------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------ "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ---------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News: November 27, 1995 Issue #289 HEADLINES: ========== THE BURMESE WAY TO DICTATORSHIP BURMA LAST JEWS STRUGGLING TO PRESERVE SYNAGOGUE MAN KILLED AS ARMED GANG AMBUSHES VAN BURMESE EXILES TO PROTEST CHARTER CHETHA: DON'T LET KHUN SA IN SUU KYI SLAMS JAIL TERMS HANDED OUT TO HER SUPPORTERS VITAL WEEK AHEAD FOR BURMA'S BATTERED DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT SUU KYI: NLD HAS A DUTY TO THE PEOPLE THE WORLD IS A STAGE FOR DRUG WARLORD KHUN SA BURMA LACKING BASIC TOURIST FACILITIES, CLAIM THAI TRADERS ANDAMAN CLUB CELEBRATES ITS BURMESE OPENING BURMESE EXILES SLAM 'SHAM' CHEATER CONVENTION OFFICIALS EXPRESS DOUBTS OVER KHUN SA'S RETIREMENT CLAIM BURMESE EXILES TO PROTEST CHARTER THE BURMESE WAY TO DICTATORSHIP KEY TEST FOR BURMA'S BATTERED DEMOCRACY ********************************* THE BURMESE WAY TO DICTATORSHIP By U Thaung Bkk Post/26.11.95 GENERAL Ne Win of Burma has been a despotic ruler for 33 years, and if we count the two years of caretaker government helmsmanship in 1958, he has been an absolute ruler of Burma for more than 35 years. His arbitrary power is one of the longest in world history. Communist dictators, Socialist autocrats, fascist tyrants, militarist despots, religious autocrats, and monarchist czars of the world have been crushed. So why has General Ne Win survived so long? Answering this question has been a regular pastime for Burmese journalists analysing the power of Ne Win. One journalist said: "Ne Win has built the Military Intelligence Service as the most powerful and efficient unit in the army. MIS officers are lavishly paid and trusted with omnipotent command, and the service is totally controlled by him or his trusted stooge. With this network Ne Win controls the army in his hand and the army reigns the nation in their grip. "All army officers know very well about the potential of the MIS, that are attached to their units and they are afraid of the organisation more than civilians. "The most important thing in the lives of Burma Army officers is promotion. Starting from the rank of a captain, all promotions need approval by Ne Win. Thus, all military officers are directly attached to the dictator. "Once in 1970, Ne Win summoned all the highest military officers serving as members of the Revolutionary Council and the Army Command to his office and warned them to control their greed. "All criminal deeds detected by the MIS were read one by one in front of the gathering. Who had misappropriate which fund, whose wife was taking bribes, and so on were openly told. All the highest officials of the government were dishonoured and disgraced enemas in front of each other. "No one could deny his accusation and had to thank the dictator for his forgiveness. They all had to bow their loyalty to the leader who was merciful to them. I will not tolerate this any more, he said. "The military leaders also knew they all would not be punished together as Ne Win needed their strength. Ne Win could never destroy the Army. Maybe one or two who were not in favour would be disciplined. They also knew Ne Win himself had committed crimes. Thieving government funds, taking bribes from foreign firms and stealing jewels were the Boss's most serious crimes. It was a gathering of all the sinners. "At that particular meeting Ne Win also warned his deputy San Yu. General San Yu's crime was committed by Mrs San Yu. It was alleged that Mrs San Yu had read personnel records of officers and whenever she knew about a promotion, she would contact the officer to ask for money or some kind of favour. It's a gang of rabbles. They all are sinners and Ne Win is the one who thieves more and knows more." Another reporter said that in the army, all big troop movements had to get clearance from Ne Win himself. "Ne Win's brain is sharp and thick. He owned the memory of a computer chip. He remembered all the people around him by names and their deeds. He always recalled facts when he spoke about someone." One political writer expressed different reasons for the dictators' long time in power. "He always cultures scapegoats. For instance, during the Burmese Way to Socialism era, he distanced himself from the economy. He appointed stooges to take care of the economy with a hint of his successor or number two leaders. "And when he failed, it is simple and easy for him to replace the stooge. He could always blame his stooge. "Look at the cabinet members. Dumb chaps were made ministers. He always chose the wrong person for the right ministry. The poor military officer appointed to a ministerial post he could not manage would have to depend on Ne Win. It meant that, though the minister is officially head of a certain ministry, Ne Win himself was the real controller. "Another technique was to never keep his number two man as his crown prince. Four rank officers were given high responsibility hinted to them that they 4 think of themselves as his he parent. But when their dreams come too real, Ne Win simply moved them." Every one agreed that Gene Win wanted to rule for his life. Government officials, especially those given a chance in office, built houses for their future. House were owned privately so they could live in them after retirement or sacking. General Ne Win never built or owned a residential house to live after he retired. Instead, he built a house for the Commander in Chief of Army. That was in 1958 after he married his third wife Khin May Than. When he married Khin May Than, he and his bride were married 1 with children. At that time, Prime r Minister U Nu, who was a good Buddhist was mad to see his commander committing scandalous adultery had fired him. But after he kow-towed the prime minister and other ministers, he was reinstated. He built the house for the chief of the army with army expenditure when he was assured of his post. The house is on the bank of huge i lake, not too far from the city. It is strategically best for