCE LIST BurmaNet regularly receives enquiries on a number of different topics related to Burma. If you have questions on any of the following subjects, please direct email to the following volunteer coordinators, who will either answer your question or try to put you in contact with someone who can: Arakan/Rohingya/Burma volunteer needed Bangladesh Border Campus activism: zni@students.wisc.edu Boycott campaigns: [Pepsi] wcsbeau@superior.ccs.carleton.ca Buddhism: Buddhist Relief Mission: brelief@gol.com Chin history/culture: plilian@asc.corp.mot.com Fonts: tom@cs.colgate.edu History of Burma: zni@students.wisc.edu Kachin history/culture: 74750.1267@compuserve.com Karen history/culture: Karen Historical Society: 102113.2571@Compuserve.com Mon history/culture: [volunteer needed] Naga history/culture: Wungram Shishak: z954001@oats.farm.niu.edu Burma-India border [volunteer needed] Pali literature: "Palmleaf": c/o burmanet@igc.apc.org Shan history/culture: [volunteer needed] Shareholder activism: simon_billenness@mail.cybercom.net Tourism campaigns: bagp@gn.apc.org "Attn. S.Sutcliffe" World Wide Web: FreeBurma@POBox.com Volunteering: christin@ksc.net.th [Feel free to suggest more areas of coverage] *********************** ASIAWEEK: EDITORIAL - MYANMAR'S WAY November 3, 1995 (posted by brelief@gol.com) (Letters to the Editor can be sent to Letters Department, Asiaweek, Citicorp Center 34F Causeway Bay, Hong Kong fax: (852) 27515384, or e - mail editors@asiaweek.com (include writers, name, address and telephone number) Myanmar's Way The Generals Must Work for National Reconciliation Then Myanmar's military rulers released its most famous political prisoner four months ago, hopes sprang worldwide that a reconciliation would enable the troubled nation to make progress on different fronts. So far, though, there has been no dialogue between the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Having reaped the publicity benefits of freeing the Nobel peace laureate, the junta seems bent on marginalizing her. The opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) recently reinstated her as its secretary general, but authorities last week nullified the move. Yangon's ambassador to Thailand, mean- while, says that a dialogue with her is unnecessary. In fact, Daw Sun Kyi may feel she is little better off than she was dur- ing six years of house arrest. If so, she won't be the only one losing out. The nation will also suffer - as will SLORC itself. For by trying to leave Daw Suu Kyi out in the cold, the generals will not only retard the nation's economic and political progress but also put at risk some real gains made so far. One is the international goodwill generated by her release. Despite Daw Sun Kyi's expressed reservations, Japan has resumed limited humanitarian aid to Myanmar. Oil giants Texaco, Total and Unocal have commit- ted themselves to billion - dollar energy projects in the resource rich country. And ASEAN, which has long pursued a policy of "constructive engagement" with Yangon, recently accepted it as a signatory to the grouping's treaty of amity and cooperation - a precursor to full membership. Indeed, SLORC has put some life into a moribund economy, passing business-friendly laws and building many roads, reservoirs, railways and bridges. The generals need to do more. The $3 billion in foreign investment that SLORC so proudly touts is but a fraction of what the country needs for sustained economic growth. Those whose money is needed to help spark a real take - off have not weighed in. They include the big international lending agen- cies, such as the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank, as well as major global investors, most of them from the developed countries. They would feel more relaxed about committing funds if Yangon is seen to be pursuing a course of political liberalization - and reconciliation with Daw Sun Kyi. By barring her from politics, the authorities also encourage the world to view Myanmar's affairs in black and white with SLORC, of course, depicted in the darkest shades. So long as Daw Suu Kyi is cast as a symbol of the generals' repression, she can do no wrong - and they nothing right. Allow her and the NLD to play a meaningful role in national affairs, and Burmese and foreigners alike will be able to assess their strengths and weaknesses more dispassionately and accurately. Such a course of action will likely focus minds on the myriad practical problems facing the country -- and away from the struggle or contribution of any one person. It will not only benefit Myanmar but also ease the pressure on SLORC. For her part, Daw Suu Kyi has indicated that she wants to help rebuild her country by working with her former jailers rather than remain on any martyr's pedestal. On her release, she urged the junta and the opposition to work together, placing as high a priority on economic progress as democratic reform. And since her release, she has taken pains not to engage in high - profile political activity that would provoke SLORC. Such hard - headed pragmatism provides a solid basis for cooperation. The generals have a golden opportunity to begin the process of reconciliation. They have set up a National Convention, which is drafting a constitution as a prelude to elections. Postponed several times already, the next session is now set for late November. SLORC should invite as participants not only the political opposition, but also long - rebellious ethnic leaders with whom it recently signed peace accords. Such a move would help ease enduring antagonisms among the country's warring forces. It would also boost the credibility and the moral authority of any charter that emerges. Daw Suu Kyi's own military associations should facilitate a dialogue. Some of her senior colleagues in the NLD were top commanders in the armed forces. They include Mr. Tin U and Mr. Kyi Maung, both of whom were recently nominated for key NLD posts. And Daw Suu Kyi herself, of course, is the daughter of General Aung San, the independence hero and founder of the Burma Army. At the least, such links ensure that the two sides will have a common language in which to talk. How can fruitful cooperation be achieved? A key issue is the role of the armed forces. In a country where they pervade almost every aspect of life, they must necessarily retain a key function. No attempt to exclude them from politics is practical - a reality both Daw Suu Kyi and