------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------ "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ---------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News: Nov 4, 1995 Issue #270 Noted in Passing: The unrestricted competition has also led to all out brawls between competing tour companies at the airport and a rise in unscrupulous business tactics such as taxi drivers delaying their arrival to the train station until the last train to Mandalay has departed and then offering their services as tour guides. (quoted in 'VISIT BURMA' CAMPAIGN: A YEAR EARLY) HEADLINES: ========== UNDP: HUMAN DEVELOPMENT REPORT 1995 (UNDP) ANNOUNCEMENT: NEW NLD VIDEO INFO VOL #9--->#12 AVAILABLE BURMANET: ADDENDUM TO BURMANET SUBSCRIBER TALLY INDEPENDENT REPORT: 56 SAILORS STRANDED - NOT JUST ROUEN NATION: ON THE WRONG SIDE OF HISTORY NATION: 'VISIT BURMA' CAMPAIGN: A YEAR EARLY BKK POST: BURMA BEEFS UP TROOP NUMBERS, READY FOR CLASHES ---------------------------------------------------------- Produced with the support of the Burma Information Group (B.I.G) and the Research Department of the ABSDF {MTZ} The BurmaNet News is an electronic newspaper covering Burma. Articles from newspapers, magazines, newsletters, the wire services and the Internet as well as original material are published. The BurmaNet News is e-mailed directly to subscribers and is also distributed via the soc.culture.burma and seasia-l mailing lists and is also available via the reg.burma conference on the APC networks. 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Look under the International Political Economy section, then select Geographic Archive, then Asia, then Burma. ---------------------------------------------------------- BURMANET SUBJECT-MATTER RESOURCE LIST BurmaNet regularly receives enquiries on a number of different topics related to Burma. If you have questions on any of the following subjects, please direct email to the following volunteer coordinators, who will either answer your question or try to put you in contact with someone who can: Arakan/Rohingya/Burma volunteer needed Bangladesh Border Campus activism: zni@students.wisc.edu Boycott campaigns: [Pepsi] wcsbeau@superior.ccs.carleton.ca Buddhism: Buddhist Relief Mission: brelief@gol.com Chin history/culture: plilian@asc.corp.mot.com Fonts: tom@cs.colgate.edu History of Burma: zni@students.wisc.edu Kachin history/culture: 74750.1267@compuserve.com Karen history/culture: Karen Historical Society: 102113.2571@Compuserve.com Mon history/culture: [volunteer needed] Naga history/culture: Wungram Shishak: z954001@oats.farm.niu.edu Burma-India border [volunteer needed] Pali literature: "Palmleaf": c/o burmanet@igc.apc.org Shan history/culture: [volunteer needed] Shareholder activism: simon_billenness@mail.cybercom.net Tourism campaigns: bagp@gn.apc.org "Attn. S.Sutcliffe" World Wide Web: FreeBurma@POBox.com Volunteering: christin@ksc.net.th [Feel free to suggest more areas of coverage] *********************** UNDP: HUMAN DEVELOPMENT REPORT 1995 (UNDP). November 1, 1995 From: "Aye / Myo (COM)" MYANMAR (BURMA). ---------------- NATURAL RESOURCES ----------------- Land Area (1,000 km2 ) 1992 = 658 Forest and Woodland (as % of land area) 1992 = 49.3 Arable Land (as % of land area) 1992 = 15.3 Irrigated Land (as % of land area) 1992 = 9.9 Deforestation (1,000 ha per year) 1989 = 677 Annual rate of Deforestation (%) 1989 = 2.1 Production of Fuel Wood and Charcoal (1,000 m3 per year) 1992 = 18,632 Internal renewable water resources per capita (1,000 m3 per year) 1992 = 24.8 Annual fresh water withdrawls per capita (m3) 1989 = 101 ENERGY CONSUMPTION ------------------ Production as % of national energy reserves (Natural Gas) 1991 =0.4 Commercial Energy Production average annual growth rate (%) 1992 = -1 Commercial Energy Consumption average annual growth rate (%) 1992 = -1 Commercial Energy Use (kg of oil equivalent per capita) 1992 = 42 Commercial Energy Imports ( as % of merchandise exports) 1992 = 9 DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE ------------------- Estimated Population (millions) 1992 = 43.7 2000 = 51.5 Annual Population growth rate (%) 1992-2000 = 2.1 Crude Birth rate (1992) = 32.5 Crude Death rate (1992) = 11.1 Total Fertility rate (1992) = 4.2 MILITARY EXPENDITURE & RESOURCE USE ----------------------------------- Defence expenditure - U.S $ millions - (1985 prices) 1992 = 269 Military expenditure (as % of combined education and health expenditure ) 1991 = 222 Imports of conventional weapons (1990 prices) U.S $ millions (1992) = 48 Total Armed Forces (Thousands) 1992 = 286.0 DEBT ---- Total external debt - U.S $ billions (1992) = 5.3 WEALTH, POVERTY & INVESTMENT ---------------------------- Social Investment: Public expenditure on Education (as % 0f GNP) 1990 = 1.9 Employment: Womens