a chief of the ~army. And he built the house as if it ~was to be his permanently. It was evident he would never leave. It is the most luxurious house in Burma. His new wife went to Hong Kong for materials and furniture for the house. It was lavishly furnished for his comfort and Khin May Than's taste. "Since then I knew this fellow would never give up his post," said a journalist and Burma-watcher. My deduction is that the Ne Win dictatorship is different to other authoritarian rules of the world. He introduced the Burmese Way of Dictatorship, and enjoys life-long power in his hands. Burma is between two large nations, China and India, where civilisation started a long time ago. Chinese and Indian culture moved into Burma, but Burmese could build their own culture by absorbing incoming influences. Freedom of Burmese character welcomed foreign culture. The process turned Buddhism into Burmese religion. For instance Sherlock Holmes was turned into a Burmese hero of San Shar as a reallife Burmese detective. The Burmese way has been to take foreign culture and ideologies, blending them into something distinctly Burmese. It is the same way Ne Win created a new system of dictatorship. Fear is the most important weapon for a dictator. Dictators of the world have controlled their people with fear. To be a fearful monarch one had to kill his people. Most dictators took power through bloodshed . Since the beginning, they have killed their enemies or obstacles which hinder their road to power. Some African dictators have even committed cannibalism for power. But Ne Win does not kill his enemies. His method of killing is more cruel and more effective than taking lives. He kills the livelihood of his people. In 1970, I visited an army hospital for a press briefing. The director of MIS showed us wounded soldiers who fought the Communists in the border areas. The Communists and Chinese volunteers used special bullets that did not kill but only hurt the Government soldiers. He explained: "The Chinese and Communists are very cruel. They used bullets that do not kill. On the front if a soldier is killed, other soldiers near him can continue their fight. But if one soldier is wounded it took three soldiers to carry him to a safe place. It means the fighting force of three soldiers is used and wasted. And the government had to take care of wounded soldiers, which was more costly than a killed soldier." Ne Win used the same method. If he killed people, families would suffer and bear malice but would not be afraid. When he staged a coup, Ne Win did not kill the prime minister and members of cabinet. Instead, he imprisoned them and released them in due course. The ministers lost their livelihood. Sacking government servants, national enterprise personnel and substituting them with soldiers also meant killing a person's livelihood. Nationalisation of all private enterprises also means killing the owners' livelihoods. When livelihoods are lost, people lose their morals and characters are ruined. People could not survive unless they surrender their loyalty to the dictator. People had to kow-tow the dictator and the army officers, and many people turn traitor to civilian friends for a better lifestyle. Many even work against their relatives. To get a job, to have the chance for income, people had to surrender their beliefs and pride. Burma became a nation of sheep, fighting against each other for favours of the dictator and his army. It's a tragedy created by Me Win so he could hold eternal power. Killing the livelihood of a whole nation and making people rely on the army for survival is Ne Win Dictatorship established the Burmese Way. There is no doubt General Ne . Win is a very intelligent person. I am certain he knew well about the economic situation in Burma after a few years experience with his Burmese way to Socialist Economic System. He was never a believer of socialism before the 1962 coup. He understood fully about the chaotic Burmese economy after his experiment with socialism. Though he was aware of the situation, he did not change his policy and continued the disastrous path. He chose the system to make the people poor. British philosopher Bertrand Russell wrote: "If one man offers you democracy and another offers you a bag of grain, at what stage of starvation will you prefer the grain to the vote?" Starving Burmese people under Ne Win are poorer every day, busy begging for rice, and there seems to be no hope for them to recover strength to ask for democratic rights from the army. U Thaung is former editor of the Mirror Daily a Burmese language newspaper published in Rangoon. He presently edits Khit Pyaing or the New Era Journal, a Burmese tabloid bi-monthly published overseas. The writer presently resides at Pompano Beach, Florida. ********************************* BURMA LAST JEWS STRUGGLING TO PRESERVE SYNAGOGUE by Robert Horn Rangoon, AP Bkk Post/27.11.95 MOSES Samuels unlocks the doors of Burma's last synagogue only when he's sure his visitor is of the Jewish faith. Jewish law does not bar nonbelievers from its temples. Dozens of Muslim traders from the teeming street outside turned up at the synagogue gates to offer condolences when Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin was assassinated. But as Samuels steps into the silent empty Musmeah Yeshua synagogue, he explains why his Muslim neighbours are rarely allowed inside. "I don't want this to be a museum," says Musmeah Yeshua's sole trustee. "I want it to be alive as a house of worship." It's a hard task. Only eight Jewish families, about 40 people, are left in Burma, and most live outside Rangoon. Frequently, there isn't a "minyan" _ the minimum of 10 men required by Jewish religious law to hold a service. So Musmeah Yeshua, just a stone's throw from the Buddhist Sule Pagoda, often sits vacant amid Hindu temples and Muslim mosques, an aging monument to a dwindling community in one of the world's most isolated countries. It wasn't always that way. There were once 2,500 Jews in Burma. Traders and merchants from the Middle East and Europe, they started