her supporters appreciate. The goal should be a plan that would have the military share power with civilian politicians. To persuade SLORC to do so, the NLD should agree to an amnesty for generals and soldiers who participated in the army's bloody 1988 crackdown against pro-democracy demonstrators. Without such a pardon, the fear of retribution will make many in the military dig their heels in against political reform. The amnesty must work both ways, though: it should apply also to those who opposed the generals and their actions at the time. The move would then be doubly beneficial, as it would attract back to Myanmar some of those who fled after 1988 for fear of persecution by the authorities. They include not only Suu Kyi supporters but also a large part of the nation's intelligentsia. During their time abroad, the latter have been honing their professional skills, especially in the West. Many would like to return home, but only when the political mood is more relaxed and they need not fear reprisal. Without their contributions, Myanmar simply will not be able to modernize. Besides broadening the participation at the upcoming constitutional parley, SLORC must ensure that it is actually convened as scheduled. In the past, the generals have found all manner of excuses to delay it -- and postpone political reform. After the charter is completed, the junta must hold new polls as promised. It needs to ensure that they are credible and, above all, it must respect the results. Any repeat of the generals' rejection of voters' choices, as happened after the 1990 election, will be catastrophic for the nation. Indeed, with an accord in place that ensures the army as well as the politicians and ethnic minorities proper roles in national affairs, there should be no reason for such action. Five decades ago, Aung San told a gathering of leading figures in the independence struggle: "Let me remind you of an old way of ours, the classic way of getting things done - namely, the people's way of self-help and mutual cooperation. We must resurrect this way and inspire the people to work together in the building of a New Burma." Today, his heirs in the armed forces would do well to take his words to heart in their search for national success. ASIAWEEK: PASSAGE - REJECTED Nov. 3, 1995 Aung San Suu Kyi, 50, pro -democracy leader in Myanmar who was released nearly four months ago after six years under house arrest in Yangon; as the new head of the National League for Democracy, a party she inspired to a sweeping electoral victory in 1990; by the Election Commission of the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC); in Yangon recently. Suu Kyi was reinstated in early October as secretary general of the NLD along with two others who were named vice chairmen of the party. The NLD has said it isn't bound to comply with SLORC's ruling on whether Suu Kyi can lead the party. ********************** NATION: PATIENCE PRAGMATISM PAYS OFF FOR 'THE LADY' November 1, 1995 Steve Weinman of the BBC Worldwide recently spoke with l991 Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi who was released from house arrest in July. I know all the hostages said the same thing but the BBC World Service really was a lifeline." However much we appreciate radio, few of us will ever understand what it means to be a captive audience. Terry Waite and Nelson Mandela know. And for Aung San Suu Kyi the memory remains fresh. After six years under house arrest Burma's opposition leader is free to talk about the past but, most importantly, hopes to engage in talks about the future with the military junta which imprisoned her, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc). With her unexpected release in July, Daw Suu was catapulted from a lifestyle of total predictability into a turmoil of interview and invitation, speech and visit, diplomatic luncheon and reunion. She remains in the lakeside house in Rangoon with its ragged garden; freedom means that her guards are now young supporters rather than soldiers. Outside her gates intelligence officers observe the comings and goings and the Burmese still avoid using her name: they refer to her as "the lady", partly from respect, partly because it is safer. Slorc had long said she was free to leave the house if she also left the country, but knowing that readmission was unlikely she had rejected the offer. Nothing has changed. This strange brand of freedom is on one level a cause for mild regret. "I suppose by nature I am quite a disciplined person so I took to the routine and I rather miss my regular hours of listening to the BBC and doing everything just so." She smiles. "I find that I cannot listen to the BBC programmes regularly now because I am meeting people." She needs some sense of order: "I try to arrange it so that we have regular office hours and do everything systematically." She indicates the large reception room, empty of furniture except for a window seat, table laid with tea, two fans and a recording deck. She had been forced to sell many of he possessions while she was interned to buy food. As you can see," she says, "we have hid to put everything together in a hurry. It has been a bit chaotic." Michael Aris has written how his wife's early letters to him indicated her sense of destiny, but when she returned to Rangoon in 1988 it was to be with her dying mother, the widow of Burma's national hero Aung San. He had been killed by a political rival in 1947 when his daughter was just two and on the eve of the independence he had struggles against both the British and Japanese to win. In 1962, Aung San's former colleague Gen Ne Win seized power from a civilian government unable to cope with economic problems and ethnic and communist insurgency in outlying parts of the country. Burma is unusually rich in resources _ minerals, timber, rice _ but under Ne win's superstitious dictatorship its wealth had been channelled towards the armed forces. As Southeast Asian neighbours prospered, Burma slid deeper into the ranks of the world's poorest nations. Aung San Suu Kyi's return coincided with an upsurge of unrest for which, as her father's daughter, she became a focal point. She took to the campaign trail, advocating a return to democracy as the first step to finding a solution to the country's problems. But, not for the first time in Burma's history, student demonstrations erupted into violence when the army opened fire in the streets. Official