share of adult labour force (age 15 and above) 1994 = 36 Percentage of labour force in Agriculture (1992) = 79 in Industry (1992) = 7 in Services (1992) = 14 EDUCATION --------- Pupil-teacher ratio (primary) 1990 = 35 Secondary technical enrolment (as % of total secondary) 1991 = 1.2 Education (as % of GNP) 1990 = 1.9 Primary & Secondary Education (as % of all levels) 1990 = 86 Higher Education (as % of all levels) 1990 = 13 HEALTH ------ Tuberculosis (%) 1993 = 80 Measles (%) 1993 = 71 AIDS cases (per 100,000 people) 1993 = 0.3 Malaria cases (per 100,000 people) 1993 = 330 Population per Doctor (1991) = 12,500 Pregnant women age 15-49 with Anaemia (%) 1991 = 60 PROFILE OF HUMAN DEVELOPMENT ---------------------------- Daily Newspaper (copies per 100 people) 1992 = 1 Gender-related development: Share of earned income (%) Female = 30 Male = 70 Life expetancy (years) 1992 Female = 59.3 Male = 56 Myanmar is Low Human development (HDI below 0.500) and Low Income (GNP per capita $ 695 and below) country. ********************************************************************** ANNOUNCEMENT: NEW NLD VIDEO INFO VOL #9-->#12 AVAILABLE November 3, 1995 From: kyawtint@hatelecom.or.jp (Kyaw Tint) (ISBDA) Dear Friends: ISBDA has just received new video tapes, alias "Burma's Democracy Struggle and Our Future Prospect, vol. #9, #10, #11, and #12." The tapes were recorded during September to October and distributed by the NLD HQ to its members. Video tape (#12) covers Thadingyut Traditional Ceremony organized by University Student Union to pay respect to senior political activists in Burma. The tapes #9--#12 are serial video documents of public speeches and discussions in Burmese by the NLD leaders headed by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, based on the questions by the people gathered every weekends in front of Daw Suu's resident. People who interested in sharing these tapes must send return address to ISBDA, 202-601 Chohai 3-chome, Nagakute, Aichi, Japan 480-11 with enclosed check or international MO payable to Htay H. Kyi. _OnlY FoR YoU:_ Those friends who have reputation of sharing previous video & audio sets are suggested to send an email mentioning that he or she has just mailed the payment so that we can process for shipping the new volumes without confirming the payment. copying + handling fees ==> Burma's Democracy Struggle and Our Future Prospect, vol. #9, #10, #11. #12: ===========(new set -a)=============== US$ 60.0 per set. Burma's Democracy Struggle and Our Future Prospect, vol. #6, #7, #8: ===========(previous set)=============== US$ 35.0 per set. Five Audio Tapes (C60s): ===========(previous set)=============== US$ 25.0 per set. Burma's Democracy Struggle and Our Future Prospect, vol. 5: ===========(previous sei)=============== US$ 15.0 per copy. August 11 Press Briefing Audio Tape (C60): ===========(previous set)=============== US$ 10.0 per copy. Burma's Democracy Struggle and Our Future Prospect, vol. 3 and 4: ===========(previous set)=============== US$ 25.0 per set. Burma's Democracy Struggle and Our Future Prospect, vol. 1 and 2: ============(previous set) ========== US$ 25.0 per set. Please clearly mention the tape volume numbers in your order and we will immediately air-mailed after receiving your payment. All video tapes are recorded by home video camera system on NTSC VHS format. KT ******************* ADDENDUM TO BURMANET SUBSCRIBER TALLY November 3, 1995 >From information.general@auckland.ac.nz Thanks to Blair Dye, AU Interloans, for this information: AT=Austria SE=Sweden MY=Malaysia SI=Slovenia CH=Switzerland IS=Iceland The subscriber tally is presented again here, with all the correct country names. BURMANET-L SUBSCRIBERS country abbreviation total ------------------------------------------------------ USA - 256 Thailand th 50 Australia au 41 United Kingdom uk 12 Japan jp 10 Canada ca 10 Norway no 8 France fr 4 Singapore sg 3 India in 3 Netherlands nl 3 Germany de 3 Denmark dk 3 Malaysia my 3 New Zealand nz 2 Belgium be 1 Finland fi 1 Zaire za 1 Slovenia si 1 Switzerland ch 1 Sweden se 1 Austria at 1 Iceland is 1 ------ total: 419 BURMANEWS-L SUBSCRIBERS country abbreviation total --------------------------------------------------- USA - 45 Thailand th 3 Australia au 8 United Kingdom uk 1 Japan jp 3 Canada ca 4 France fr 1 Netherlands nl 1 Germany de 1 Denmark dk 1 New Zealand nz 1 Hong Kong hk 1 Austria at 1 Croatia cr 1 ------- Total: 72 ******************************************** INDEPENDENT REPORT: 56 SAILORS STRANDED - NOT JUST ROUEN October 31, 1995 From: Gijs Hillenius AMSTERDAM 02/22/95 - Seven Burmese Sailors onboard the Stainless Tanker are stuck in Delfzijl, a small chemical-harbour in the north of The Netherlands. ADRIATIC TANKERS, their Greek shipping company, has not paid their salaries. The boat will