migrating here in the early 1800s. Sometime between 1877 and 1896, they built the synagogue. Many Jews left during the Japanese occupation in World War II. More followed after the Burmese army seized power in 1962. Most lost their livelihoods as the military strongman Ne Win, who ruled for 26 years, nationalised industries and wrecked the economy. The last rabbi left in 1975. Samuels' father, Isaac, who came to Burma from England in the 1920s, was elected trustee of the synagogue. He died in 1978, and caring for Musmeah Yeshua fell to Samuels, now 46. Until then Samuels had not paid much attention to his religious schooling. While he can speak Burmese, Urdu and English, he cannot speak Hebrew. "I want to learn, but there is no one left to teach me," he says. With no rabbi to school them in their own religion, Burma's Jews conduct their infrequent services in English, unless the Israeli ambassador shows up to lead them. When there is someone who can lead the service in Hebrew, Samuels opens the two silver cases containing his father's torahs _ the parchment scrolls of Jewish scripture. The congregation is poor and the synagogue's upkeep relies on donations from foreign visitors overseas relatives of Jews who once lived in Burma and international Jewish organisations. In a field on the far side of town Samuels runs his hand over the cool, white stone of his father's tomb and wonders if it will be the last time. The Jewish cemetery has more than 300 mold-streaked, crumbling tombs, the oldest dated 1876. But the palm treelined graveyard sits on land that the Burmese government wants to start developing into a shopping mall in December. Samuels doesn't think he can stop them. "They say there are no more Jews, so we don't need a cemetery," Samuels says. He fears his ancestors' remains will be desecrated if they are moved. "It is a sad thing," says Aung Kywe, a Buddhist friend of Samuels' father who helps with paperwork and legal advice. "Our relationship with the government has always been good." As is their relationship with their Muslim neighbours. Three years ago when Samuels' son Sammy had his bar mitzvah marking his passage into manhood at age 13, more than 500 people from the neighbourhood came in to Musmeah Yeshua after the ceremony to celebrate with the family. Except for the synagogue's centennial, which the congregation has decided to mark in 1996, celebrations are rare. Mostly Samuels waits for the occasional visitor, and answers letters from Jews overseas who want information about ancestors who once lived in Rangoon. Poring over records inside a folder marked "Aliya" _ the Hebrew word for immigrating to Israel _ Samuels talks about how, if he had any money, he would like to visit the "Promised Land." But it would only be a visit. "I am Burmese," he says. "If I leave, who will take care of the temple?" ********************************* MAN KILLED AS ARMED GANG AMBUSHES VAN Tak Bkk Post/27.11.95 A MAN was killed and 10 others injured when a group of armed men, believed to be Karen troops, ambushed a tour van in Tak yesterday. The Bangkok-bound chartered van was carrying employees of the Telecom Holding Company back from a weekend tour in Tha Song Yang District, Tak, when attacked with a hand-grenade and- rifle fire. The ambush occurred at 10 a.m. at kilometre 105 of the Mae Sot-Mae Sariang Highway. A survivor said that at least five armed men, believed to be Karen National Union troops due to their shoulder insignia. He said the troops shot the van's front window full of holes before throwing in a hand-grenade. The driver, identified only as Panya died instantly in the blast which brought the vehicle to an abrupt halt on the highway. Injured passengers helped each other escape the van shortly before it caught fire and exploded, incinerating the corpse of the driver. Two armed robbers then approached the injured and took valuables worth about 5,000 baht from them, a survivor said. Six passengers suffered serious wounds. They were identified as Miss Bu-nga Srisathit who lost her left leg, Dr Trirak Srisak, Miss Wajee Puangpu, Mrs Orasa Chuengthanasomboon, Mrs Walaiwan Aramkul and Miss Supawan Supanakorn. Four others were slightly wounded. All injured were rushed to the Mae Sot Hospital. A similar ambush was reported on the same highway on November 11, when at least eight armed men felled a tree between the KM 103 and 104 in an attempt to rob a pick-up truck. When the vehicle stopped, they sprayed it with gunfire, killing a nine-year-old girl, Jongrak Phewsuk, and wounding other inside the vehicle. ********************************* BURMESE EXILES TO PROTEST CHARTER Bkk Post/26.11.95 BURMESE students are to stage peaceful protests at the Burmese Embassy against a draft charter the junta is to put to the national assembly on November 28. John Maung, a student leader, said the move was undemocratic and dictatorial and would create a constitution drafted by the military for the military. ********************************* CHETHA: DON'T LET KHUN SA IN Bkk Post/26.11.95 OPIUM warlord Khun Sa should not be allowed to live in Thailand , Deputy Army Commander Chetha Thanacharo implied yesterday. The Government had a clear policy not to shelter anybody considered dangerous, said Gen Chetha. ********************************* SUU KYI SLAMS JAIL TERMS HANDED OUT TO HER SUPPORTERS Agence France-Presse The Nation/26.11.95 RANGOON _ Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi said yesterday that heavy prison terms handed down to three of her supporters earlier this week were an ' aberration of justice". Aung San Suu Kyi, speaking to a small group of journalists, said her National League for Democracy (NLD) would appeal against the two-year jail terms handed down to two NLD members and a student on Wednesday. The three had been charged with obstructing police outside the opposition leader's house on Nov 18 while they were attending one of her regular weekend addresses to crowds of supporters. "I think it [the sentencing] is intended to discourage people from attending the meetings," she said. "We take it as an aberration