statements admitted to several hundred deaths in the space of a year. Daw Suu, who had herself faced gun-wielding troops, was placed under house arrest in 1989. The junta went ahead with ' elections the following year, confident that ' her National League for Democracy and other opposition groups were too fragmented, their activists exiled or imprisoned, to pose any threat. The NLD won more than four-fifths of the vote but the generals refused to relinquish power. Five years on they are still working on a new constitution under which she would presumably be ineligible for office. "It seems so, but I've said e before that no constitution should be framed with one person in mind _ that is to undermine the whole idea of a constitution." With Ne Win taking a back seat the junta, under Gen Than Shwe and intelligence chief Khin Nyunt, has pursued a policy of energetic suppression of internal opposition and stimulation of external investment. Burma is predominantly Buddhist, and intrinsic to the Burmese outlook is an element of resignation to whatever life might dish out, of "making the best of it". As Daw Suu says: "You can always get good out of any situation if you are able to go about it in the right way." She sustained body and soul during her internment with a strict regime of diet, exercise and meditation, along with her books, piano and, for five or six hours a day, the radio. The Burmese are early to rise and her day dawned at 4.30 am local time with an hour of meditation, "part of my spiritual strengthening process. I am very grateful to the Slorc that I was allowed this period in which to practise my meditation," she says, laughing. Her "working day" commenced with two hours of radio: World Service News in English, followed by the Burmese services of the BBC and those of Voice of America and DVB, broadcasting from Norway. "Then I had a period of exercise and a bath and once again listened to the World Service News at 8.30 am. So by the time I had breakfast quite late at 9 am, I was almost fully aware of what was going on in the outside world, thanks to the BBC." She tuned in to World Service for an hour or more at lunchtime. "In the evening I would have another chunk of listening to the BBC news at 7.30 pm and go on to the BBC Burmese programme". Literature had always been important to her. "I liked Meridian, especially the books programme. That kept me in touch with what was coming out." The readings in Off The Shelf were a highlight, except for those she found "rather unhappy. When you're alone you don't like listening about books like that!" One new world she had found 'inspiring was Nelson Mandela's Long Walk To Freedom. Did she expect to meet its author? "Oh, I hope so. I think that lots of people hope to meet Nelson Mandela one day and I am just one of that vast mass of admirers." The BBC's correspondent Fergal Keane had interviewed the South African leader on his release, as he had Aung San Suu Kyi, a meeting he described in last month's BBC Worldwide. "I listened to Fergal Keane's reports on South Africa and I thought to myself he must come to Burma," she says. "I never really expected him to come, though I knew he had been transferred. So I thought it was a very auspicious omen that Fergal Keane was the first BBC correspondent to get to Rangoon. " Daw Suu's six years of detention covered a period of momentous developments: the fall of communism, the democratization of South Africa, the conflict in Europe. "I have often said that I think of South Africa and Yugoslavia as examples of two ways: the way of negotiation and the way of violence. Obviously, South Africa went in for dialogue and Yugoslavia went in for violence, so I followed both." The transitional government in South Africa must have struck her as a model for Burma but she will not be drawn. "However you define democracy, in the end it has to reflect the will of the people if it is going to be a genuine democracy. So while whatever we think may be possible, we must first find out how the people view our proposal, or somebody else's proposal. "The first step is to achieve democracy and then one must reconstruct Burma to be a really united and prosperous nation. To give a chance to all the people of Burma_ or as many as possible, to develop their talents. There is a vast reservoir of energy and talent waiting to be tapped under the right circumstances." Early in her detention she had gone on a hunger strike until assured that her associates would not be ill-treated. At least 500 political prisoners are still believed to be held and she has called for their release as a priority. But only recently the International Committee of the Red Cross announced its withdrawal from Burma because of restricted access to prisoners. I ask how far the thought of her father had stiffened her resolve. She looks to where Aung San's picture hangs, as it hangs on so many walls in Burma. "There were times when I would look at his photograph and say to him: 'Well, it's just you and me _ but we'll make it.' I felt that I always had his spiritual support." The people's regard of her father is, she believes, "perhaps even stronger than ever". But like him she has become the focus of a personality cult. Does that worry her? "A little, but I think the Burmese people are canny enough and if I do the wrong thing they will boot me out. Good for them, and good for me, too. They are not fools, they are very shrewd and very loving. "If they love somebody like my father or myself they really take that person to their hearts and they will forgive a lot as long as they are convinced that we are sincere and we have their good in mind. But there is a limit to their forgiveness and that's a good thing." Had detention changed her? "I would like to think I have changed. Otherwise, it would be a waste of six years. There are some who pride themselves on never changing but I am not sure that's anything to be proud of. "I hope I've matured. I feel spiritually stronger; in a sense I've been tested and that has strengthened me. And I think that I have learned to put a much greater value on compassion. I think compassion is very important in this world." Has the Slorc changed? It is ostentatious now in its religious devotion; barely a day goes by without reports on state TV or press (both of which failed to report Daw Suu's release) of generals dedicating pagodas around the county. "I hope that they will pay more attention to the essence