shortly be sold at an auction to pay for the return air-fare of the sailors as well as their salaries. The seven sailors are being helped by the local church and some trade-union members. The boat still has oil so the heating is still working which the crew will need as temparatures are falling below zero soon. Another six Burmese sailors are stuck onboard their ship in Rouen, northern France. Since this ship has no electricty nor oil to run the heating, a plee for legal and financial support has reached the international Burma-support movement. Last week the seven sailors appeared in a one-hour television show at a regional televisionnetwork and articles appeared in the regional press. ADRIATIC TANKERS (AT) owns 116 ships which makes it a very big company to European standards. AT has not paid salaries worldwide to an amount of five million US dollars. Two other Burmese were recently sent home on to Burma after spending months in Dordrecht. A quarter of their wages was paid, as well as their air-fare. As soon as the rest of the salary is secured it will be transferred to the companies Burma office. Involved Trade-union workers are concerned thismoney will never reach the sailors, something they learend from past experiences. A total of 56 Burmese sailors were this year stuck in the same manner in The Netherlands. If the necessary amount of money is secured, the Burmese are sent back home. Two sailors onboard the OCEAN BREEZER, also owned by AT, who were suffering from the cold, threathened to set fire to the furniture. They were transferred to the STAINLESS COMMANDER in DElfzijl, where there still is oil. One repatriated Burmese sailor was able to return home only after negotiations for several hours by Trade Union officials at the international airport SCHIPHOL, since his passport had expired. Stranded sailors are usually granted a three-month visa in the Netherlands. These sailors can probably be contacted through us, our e-mail adress is BCN@xs4all.nl visit these sights: http://sunsite.unc.edu/freeburma/freeburma.html http://www.uio.no/tormodl http://danet.wicip.org/fbc/freeburma.html *************************************************** THE NATION: ON THE WRONG SIDE OF HISTORY November 3, 1995 By Chao-Tzang Yawnghwe Chao-Tzang Yawnghwe sees the latest turmoil afflicting the nationalist movement in Shan state as just one more result of its position as a political chessboard for Cold War games, imperial power plays and Burman aggression. ------------------------------------------- In January 1995, a group of Shans met in New York city and subsequently issued the "New York Declaration" which reiterated the right of the Shan to freedom, identity, human rights and pledged to work with other democracy groups and activists to restore democracy. They also expressed the willingness to explore with the Burman, Mon, Karen, and others the possibility of co-existence under one flag. The New York Declaration was welcomed by all groups in Shan State and also the Mong Tai Army (MTA). In the light of the fact that the MTA had declared Shan independence a few months earlier, its acceptance of the declaration was significant. The political impact of the Shan New York Declaration was further boosted when the Burmese junta leader Lt Gen Khin Nyunt publici- zed the activities of overseas Shan in a speech to a national conference of teachers. It seemed that the Shans had finally got their act together, and were set to become a constructive dynamic force in the remarking of a new future for all the people and nations of Burma. However, a few months later, the convoluted pattern of Shan politics reasserted itself. Ganyod, the rising politico-military star of the MTA broke away and began cease-fire talks with the Burmese junta, known as the State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc). The reason given by him was that the MTA was dominated by Chinese elements and that its leader Khun Sa was not a bonafide nationa- list. He also accused Khun Sa of co-operating with the Burman military in order to protect his opium-heroin trade and, in a Machiavellan way, to internationally discredit the Shan national movement. Obviously, Ganyod's defection and subsequent action, besides being quite native, do not jibe with his nationalist stance and words. >From the standpoint of logic, it is irrational. However, in terms of the dynamics of convoluted Shan politics, it does make perfect sense. Mass defection is not new. In the mid-1960s, about two-thirds of Shan rebel strength, their leaders tempted by the prospect of trade and profit, embraced Ne Win's Ka Kwe Ye (homeguard) programme (an arrangement similar to Khin Nyunt's cease-fire agreement). Moreover, Shan politics (and its logic) do not travel in a straight line mainly because such is the politics of nations that have