of justice." " They have no evidence they were indulging in the ... criminal force they were charged with," she added. The two NLD members jailed were Thein Nyunt and Ko Toe Aung, while the third person, a student at Rangoon University, was Myo Zaw, an NLD source said The three were charged with physically obstructing police who had erected barriers outside Aung San Suu Kyi's house, but witnesses said the jailed supporters appeared to have complained only verbally. The barriers were removed earlier this week. International human rights watchdog Amnesty International on Friday voiced concern that the three jailed men "may be facing ill treatment or torture in detention". It added that the reason for the arrest could have been for exercising free speech. Amnesty estimates there are some 2,000 political prisoners in Burma's jails many under extremely poor conditions and facing torture. Aung San Suu Kyi said on Wednesday that the number of political prisoners in Burma, including- many NLD members, was in "three-figures," but that it was difficult to arrive at a clear estimate. Meanwhile, on Friday anti-Rangoon exiles declared Burma's national constitutional convention to be "a sham" and called on the junta to halt it immediately. In a statement received in Bangkok, the National Council of the Union of Burma (NCUB) demanded a nationwide ceasefire and general amnesty followed by talks between the junta and the opposition. The opposition should be represented by "the democratic forces led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the ethnic nationalities", it said. The NCUB endorsed the opposition leader's warning that her NLD might boycott the convention, which began meeting in January 1993 to frame a new constitution for Burma. The convention, which is set to resume deliberations on-Tuesday after a seven-month hiatus, "is a sham one and is totally against the aspiration of the political I parties that actually represent the ethnic nationalities and masses of people," it said. Comprising delegates hand-picked by the junta plus representatives of ethnic minorities and political parties, the convention was set up after the junta refused to hand over power following the NLD's victory in 1990 general elections. Known as the State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc), the junta has said it would transfer power on adoption of a new constitution, which is expected to codify a continuing role for the military in government. "Slorc should immediately stop this convention and open the way for a just and right national convention," the NCUB held. "Through this illegal convention, the emerging draft constitution of the state shall be null and void," it held. The NCUB groups the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB), the NLD (Liberated Area), the Democratic Alliance of Burma (DAB) and the National Democratic Front (NDF). ********************************* VITAL WEEK AHEAD FOR BURMA'S BATTERED DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT Reuter The Nation/27.11.95 RANGOON _ Burma's battered and repressed democracy movement faces a key test this week with the reconvening of a military-sponsored convention to draft a new constitution, diplomats said. "There is an atmosphere of great expectation here," said one diplomat. "It will be very interesting to see what happens this week." Nearly 700 delegates, mostly handpicked by Burma's ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc), will convene tomorrow for the fifth scssion of the National Convention which has been meeting intermittently since January 1993 to draft guidelines for a new constitution. Dismissed by most diplomats and Burmese dissidents as a "farce" and a "sham", the convention only convenes at the will of the military and has no deadline for the constitution to be drawn up. The principal opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD) led be Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, last week spoke out against the process, saying the convention as it stands is undemocratic. "The work procedures of the convention are not democratic and the basic principles for the proposed constitution include some which are not consonant with a truly democratic state," Suu Kyi told a news conference on Wednesday. Suu Kyi said the NLD, which was never recognized by the Slorc as the ruling party although it won more than 80 per cent of the seats in a 1990 election, had not yet decided if it would boycott or attend the convention. Diplomats said Suu Kyi's statements, the most provocative since Burma's generals released her from six years of house arrest in July, show she is trying to force the Slorc into dialogue, or at least into reacting. "She certainly made her criticism of the national convention very clear," a diplomat said. "I think that was necessary." Ever since she was freed from house arrest, Suu Kyi, 50, has been calling on the military for a dialogue, saying that is the only way to achieve democracy. But the Slorc has virtually ignored her, in what many diplomats say are hopes she will be forgotten or dismissed-as ineffective if nothing comes of her calls for dialogue. The latest remarks by Suu Kyi, and the fact that she and the NLD must decide whether to participate in the national convention, mark a key turning point and a possible departure from the agonisingly slow advances made by the NLD since July. "There has been a wait and see attitude for a long time," a diplomat said. "But at last now we have a deadline." Most observers say the Slorc will resist making any statements before tomorrow, which will probably result in the NLD deciding to boycott the convention. "Even if they do decide to attend, they would have to participate in a very different manner," said one Western diplomat. ********************************* SUU KYI: NLD HAS A DUTY TO THE PEOPLE Aung San Suu Kyi on Wednesday moved one step closer to political confrontation with the Burmese regime when she ejected the military's National Convention set up to draft the constitution. This is the full text of her statement. A state