of Buddhism, that would help a lot." But does she regard such piety as politically expedient? As ever, her words come readily, yet are carefully chosen. "1 would not like to judge other people's religious activities or attitudes and all I would say is that if there is real respect for the teachings of Bud&ism on the part of the authorities, it is all to the good of the nation. " The junta's zealotry extends, according to some reports, to desecrating the temples and burial grounds of religious minorities like the Muslims and Christians. "If that is so then it's a great pity because Buddhism after all teaches tolerance and loving kindness _ myitta _ so it would be against the essence of Buddhism to persecute anyone, whether on religious, political or any other grounds." Was she concerned that her freedom denoted a measure of confidence on the part of the generals? "If they are confident, all the better, because I think it is often easier to deal with people who are confident in themselves than with those who have no confidence in themselves. So that doesn't worry me unduly." But with the scaling down of those internal hostilities, which had kept government forces occupied for decades, had her position not been undermined? "No, not at all. The ceasefires are just ceasefires, and everybody recognizes. They do not mean that these ethnic groups have achieved permanent peace. So we hope to go further." At the same time, when asked whether the generals had done anything to redeem themselves in her eyes, she cites the ceasefires. "At least there is some reduction in human suffering if they stop fighting." Daw Suu's central message before her arrest was that democracy would prevail if the Burmese people maintained unity and discipline. She is convinced that her strictures were heeded. "I know there were a lot of riots and undesirable cases in 1988 but that sort of thing is bound to happen when the whole county is in chaos. I do not think it was people from our democratic movements who were responsible for the more extreme acts. "When I went on campaign through the country, I never once came across an undisciplined crowd. Sometimes there would be hundreds of thousands but they were all beautifully disciplined, not a murmur anywhere and no pushing or shoving, everybody was very considerate of the next person". She has found the same since her release, addressing those who brave the monsoon rains and the Slorc cameras to gather outside her gates. "The ones in the front automatically fold their umbrellas so that those at the back have a better view That is a sign not just of discipline but of consideration. "I am not worried about extremism on our side because I think we can control that but of course I cannot speak for extremism on the side of those opposed to democracy." For 40 minutes she has answered questions in good humour, showing no sign to strain or fatigue and, as Fergal Keane accurately observed, looking 20 years younger. The overwhelming impression is of poise and naturalness. She would undergo her experience all~ over again if necessary, but better equipped: "I would get more books that I wanted to read and a better short-wave radio than the little one I started out with. "I am prepared for everything. My father once said at a press conference: 'I hope for the best and prepare for the worst' and I think that every politician should keep that hung above his bed." Daw Suu seemed buoyant: how would she describe her mood? "I am optimistic by nature and my experiences over the past six or seven years have taught me caution. I think I will probably go on being cautiously optimistic for the rest of my life." ***************************************************************** THE NATION: STARVING TROOPS TURN BANDITS 1 November 1995 Starving soldiers from the beleaguered Democratic Kayin Buddhist Army, a splinter group of Gen Bo Mya's Karen National Union, have turned to banditry and abducted villagers along the Thai-Burmese border in Tak and Mae Hong Son provinces for ransom, a senior official of the KNU said. The official said their course of action stemmed from a need for money following Rangoon cutting their food and other logistic supplies, including weapons, since July. The official warned that the situation could get worse without joint cooperation between Burmese soldiers, the KNU and Thai authorities to persuade the DKBA to return to the KNU fold. The KNU official told The Nation that around 400 DKBA soldiers stationed in Manerplaw, opposite Ban Mae Sam Lap in Thailand's Mae Hong Son province, have set up a blockade on the Salween River at Sop Mei, demanding protection money from Thai and Burmese commuters. He said DKBA soldiers stationed at the Mawpokei Camp, opposite Tak province, reoprtedly crossed over to Thailand and looted villager's houses. They reportedly began to abduct villagers for ransom between 20,000 and 30,000 Kyat (between Bt83,400 and Bt125,100 at the Burmese official rate). (TN) **************** NATION: BURMA SURGES UP LIST OF TRADING PARTNERS November 1, 1995 RANGOON _ The Board of Investment has placed Burma second on its list of most favoured trading nations behind Laos. A Bol source said after considering the competitive advantages Thai investors hold over other foreign investors, Burma should top Vietnam, Cambodia, Southern China, the Philippines and Indonesia on the list of countries to be promoted. " Vietnam, for example, is a tough market. It is too competitive for Thais to succeed," said the source. At a seminar sponsored by the Thai Embassy in Rangoon last Saturday, the Bol's Director of International Affairs Dr Atchaka Brimble, told about l 00 Thai businessmen that Burma is a country full of opportunities for Thai investors. Dr Atchaka will head a Bol fact-finding mission to Burma between Oct 27 and Nov 2. Tn addition to Rangoon, the mission will visit cities in the south and fly to the far north to observe border trade between China and Burma. The Bol director, however, said that Bol laws did not allow the investment board to grant tax exemptions for profit earned on overseas investment projects. This might be an obstacle for Thai investment in Burma, which grants corporate tax exemptions to foreign projects for a period of only three years. The Bol originally set out to promote investment in Thailand but the Anand government changed the agency's man X date to include promotion of Thai overseas investment. Suthep Tangkachavana, general