somehow landed on the "wrong side of history." Like the more celebrated Kurds, Basques, and sons of Punjab, the Shans (Dai) or the land they inhabit got left out when Europeans began to remark the world in the 19th century, in accordance with their notion of neat boundaries that distinguished one "nation- state" from another. The outcome of western nation-making has been the forced inclu- sions of many nations under one flag and attempts by new "owners" of new "nation-states" to deny with state terror and brutality the "nation-ness" of other nations. The Dai, ruled for centuries by their princes, were part of the upland Shan-Lao political system, consisting of principalities which paid tribute (often simultaneously) to whichever neigh- bouring "kingdom" displayed interest in them. The Shan-Lao system was broken up by the Europeans and incorpo- rated into what have become Vietnam, Siam (Thailand), Laos, Burma and Yunnan (China)_ an arrangement in line with the European sense of inter-state order (underpinned, of course, by the impe- ratives and expediencies of economic rationally, i.e. considera- tion of trade, profit, and wealth-making). It was thus, the Dai of the present day Shan State became under British tutelage, part of colonial Burma, and later, by virtue of the Panglong Agreement (1947), part of the Union of Burma. What is note worthy is the economic significance of Shanland; it connects the economy of the Irrawaddy plains with the upland regions of China (Yunnan), North Thailand, and Laos which inci- dentally, were regions that figured largely in the US-Kuomintang "secret" war against Mao's China from the 1950s to the mid 1970s. This war was financed by a crop for which the Shan soil and climate proved ideal, opium _ the raw material of a global billion dollars industry. The economic importance of Shan State was further boosted when it became the "soft under-belly" so to speak, of Burma's socialist economy. Shan or Dai nationalism began as all nationalism does - through contacts with the externally imposed construction of reality expressed in terms of "the national", i.e. national history, national culture, national state, national right, and the adho- minen notions of human dignity and human rights as refined and advanced by the West. Reinforcing Shan nationalism were the atrocities committed by Burma soldiers, dispatched ostensibly to "defend the Union", but who pillaged, raped, killed and brutalised with impunity (and without morality or compassion, although they are strangely enough, Buddhists). Such actions represented, to the Shans, a Burman racist policy to destroy them completely, to cleanse them from history. It is from the Shan experience with the world of "nation-states" as victims, that were as the Noom Seuk-harn (Young Warriors), Shan State Independence Army (SSIA), Shan State Army (SSA), Shan United Army (SUA), and the MTA, to name some. The tragedy for the Shans was that their homeland was the "soft- underbelly" politically of Mao's China, and economically of Ne Win's socialist economy. As such, Shanland became a commercial-political chessboard for actors with interests other than Shan nationalism who, in turn, were linked to the world of the powerful (i.e. communist "revolu- tionaries" such as Mao, his wife, and his portage, Lin Piao, anti-Communist warriors, intellectual cowboys, anti-narcotics Rambos of many flags; the police military-security big-man" of various governments, and transnational Chinese tycoons and gangsters). They all did well (career-wise or in terms of money), while Shan armies fought year after year, and gained, in return, only repu- tations as drug armies. In time, narcotics, instead of policy, become the "reality" that defined Shan State for those on the outside looking in. For those inside, Ganyod, for example (and thousands of young Shans), reality was risking their lives fighting under, or for, Khun Sa, a leader whose political credibility in the world outside was zero. Added to their frustration, was the presence of Chinese "old-timers" and strategists, who filled their own pockets and as well, the belly of the army. They dictated who the enemies of the day were, and had, within the MTA, a substantial say in deciding who was to be trusted or distrusted, promoted, demoted, executed or allowed to prosper. To be sure, Khun Sa was the supreme warlord, but like all leaders, his main occupation was striking a balance between components which constituted his power base. The notion that a leader leads, that he is supreme, is a relic of a simpler past which, nevertheless, continues to colour the perception of leadership even in the 21st century. Ganyod's defection has dealt Khun Sa a painful blow. The Shan solution has been to empower the executive, legislative repre- sentatives, supervisory bodies which hitherto