constitution is a contract between the people and the government of a nation. Only a constitution that is willingly accepted by the people will endure the test of time. The National League for Democracy believes that if a genuine multi-party democracy is to be established in Burma, a constitution based firmly on democratic principles is an absolute necessity. The NLD was founded with the aim of achieving a genuine democratic system which accords with the will of the people, and of constructing a strong and lasting union in Burma. It believes that the ultimate power of 1 state derives from the people and that in a democratic nation there should be the rule of law and a constitution that guarantees basic human rights, including freedom of worship, freedom of speech and expression and freedom of association. Further, as stated in its election, manifesto, the NLD believes hat the foundation for a strong, lasting and prosperous union Has to be laid through a national convention where all the ethnic groups of Burma can jointly decide the future course of the nation. The overwhelming success of the NLD in the elections of 1990 was an endorsement by the people of its principles and policies. The State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc) has said it wishes to establish multi-party democracy in Burma and to return power to the people as soon as possible. Slorc Declaration No 1/90 (July 27, 1990) states that it is the duty of the elected representatives of the people to draw up a constitution. On Oct 18, 1990, Slorc Secretary (I) confirmed in a speech made at the Kyunchaung fertilizer plant that it was the duty of political parties and elected representatives to draw up the state constitution. During the preliminary discussions on the National Convention, the chairman of the convention's convening committee also stated that the elected representatives would be responsible for drawing up the constitution and that decisions based on the presentations of delegates would be arrived at through a democratic process. Political parties were made to sign an undertaking to abide by the terms of Declaration 1/90 which remain valid to this day. However, the National Convention has not been conducted in accordance with the terms of the declaration. The role of political parties, clearly delineated in the declaration, has been obfuscated. An examination of actual conditions within the National Convention reveals that there has been a shift away from its original declared aims. The following are some of the features of the present convention: * The elected representatives of the people constitute only 15.24 per cent of the delegates and thus are permanently in the minority; * Neither the objectives of the convention nor its working procedures were drawn up in consultation with delegates; * Paper to be presented at the convention are censored and have to be corrected in accordance with the wishes of the authorities * Decisions are laid down before an issue has been discussed; * The convention is making decisions not only on broad principles for the proposed constitution but also on its details; * There is no fixed timetable for the convention. The NLD as the political party that has received the mandate of the people has a duty to point out that its expectations with regard to the National Convention have not been realized. The work procedures of the convention are not democratic and the basic principles for the proposed constitution include some which are not consonant with a truly democratic state. The problems can only be resolved through dialogue. The NLD invites an concerned to join together in mutual trust and goodwill to work towards building up a genuinely democratic nation in accordance with the wishes of the people. If the National Convention continues in its present form it cannot assist in achieving national reconciliation, genuine multi-party democracy, or a state constitution that enjoys the support and confidence of the people. These aims can only be achieved through discussion and dialogue. The National Convention in its present form is not acceptable to the people of Burma because it is not acceptable to the majority of our people and it is not acceptable to the National League for Democracy. And a constitution that is drawn up by a national convention that does not enjoy the confidence of the people will itself not get the support of the people. And a constitution that is not supported by the people will be nothing more than a piece of paper. So we call upon all those concerned to 8 discuss the matter of bringing about a National Convention that is truly acceptable to the people and drawing up a constitution that will create a lasting democratic union of Burma. It is for this reason that we have now put out this statement because the National League for Democracy has a duty to proclaim its position to the people who voted for it in 1990. We believe that our statement, our stance will be supported by the great majority of the people of Burma and it is our intention to continue along a path that is always consonant of the will of the people. (TN) ********************************* THE WORLD IS A STAGE FOR DRUG WARLORD KHUN SA On Wednesday, drug kingpin Khun Sa claimed to have stepped down once and for all as leader of the Mong Tai Army, which is fighting for Shan self-determination. Many, however, are sceptical over his move because he has never been known to match his words with deeds. While there is a real likelihood that Khun Sa will step back, doubts remain whether the Shan leader will step down fully. The Mong Tai Army is essentially the creation of Khun Sa, and many senior cadres in the organization owe their position and wealth to the drug warlord. While his position has been weakened by the defection in June of some of his troops to the Burmese military regime, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc), Khun Sa still has a strong core group that is very well armed and could thwart any rebellion within the ranks of the separatists. The existing power structure and hierarchy of the Mong Tai