manager of ICI Paints (Thailand) Ltd, told The Nation that because Thailand shares a border with Burma it has a competitive advantage over other countries in terms of trade and investment _ especially if the government develops more roads connecting the two nations. Suthep suggested the Thai government help . Burma construct a road from Mydwaddi to Rangoon. The 200 kilometre road would connect Rangoon to Thai land's Tak province. If the proposed road was constructed, it would facilitate the transport of Thai goods to Burma, helping Thai companies compete with the Singapore companies which currently dominate the Burmese market, he said. The Board of Trade of Thailand' Executive Director Prayoon Talerngsr said Thailand has so far not been able t ultilize its proximity to Burma in the battle against the Singaporean competition. Prayoon also recommended a review of Thai-Burmese border trade regulations to make them more systematic and streamlined. The Royal Thai Embassy in Burma organized the seminar despite some recent political turmoil between Thailand and Burma. Burma recently closed its border points with Thailand virtually cutting off cross-border trade that equalled almost Bt10 billion in 1994. With about 100 participants, the seminar was the largest ever gathering of Thai businessmen in Burma. A Thai official in Rangoon confirmed at there have recently been some anti-Thai products leaflets distributed in the country. "This led to higher prices for Thai goods. In my view it was a positive sign because it showed that Thai goods are anted by the Burmese people," he said. The Federation of Thai Industries' executive Director Dr Viphandh Roengithaya praised the Thai Embassy's initiative as a breakthrough move by the Foreign Ministry which, in his view, should show more interest in overseas business promotion. 'Only 18 countries in the world have annual gross domestic product growth of over five per cent and 17 of them, including Burma, are in the Asia-Pacific region," said Dr Viphandh. Viphandh headed a delegation of 30-FTI members attending the seminar. Narry Tsz Wai Chan, general manager of Cedar Myanmar Manufacturing Ltd, said the group was reducing garment production capacity in Samut Prakan and in China and increasing it in Burma which has lower production costs. Cedar began production at its Rangoon knitting factory only a few months ago with an initial investment of US$4 million. Within the next six months, a second factory will be completed, increasing the company's Rangoon workforce to 3,100, he said. "Production costs here are one-tenth of costs in Thailand," said Wai Chan, the son of David Chan, vice chairman and a major shareholder of Thailand-based Cedar Group. Tanatip Jotikasthira, country manager of Loxley Myanmar Ltd, noted that after; almost two years in Burma, he considered it time for Loxley to begin investing in manufacturing projects in the country. The businesses being considered by Loxley include construction material and consumer goods firms. Loxley is already contracted to install 1,000 GSM digital telephone lines in the city of Mandalay. It is also tipped to win another contract to supply switching systems for 10,000 fixed telephone lines and plans to bid for a contract to install a digital telephone system in Rangoon next year. Tossatis Rodprasert, assistant vice president and chief representative at Bangkok Bank's Rangoon office, said it was easier to invest in export-oriented projects than domestic projects in Burma because a company can avoid becoming involved in the country's currency problems. Burma has two different exchange rates - an official and a market rate and the official rate is six Kyats for US$1, while the market rate is 110 Kyats per dollar. Poksak Nilubol, the Thai Ambassador to Burma, said he would like to see Thai businesses present a united front when they invest overseas to help keep up with the competition. According to the ambassador, Thai investment projects in Burma ranked fifth after British, French, Singaporean and United States efforts in 1994, with a total investment of $264 million. Dr Atchaka also noted that the Thai public sector does not offer a united front when dealing with foreign entities. "One of the reasons we cannot fully support Thai investment abroad is that many people in government do not understand why the country should invest overseas when internal investment is still required." ************************* INDEPENDENT APPEAL: STRANDED BURMESE SAILORS 31 October 1995 >From Anna Allott, Sorbrook Mill, Bodicote, Banbury, Oxon OX15 4AU Phone 01295 720 142 Fax 01295 721 664 TO ALL CONCERNED WHO MAY BE ABLE TO HELP It has just come to my notice that a group of six Burmese seamen are at present stranded penniless in the port of ROUEN in northern France. This has come about because the vessel, MT Stainless Glory, on which they form part of the crew, was put under arrest by the ITF (International Transport Federation) for failure to pay the crew's wages since March of this year. The boat has been tied up in Rouen since 21 May. The ship's owners, ADRIATIC TANKERS, a Greek owned company, have not paid the crew for eight months. Apparently this company is notorious for being badly run and for late payment of its crews in this way. It is very likely that the company will soon collapse entirely and cease to be able to operate. What has happened so far is roughly as follows: When the ship docked at Rouen in May, the crew refused to unload the cargo as they had received no wages since boarding. The French consignee was anxious to unload the valuable chemical cargo and finally agreed, after some delay, to pay a sum in advance to the master of the ship to cover part of the crew's wages, and the cargo was unloaded. Most of the Korean crew returned home, but a skeleton crew of 6 Burmese, 3 Russians and the Korean master (and his wife) remain on board. The money thus raised from the consignee by unloading the cargo has been used by the captain to pay the crew enough to be able to buy food for themselves until now. The quantity of food they are able to buy with the money given to the by the captain keeps them from starving but is far from adequate. They are now living on rice and sardines. The skeleton crew must continue to live on board the vessel in order to maintain their claim against the company for their outstanding wages. However the boat is not able to start up its engines and so has no electric