existed only on paper. Nonetheless, Khun Sa has still an important role to play since the belly is the most important part of any army. His job is none other than to lead like a modern leader - i.e. to empower insti- tutions already in place, activate the institutional channel of power, delegate responsibility, create new leaders, and so forth. He will also have to simultaneously placate the Chinese elements who hold the purse strings. Whether or not he is up to the task - a daunting one for anyone - remains to be seen. It is doubtful Khun Sa realises what his new role is. Most probably he does not. As for Ganyod, he has, like many "Young Turks" in various armies, who shook up the status quo and has, in the process, committed political suicide. Having landed in Slorc's pocket, he is un- likely to be trusted as a leader by the Shans (nor will he be trusted as a leader by the Burman military). If he is lucky and accomplished he will likely make some money and live comfortably the rest of his life - if Slorc is kindly disposed toward him. Given the convoluted nature of Shan politics (and incidentally, Burma's as well), Khun Sa's fall or re-emergence, like the pro- verbial Phoenix, will not make much of a difference because in Shan State, Slorc has achieved neither victory nor won any friends. Its "allies," the ex-communist Kokang-Wa armies, the Lahu, Palaung, Pa-O, and Kachin forces do not have much respect for the Burman military, and given the situation of Shan State as a lucrative economic-commercial backdoor to, and from, four countries - Burma, China, Laos and Thailand - Shan politics will likely remain convoluted and volatile for many, many years to come. Perhaps there is a moral regarding leadership in the predicaments of dictators, big and small - those in the communist world, and Ne Win, Bo Mya, Khun Sa, Suchinda, and Suharto. The world is cha- nging, and brain power rather than "gun power" may be what is needed to unify or modernise countries and nations. Khin Nyunt is lucky in that he has Aung San Suu Kyi nearby. The sooner he rea- lises his luck, the better will it be for him and for everyone else in Burma. ---------------------------- Chao-Tzang Yawnghwe is a son of the late Sao Shwe Thaike, who was Burma's first independent president from 1948-52. Sao Shwe Thaike, also known as the respected SawBwa of Yawnghwe, died in military custody shortly after the coup in 1962 by Gen Ne Win. This article was contributed to The Nation. (TN) ******************************************************** NATION: 'VISIT BURMA' CAMPAIGN: A YEAR EARLY AND A HOTEL SHOT November 3, 1995 Rangoon is risking a backlash of bad publicity by rushing tourism promotion before the country is ready. As this once isolated nation rushes to complete the final prepa- rations for "Visit Myanmar Year 1996", doubts have risen as to whether the country's undeveloped infrastructure will be able to cope with the expected influx of visitors. If government predictions of a 20 per cent increase in visitors next year prove correct, approximately 300,000 tourists will descend on the country, prompting concern among some industry insiders that shortages of hotel space and suitable transpo- rtation may affect the viability of the long term market. Based on already received reservations, large hotels are fore- casting a 30 per cent increase in guests. Though heartening to the hotel industry and government, a to-be-expected increase in negative press as people pay overpriced rates for substandard rooms could result in a tourism backlash, with one industry source quietly putting it, "1988 might have been a more auspicious choice." Even with an unprecedented boom of hotel construction underway in Rangoon, only an additional 1,500 beds will be available for 1996. The majority will not be fully completed until 1997-98, when according to Jurgen Dieter Voss, manager of the Baiyoke Kandawgi Hotel, "The real business will start." The situation upcountry is even less appealing, as one travel agent explained, "Except for the Novatel that opens in Mid' 96 there isn't a hotel in Mandalay that could reach the word 'inter- national standard'. There is nothing you could start a big tour with, there's just nothing there." As for Burma's much publicised 4,000 kilometres of pristine coastline and several hundred tropical islands, as of present only three islands are open to tourists, all serviced by one 400- room hotel. Transport may be the biggest obstacle of all. Since the government abolished the monopoly held by the state-run Myanmar Tour and Travels (MTT) more than 200 small tour agencies have opened up. The rush to get into business has resulted in a plethora of business offering substandard services. Even basic necessities such as English-speaking guides and tour vans can be hard to find, with most tour