Army ensures that Khun Sa will still be able to exert ideological influence among the Shan fighters. Leading actor. For Khun Sa, the world has always been a stage. Right now, he sees himself as a leading actor in a new drama where he wants to portray himself as a nice guy. That drama is about opium, and Khun Sa wants the United States to be convinced that he and his men never grew the narcotic drug themselves and merely taxed it as convoys moved across their territory in a bid to transport the opium to distribution centres in neighbouring China and Thailand. The taxes, Khun Sa argues, were necessary to fund the aspirations of a separate Shan state through an armed struggle against the Burmese military regime. Therefore, Khun Sa's announcement on Wednesday can be construed as a strategic move by the drug warlord to try to get into Washington's good books. Slorc's propaganda that it has cornered the Shan, and for that reason Khun Sa is stepping down as leader of the Mong Tai Army, can be disregarded outright. The Burmese army has been pathetic in its battle against Khun Sa's forces. The Slorc declared war on Khun Sa two years ago and brought in a number of divisions into his area. But the Burmese regime has been unable to capture him or his headquarters, nor cut his opium distribution system. Early this year, Slorc was dealt a very embarrassing blow when Khun Sa's troops overran the town of Tachilek on the Thai- Burmese border and held it for a while. The Mong Tai Army later left without being driven out by the Burmese army. The Slorc as a fighting force is not very effective despite its size and sophisticated weaponry, and has a very poor record in the field against the minorities. Most of Rangoon's successes have come about as a result of ceasefire diplomacy between Slorc and leaders of the minorities, rather than straight battlefield victories. Just how strong an influence Slorc will be on the breakaway group led by Khun Sa's enemies is anyone's guess. The rebels are about 3,000 strong and control a large area in the central part of Burma. So far, they have indicated some willingness to enter into a truce arrangement with Rangoon in exchange for Shan autonomy, coupled with a guarantee that they would be able to preserve and protect their controlled territories. Wa threat. Khun Sa's greatest threat, however, is from the Wa, who have been fighting him recently on behalf of Slorc. In 1989, when these ethnic minorities made peace with Rangoon, Slorc promised them that they could continue their "economic activities" provided they gave up their armed struggle. These economic activities were an obvious reference to opium-growing. Because of this, the Wa continue to grow and export their opium through China and Thailand. Essentially, regardless of whatever happens to Khun Sa, the world will still see the Golden Triangle as the largest producer of opium because most of it comes from the Wa state, or the area known as the Kokang, which is next to the Wa state in the Shan area. The US, of course, after waging a long campaign against Khun Sa, will be watching events in the Shan state very closely. The only thing Washington is interested in now is getting its hands on the drug warlord. Bearing in mind that there is an outstanding US indictment against him, will Washington offer Slorc some reprieve if the Burmese junta manages to capture Khun Sa and hand him over to the Americans? It remains to be seen if that will really happen. In the meantime, there will be only ripples in Washington over Khun Sa's statements because he is still seen as a wily fox who manages to land on his feet no matter what happens. (BP) ********************************* BURMA LACKING BASIC TOURIST FACILITIES, CLAIM THAI TRADERS November 25, 1995 Somchit Rungchamratrasmee The Burmese junta's campaign to promote 1996 as Visit Myanmar (Burma) Year has met with little success as the country is still short of hotel accommodation while food remains very costly, said Thai traders doing business there. The traders said the junta, known as the State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc), expect 300,000 foreign visitors next year but tourism logistic are still inadequate to accommodate the high figure. They expressed the fear that foreign tourists visiting the country might be disappointed because of the lack of basic tourism facilities. The Slorc has done a lot of promotion, but not much progress has been made. Hotel services and management of tourist spots are not yet prepared, they said. Burma currently has only 4,000 hotel rooms, of which only 1,000 meet general tourist standards. Hotel room and service charges are also some of the highest in the world, said the traders who recently returned to Thailand. "Not only are hotel costs very high, but also the service is still very poor. Many foreign visitors who had made room reservations were turned away because some VIPs showed up and wanted rooms," complained one trader. "The hotels usually do not inform the guests first that they could not get rooms, while VIP guests usually walk in without prior booking. Such guests often cite security concerns for having not made reservations," he added. Burma also faces a food problem, added the businessmen. Not only food, especially in hotels or restaurants, extraordinarily expensive but the quality remains far below standard, they added. Transportation is another obstacle for the success of the tourism year, they noted, saying that travel from one city to another is still time consuming and road transports is out-dated and insufficient. However, the businessmen said Burma has many attractions that will draw tourists in the long run. The country, they said, is an ethnically diverse society with over 100 ethnic groups. (TN) ********************************* ANDAMAN CLUB CELEBRATES ITS BURMESE OPENING November 25, 1995 The Thai-owned Andaman Club Resort in Burma yesterday celebrated its grand opening with 205 hotel rooms on Pulo Island, which is located opposite Ranong province. The Bt660- million resort, called Thahtay-kyun Resort in the local language, is