power, and thus they have no lighting, heating, hot water, or possibility of watching TV. The crew have been advised by the ITF to stay on board for as long as possible in the hope of extracting the money owed to them by the company. If the Adriatic Tankers company finally collapses, its assets, i.e. its vessels, will have to be sold to repay the mortgagor bank. In this case, the crew would receive their back pay and money for repatriation. But this may take many more months. By the end of November it will be very cold on the boat. I have been told that at the moment they have enough warm clothing (given to them by the local seamens' centre) but their diet is inadequate and they are worried for their families back in Burma who will be experiencing hardship as the expected regular remittances of money have not been arriving for the last six months. (I know that at least one of the sailors has three young children). They can be written to c/o The International Seafarers Centre MT 'Stainless Glory' Rue Duguay Trouin 7600 Rouen, France or phoned on Wednesdays and Sundays when they are at the centre (Ask for 2nd Engineer Kyaw Win). Tel 35 70 02 94 Fax 35 07 12 65 The English Port Chaplain at the seamans club in Rouen, Reverend Andrew Marks, who has been of great help to them, can be contacted on his direct line 35 70 51 63. They may in a short while be obliged to ask for financial help just to get back home. But at the moment, the best help you can give them would be to find a friendly English-speaking lawyer in Rouen or Paris who would be able to ensure that they do not leave the boat without lodging a correct claim for all the money due to them. the services of a French lawyer could/would be expensive. Also, donations of money, or even Burmese food, would be welcome and encouraging. Please contact me for further information. I am in touch with officials at the ITF HQ in London who are fully aware of the situation and very helpful. Worldwide publicity in the Far East and South East Asia to warn all seamen to avoid service on this shipping line is needed. Anna Allott ************** Strider adds, There is a Seaman's union for Burmese merchant sailors. The Seaman's union is a part of the Federation of Trade Unions-Burma and can offer some protection and help to seaman who get in trouble abroad. It is limited in what it can do because trade unions are banned and actively suppressed by the SLORC, but as it operates outside the country, it has more freedom of action than any other underground union. On the off chance that any Burmese seamen are on the net and want information about the FTUB, please contact them. I'll also forward Anna Allott's request for help to them. --Strider ********************************************** INDEPENDENT REPORT: SLORC FORCIBLY RECRUITING VILLAGERS October 31, 1995 From FTUB (West Burma) The military government had been forcibly recruiting new soldiers at Hkam Ti, Homelin, Leshi, Lahe and Namyum township by order of Lt. Col. Maung Oo, the strategy-commander of Hkamti cantonment. In recruiting, some operation officers used to go to village and the OCs of township. On 30.9.95, the party including operation officer of 347 IB and the OCs arrived at Sumra village and claimed recruits for army from Leshi township. Moreover villagers were ordered to send recruits to a Kuki village on 6th October of 1995. If they didn't send, the armymen told choice two ways; (1) not to stay in village and (2) village will be blazed when villagers were still staying. The villagers of Leshi township were claimed to pay recruits following by numbers. (1) Sumra village 10 persons (2) Poun Ta Yek village 4 persons (3) Leyon village 3 persons (4)Pansup village 10 persons (5) Ngacham village 10 persons (6) Koung Kailou village 7 persons (7) Namee Yupee village 5 persons (8) Yehtaung village 1 persons (9) Kuki village 10 persons The following youths of the Sumra villagers were forcibly taken, (1) Maung Yan Soe (18)yrs s/o U Yar Htaung (2) Maung Athwin pot (24)yrs s/o U Yar Pot (3) Maung Ye San (20)yrs s/o U Yar Pot (4) Maung Kan Phore (17)yrs s/o U Htan Po Moreover, Maung Saw Htin (23)yrs, s/o U Ye Pan was also arrested for a recruit who is a villager of Surma and coming back from Leshi. Source : ABSDF (Western Burma) ********************************** BURMANET: A TALLY OF BURMANET SUBSCRIBERS As of September 25, 1995, there were 419 subscribers to burmanet-l and 72 subscribers to burmanews-l. If you know the names of the countries represented by the question marks, please send a note to christin@ksc.net.th Thank you. BURMANET-L SUBSCRIBERS country abbreviation total ------------------------------------------------------ USA - 256 Thailand th 50 Australia au 41 United Kingdom uk 12 Japan jp 10 Canada ca 10 Norway no 8 France fr 4 Singapore sg 3 India in 3 Netherlands nl 3 Germany de 3 Denmark dk 3 ? my 3 New Zealand nz 2 Belgium be 1 Finland fi 1 ? (zaire) za 1 ? si 1 ? (switz) ch 1 ? se 1 ? at 1 ? is 1 ------ total: 419 BURMANEWS-L SUBSCRIBERS country abbreviation total --------------------------------------------------- USA - 45 Thailand th 3 Australia au 8 United Kingdom uk 1 Japan jp 3 Canada ca 4 France fr 1 Netherlands nl 1 Germany de 1 Denmark dk 1 New Zealand nz 1 Hong Kong hk 1 ? at 1 ? (croatia) cr 1 ------- Total: 72 ******************************************** INDIANA DAILY STUDENT: PROTESTERS PICKET PEPSI IN SUPPORT OF BURMESE PEOPLE (the local student run paper in Bloomington, IN) October 30, 1995 By Harumi Maeda The voice gained strength as the afternoon sun came out. "Pepsi, get out of Burma," protesters exclaimed. About 50 Bloomington residents and students gathered Friday afternoon outside of Pepsi-Cola Bottlers of Bloomington, 214 W. 17th. St., Friday afternoon. They held posters high protesting PepsiCo's investment in Burma, a Southeast Asian nation ruled by military dictatorship. The demonstration was a beginning of a worldwide campaign for a free Burma, said Tun Myint, 25, an IU student and Burmese political refugee. Burmese and human rights activists organized the campaign in cities all around the world to protest the State Law and Order Restoration Council, Burma's military dictatorship. More than 50 institutions in the United States joined the protest and called for the withdrawl of PepsiCo, Texaco, and Unocal, who remain in Burma where some businesses have already left. "I really hope that Pepsi will begin to talk with campaign groups in the