operators offering only privately-owned vehicles. The unrestricted competition has also led to all out brawls between competing tour companies at the airport and a rise in unscrupulous business tactics such as taxi drivers delaying their arrival to the train station until the last train to Mandalay has departed and then offering their services as tour guides. A shortage of internal flights will also have to be taken into account if there is a rush of tourists. Werner Sneft, manager of Diethelm Travel in Rangoon, said he was optimistic about the future of tourism in Burma although he added the country should move at a slower rate to make the necessary development first. "With the total fights available the most they can carry is approximately 22,000 for the peak months of November and December, even if they put on an additional flight we're only talking about 60 people at a time." "Myanmar (Burma) is going to have a very good future in tourism, because they have everything here from wonderful islands to culture to the Himalayas. People are already talking about going skiing then flying to the beach later, this will eventually happen but when is anybody's guess." he said. Though the government has made great strides in trying to upgrade the country's infrastructure, critics have point out that in many cases the work is being carried out by forced labour. Rangoon has also invested its limited reserves heavily into tourism-related infrastructure in the hope of garnering much needed foreign currency. New flight terminals are under construction at the major tourist gateways of Rangoon, Mandalay, and Pagan but all are not due for completion until 1997. A new train station is being constructed in Mandalay, and though a sign depicts it as a "Visit Myanmar 1996" project, it will not be complete until 1997, and with the cash-strapped state govern- ment unable to invest in more rolling stock, no sleepers are available for the 18-hour ride from Rangoon to Mandalay. Tin Win, manager of the Myanmar Tourism and Travel in Pagan, expects a 50 per cent increase in tourism, lifting the amount of tourist visiting the area to 200,000 in 1996. Concerned there is a shortage of accommodation, he said, "It takes time given the present arrangement." He said he is hoping liberalisation within the banking sector will allow foreign banks to loan money for tourism-related ventures, enabling tour operators and hotel owners to upgrade their facilities. "We are looking for more foreign investment," he said. He also said current plans for the opening of the International Airport in Pagan to flights from Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai, on Thai owned carriers, with visa upon arrival, will take the stress out of international flights. Under a master plan to be submitted to UNESCO for parts of Pagan to be listed as a World Heritage site, Zone 3 will be listed as a two-part economic zone. The first division, near the International Airport will be available to Maynmar nationals only, the second, located 9kms south of the ancient city wall, will be for foreign investment. With both areas at present little more than dusty plains it will take between three to five years to develop the sites and with present accommodation shortages in the area, it may be several years before the area can cope with large-scale tourism. Than Naing Oo, manager of the Aung Min Galar Hotel which overlooks the Shwedagon Pagoda, said his property is expecting a 50 per cent increase in guests next year and already booked solid for the next four months. He has extended his hotel by eight rooms to cope with the influx, not only from the publicity generated by Visit Myanmar year but by drawing tourists from Angkor Wat as well. "We expect many tourists who would normally go to Cambodia to come here instead, due to the problems they are having. Already most of our bookings are mainly French," he said. (TN) ********************************* BKK POST: BURMA BEEFS UP TROOP NUMBERS, READY FOR FRESH MINORITY CLASHES Nov. 3, 1995 RANGOON has sent 400 troop reinforcements and artillery into Kayah State opposite Mae Hong Son to prepare for clashes with minority groups. The Karenni National Progressive Party said the reinforcements, with large quantities of artillery and small arms ammunition, were taking position opposite Khun Yuan and the town districts. Karenni offers said the Burmese were responding to the loss of 200 soldiers in clash with rebels in Kayah State over the past four months. It was reported that 4000 Burmese troops have been deployed in Kayah, where the Karenni, who have 1200 fighters, have asked for help from Khun Sa's MTA, which is also preparing for a winter assault. Karenni representatives, meanwhile, were negioting with Rangoon for a cease-fire. (BP) ***************************************