and investment of the Andaman Club Co Ltd, which is owned by Thai businessman Vikrom Aysiri. The Andaman Club, registered as an affiliate of the Vest Group, has a 30-year land leasing contract from the Burmese government for the 3,600 rai plot of land. Burma's Hotels and Tourism Minister Lt Gen Kyaw Ba chaired the opening ceremony. The investment includes a hotel, a duty-free chop, and an 18-hotel golf course, and is scheduled to open by the middle of next year. Vikrom has invested in other businesses in Burma, such as gems trading through joint ventures with local businessmen and also with the government. Vest Group is a Thai company which is investing in Burma's hotel industry. Other Thai investors include LP Holding Ltd, an affiliate of Bangkok-listed Renoen Leatherwear Plc, Baiyok Sit Hotels Group, and the Central Group of Hotels Plc. Meanwhile, Vest group is also building another 300-room hotel in Ranong through another subsidiary, called Ranong High Land Co ltd, and the Opening is planned for next year. (TN) ********************************* BURMESE EXILES SLAM 'SHAM' CHEATER CONVENTION NOVEMBER 25 1995 ANTI-Rangoon exiles yesterday declared Burma's national constitutional convention to be "a sham" and called on the junta to halt it immediately. In a statement received in Bangkok, the National Council of the Union of Burma (NCUB) demanded a nation-wide ceasefire and general amnesty followed by talks between the junta and the opposition. The opposition should be representative by "the democratic forces led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the ethnic nationalities," it said. The NCUB endorsed the opposition leader's warning that her National League for Democracy (NLD) might boycott the convention, which began meeting in January 1993 to frame a new constitution for Burma. The convention, set to resume deliberation on Tuesday after a seven-month hiatus, "Is a sham one and is totally against the aspiration of the political parties that actually represent the ethnic nationalities and massed of people," it said. Comprising delegates hand-picked by the junta plus representatives of ethnic minorities and political parties, the convention was set up after the junta refused to hand over power following the NLD 's victory in 1990 general election. Slorc has said it would transfer power on adoption of a new constitution, which is expected to codify a continuing role for the military in government. "Slorc should immediately stop this convention and open the way for a just and right national convention," the NCUB held. "Through this illegal convention, the emerging draft constitution of the state shall be null and void," it held. The NCUB groups the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB), the NLD, the Democratic Alliance of Burma (DAB) and the National Democratic Front (NDF). Amnesty International has reported the arrest in Rangoon of three supporters of Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and said it fears they may be facing torture. In a statement received here yesterday, the London-based human rights group said the three were representatives of the NLD youth organization. (BP) ********************************* OFFICIALS EXPRESS DOUBTS OVER KHUN SA'S RETIREMENT CLAIM NOVEMBER 25 1995 MILITARY intelligence officers expressed doubts yesterday at Khun Sa's announced retirement from the Shan autonomy movement. The announcement from the Mong Tai Army chief's Ho Mong headquarters has caused widespread scepticism in intelligence circles, said one officer. "This might be a trick motivated for some political purpose," he said. "Khun Sa is under military pressure from Burmese and Wa forces which are reported to have teamed up for an imminent drive against Shan forces," he said. An Army intelligence officer said Khun Sa's statement appeared deliberately vague. "We don't think he will finally step down. The remark was made for political gain," he said. Khun Sa could not have been serious when he said he wanted to spend his retirement in peace and tranquillity in Thailand, he said. The Shan leader had said: "Thai and Shan people are of the same blood. We share the same religion and speak the same language." As a most wanted international criminal,. the government had to act against Khun Sa because he had been directly involved in the drug trade. (BP) The BurmaNet News: November 26,1995 ********************************* BURMESE EXILES TO PROTEST CHARTER NOVEMBER 26 1995 Burmese students are to stage peaceful protests at the Burmese Embassy against a draft charter the junta is to put to the national assembly on November 28. John Mung, a student leader, said the move was undemocratic and dictatorial and would create a constitution drafted by the military for the military. (BP) ********************************* THE BURMESE WAY TO DICTATORSHIP NOVEMBER 26 1995 BY U Thaung GENERAL Ne Win of Burma has been a despite ruler for 33 years and if we count the two years of caretaker government helmsmanship in 1958, he has been an a absolute ruler of Burma for more than 35 years. His arbitrary power is one of the longest in world history. Communist dictators, Socialist autocrats, fascist tyrants, militarist despots, religious autocrats, and monarchist czars of the world have been crushed. So why has General Ne Win survived so long? Answering this question has been a regular pastime for Burmese journalists analysing the power of Ne Win. One journalist said: "Ne Win has built the Military Intelligence Service as the most powerful and efficient unit in the army. MIS officers are lavishly paid and trusted with omnipotent command, and the service is totally controlled by him or his trusted stooge. With this network Ne Win controls the army in his hand and the army reigns the nations in their grip. "All army officers know very well about the potential of the MIS, that are attached to their units and they are afraid of the organisation more than civilians. "The most important thing in the lives of Burma Army officers is promotion. Starting from the rank of a captain, all promotions need approval by Ne