world," Myint said. But so far, PepsiCo has refused to withdraw from Burma because it says it is not doing business with the government, Myint said. A company spokeswoman said the company is refusing to comment about Friday's protest. MBA student Peter Cheng joined the protest from a businessman's point of view. He said he disagrees with Pepsi's strategy to invest in Burma because the government uses slave labor to build the infrastructure of Pepsi. "It's not ethical," Cheng said. "You can't just care about money." He also said Pepsi would be forced from Burma if democratic leader Aung San Suu Kyi returned to power. BURMESE CITIZENS SUFFER But Burma is a long way from restoring democracy. The Associated Press reported Oct. 23 that the Burmese government ruled that the reappointment of Aung San Suu Kyi's to a leadership role in her political party was illegal. "We must finish our own problem through dialogue," Myint said. "But the military government proved that they will go their own way. They won't give up." Myint said he was hoping that the campaign would put pressure on the Burmese government as well as educate the Bloomington community and IU students about the situation in Burma. Myint has been eager to talk about his country with people in the community since he came to IU in 1993. Jennifer Bass, 41, got to know Myint personally, and that's how she and her 7- and 11-year-old daughters came to join the protest. "We've heard his stories," Bass said. "My children know what happened to Tun and why he had to leave his country." Back in Burma, where the arrest and persecution without reason by the military government is common, Myint participated in the 1988 student pro-democracy demonstrations. The government resoponded to it with power, and he fled to neighboring Thailand. "It's important for children to know that the people live like that in another part of the world and to appreciate the freedom that we have here," Bass said. FIGHTING AMERICAN APATHY At the intersection near PepsiCo, Paola Voci, a Chinese major graduate student, approached a car waiting at a traffic light. When she explained Pepsi's business in Burma, a driver replied, "You know, we're Americans. We have the right to do business wherever we want." "We are here not as much to make people think," Voci said, "at least just to get their attention." She said she hoped people would think the meaning of the protest when they read fliers or articles later on. "Buying Pepsi is not just buying soda," Voci said. "Just remind people that Pepsi is a large company, and you can boycott Pepsi products and make a change in a country like Burma." In a parking lot in front of PepsiCo, another female protestor talked to a Pepsi employee getting out of a car. "Do you know Pepsi does business in Burma?" "I don't want to," a man replied. "People are being killed because of forced labor." "They kill themselves. That's their problem," the man said. "Pepsi kills, Pepsi kills," two other protestors joined her. Director of IU International Services Kenneth A. Rogers, who has supported two Burmese students at IU, said there could be more productive approaches than boycott. "I am not opposed to the boycott," Rogers said. "But historically boycott has never had much effect. My suggestion is making approach to these companies to see if we can persuade them to give money for scholarships to Burmese students or exiles." Indiana Campaign for a Free Burma, a committee of Burmese activists and IU Amnesty International, also will urge the IU Alumni Association to cancel its visit to Burma next February. The trip is promoted through the "1996 Visit Myanmar(Burma) Year," a military government's camaign to attract tourists. "The military leaders presently order citizens to work as forced laborers to prepare the country for tourism and foreign investments," the committee states in a petition. Joan Curts, director of IU Alumni travel, said IU Alumni Association hadn't talked with students yet, but said that she doubted that there would be any changes in plans to visit. "We've never canceled trips for that reason," Curts said. The 17-day trip will visit five Southeast Asia countries and features a seven- nights cruise on M.S. Song for Flower, Curtis said. "We're not making any political statement here," Curts said. "I think that openness is always good as opposed to secrecy. Secrecy is an enemy of democracy." Indiana Campaign for a Free Burma plans to meet with the IU Alumni Association next week. [PHOTO] {Bloomington residents Jeff Melton and Sarah Brault protest Friday outside the Pepsi plant on West 17th Street.} ************************** ANNOUNCEMENT: PAPER TIGERS CONFERENCE ON DEVELOPMENT, CONFLICT AND NGO ALTERNATIVES IN SOUTHEAST-ASIA October 30, 1995 From: bcn@xs4all.nl (Burma Centrum Nederland) 28/29 November 1995, Institute of Social Studies, The Hague , The Netherlands With speakers from Burma, Indonesia, Malaysia, Filipines, Belgium, FR-Germany, The UK and The Netherlands. It is going very well with Southeast-Asia. The economic-growth-and -profit figures are higher than anywhere else and the future prosepctives seem brilliant. Such is the image painted by companies, politicians and media. They warn us: if we do not act now, the Asian Tigers will not only by-pass us economically, but they will als eat us alive. That this is a very one-sided look on things, is the subject of a two-day study-conference 'Paper Tigers' on tuesday 28th and wednesday 29 th of November 1995 in the Institute of Social Studies, Kortenaerkade 12, The Hague, The Netherlands. The conference is organised by the Burma Centrum Nederland (BCN), Filipijnen Informatie- en Documentatiecentrum (FIDOC), Komitee IndonesiEB en Transnational Institute (TNI), in close cooperation with other organisations and with financial support from HIVOS, NCO and NOVIB. Questions that will be posed are: What are the conditions, chances and constraints (limits to?) of economic growth in Southeast-Asia and what are the social and ecological costs. Does economic growth create possibilities for pacification of social and political conflicts or does "polarised development" result in intenser conflicts? Is there a new economic, political and military superpower (powerblock) forming around ASEAN and what does this mean for Europe? What are the alternative strategies for development that are promoted by social movements and NGO's in the region, how can these be supported from Europe? Planned are eight lectures, nine workshops, two panel discussions and a musical perfomance. There are also lecturers, but they shall in this medium remain unnamed. The theme of the first day is: "Economic growth, the forming of regional blocks and conflict in Southeast-Asia". The theme of day two: "NGO-alternatives in Southeast-Asia and futureperspectives for international solidarity". Theme's of the workshops are 28/10/95 A) the NIC-development model - conditions, chances and costs B) Industrialisation and economic growth - position of women C) Peace and arms race (armament) in SEA - initiatives and perspectives D) IMF and WBank - experiences with international campaigns and lobby E) The relation EU-ASEAN - more than just trade? 29/10/95 F) Marketeconomy - limits and alternatives G) Regional selfdetermination (..) vs national development? H) Democracy and Human Rights - Western vs Asian concepts? I) Western investments and multinationals - conditions and rules of conduct The conference will for a larger part be in English. Participation costs are for individuals Dfl 50,00 for the whole conference (including Lunch, coffee or and tea and a conference-handout) and Dfl 100,00 for Organisations. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- Participants and more details about the programme can be gotten by writing ASAP!!! a letter to: FIDOC Nolensweg 8 3317 LE DORDRECHT The Netherlands (Holland) tel (31)(78)6185652 fax (31)(78)6185578 please include name adress tel# organisation profession --------------------------------------------------------------------------- and state whether you want to - receive a detailed programm; and/or - partake day 1 a/o - partake lunch day 1 a/o - prefer to partake workshop number ... on 28/11/95 a/o - but if not partake workshop number ... on 28/11/95 a/o - partake day 2 a/o - partake lunch day 2 a/o - prefer to partake workshop number ... on 29/11/95 a/o - but if not partake workshop number ...on 29/11/95 BCN is onafhankelijke stichting. Doel: Nederlandse samenleving informeren over Burma. Het initieert en co-ordineert aktiviteiten die democratisering en duurzame ontwikkeling bevorderen. Het geeft een positieve bijdrage aan een constructieve dialoog tussen de diverse groeperingen. visit these sights: http://sunsite.unc.edu/freeburma/freeburma.html http://www.uio.no/tormodl http://danet.wicip.org/fbc/freeburma.html ***************************** CRDB: LETTER TO THE WORLD BANK October 30, 1995 The Committee for Restoration of Democracy in Burma Mr. James Wolfensohn President, The World Bank 1818 H Street, NW Washington, DC 20433 Dear Mr. Wolfensohn, I noted with interest a recent press report that Burmese General Win Tin of the military government of Burma provided you a briefing at the annual Board of Governors Meeting. There are several significant omissions in his presentation which should be considered prior to making recommendations to loan money to the dictatorship in Rangoon. When General Win Tin mentioned "the 1988 disturbances," he was referring to the Burma Army slaughter of thousands of innocent civilians who had been peacefully protesting against three decades of incompetent, corrupt, and cruel military rule. General Win Tin did not mention the gang rapes of students by Burma Army soldiers, the beating to death of students, the throwing of wounded students into the crematorium behind the Burma Broadcasting Station, nor did he mention that the soldiers had been ordered to shoot and kill doctors and nurses attending wounded demonstrators. General Win Tin failed to mention that the economic growth and foreign investments have only served to enrich the military junta leaders and their families and to pay off the debts for its acquisition of billions of dollars in military equipment. This national income has not been used for infrastructure. Slave labor is used for its in-kind contributions for infrastructure projects. Along with economic growth, there has been significant increases in infant mortality, malnutrition, AIDS and heroin exports. Before you accept General Win Tin's assertion that the military dictatorship in Rangoon gives priority to environmental concerns, you may wish to seek the views of someone with some expertise in forestry and environmental protection. What the General says and what others say (and have documented) are contradictory. You should understand the Orwellian vocabulary used by the Generals in Rangoon. General Win Tin's use of the term "national reconciliation" should not be understood to mean "national reconciliation". What it really means is government sponsored genocide against ethnic minorities, torture and imprisonment of political oppositions leaders, and policy which seek to divide the nation along religious and ethnic lines to prevent a democratic coalition from developing. Another omission by General Win Tin was that his government, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) is not the legitimate government of Burma. Elections were held in May 1990. The National League for Democracy (NLD), led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, won an overwhelming victory. Instead of transferring political power, the generals imprisoned party leaders (having placed Daw Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest months earlier) and increased its military campaign against pro-democracy groups throughout the country. SLORC is an outlaw regime. According to its own statements to the people, it obeys no laws since it is a military regime. Most importantly, General Win Tin did not mention that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the pro-democracy movement of Burma and General Secretary of the NLD, has stated that it is premature for major foreign investment in Burma. Until there is a dialogue between the people, represented by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and the generals, no investment can be secure. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has made every effort to engage the military dictatorship in a dialogue to bring nonviolent democratic political reforms to our country. For the prestigious World Bank to endorse oppression and tyranny by supporting the regime in Rangoon would be most inappropriate. Democracies throughout the world would be embarrassed that their contributions were promoting the enslavement of a nation. Sincerely, (Signed) Tin Maung Thaw Chairman, CRDB ************************************