Win. Thus, all military officers are directly attached to the dictator. "Once in 1970, Ne Win summoned all the highest military officers serving as members of the Revolutionary Council and the Army Command to his office and warned them to control their greed. "All criminal deeds detected by the MIS were read one by one in front of the gathering. Who had misappropriate which fund, whose wife was taking bribes, and so on were openly told. All the highest officials of the government were dishonoured and disgraced enemas in front of each other. "No one could deny his accusation and had to thank the dictator for his forgiveness. They all had to bow their loyalty to the leader who was merciful to them. I will not tolerate this any more, he said. "The military leaders also knew they all would not be punished together as Ne Win needed their strength. Ne Win could never destroy the Army. Maybe one or two who were not in favour would be disciplined. They also knew Ne Win himself had committed crimes. Thieving government funds, taking bribes from foreign firms and stealing jewels were the Boss's most serious crimes. It was a gathering of all the sinners. "At that particular meeting Ne Win also warned his deputy San Yu. General San Yu's crime was committed by Mrs San Yu. It was alleged that Mrs San Yu had read personnel records of officers and whenever she knew about a promotion, she would contact the officer to ask for money or some kind of favour. It's a gang of rabbles. They all are sinners and Ne Win is the one who thieves more and knows more." Another reporter said that in the army, all big troop movements had to get clearance from Ne Win himself. "Ne Win's brain is sharp and thick. He owned the memory of a computer chip. He remembered all the people around him by names and their deeds. He always recalled facts when he spoke about someone." One political writer expressed different reasons for the dictators' long time in power. "He always cultures scapegoats. For instance, during the Burmese Way to Socialism era, he distanced himself from the economy. He appointed stooges to take care of the economy with a hint of his successor or number two leaders. "And when he failed, it is simple and easy for him to replace the stooge. He could always blame his stooge. "Look at the cabinet members. Dump chaps were made ministers. He always chose the wrong person for the right ministry. The poor military officer appointed to a ministerial post he could not manage would have to depend on Ne Win. It meant that, though the minister is officially head of a certain ministry, Ne Win himself was the real controller. "Another technique was to never keep his number two man as his crown prince. Four rank officers were given high responsibility and hinted to them that they should think of themselves as his heir apparent. But when their dreams become too real, Ne Win simply removed them." Every one agreed that General Ne Win wanted to rule for his whole life. Government officials, especially those given a chance in office, built houses for their future. Houses were owned privately so they could live in them after retirement or sacking. General Ne Win never built or owned a residential house to live after he retired. Instead, he built a house for the Commander in Chief of the Army. That was in 1958 after he married his third wife Khin May Than. When he married Khin May Than, he and his bride were married with children. At the time, Prime Minister U Nu, who was a good Buddhist was mad to see his commander committing scandalous adultery had fired him. But after he know-towed the prime minister and other ministers, he was reinstated. He build the house for the chief of the army with army expenditure when he was assured of his post. The house is on the bank of huge lake, not too far from the city. It is strategically best for a chief of the army. And he built the house as if it was to be his permanently. It was evident he would never leave. It is the most luxurious house in Burma. His new wife went to Hong Kong for materials and furniture for the house. It was lavishly furnished for his comfort and Khin May Than's taste. "Since then I knew this fellow would never give up his post," said a journalist and Burma-watcher. My deduction is that the Ne Win dictatorship is different to other authoritarian rules of the world. He introduced the Burmese Way of Dictatorship, and enjoys life-long power in his hands. Burma between two large nations, China and India, were civilisation started a long time ago. Chinese and Indian culture moved into Burma, but Burmese could build their own culture by absorbing incoming influences. Freedom of Burmese character welcomed foreign culture. The process turned Buddhism into Burmese religion. For instance, Sherlock Holmes was turned into a Burmese hero of San Shar as a real-life Burmese detective. The Burmese way has been to take foreign culture and ideologies, blending them into something distinctly Burmese. It is the same way Ne Win created a new system of dictatorship. Fear is the most important weapon for a dictator. Dictators of the world have controlled their people with fear. To be a fearful monarch, one had to kill his people. Most dictators took power through bloodshed. Since the beginning, they have killed their enemies or obstacles which hinder their road to power. Some African dictators have been committed cannibalism for power. But Ne Win does not kill his enemies. His method of killing is more cruel and more effective than taking lives. He kills the livelihood of his people. In 1970, I visited an army hospital for a press briefing. The director of MIS showed us wounded soldiers who fought the Communists in the border areas. The Communists and Chinese volunteers used special bullets that did not kill but only hurt the Government soldiers. he explained: "The Chinese and Communists are very cruel. They used bullets that do not kill. On the front if a soldier is killed, other soldiers near him can continue fight. But if one soldier is wounded, it took three soldiers to carry him to a safe place. It means the fighting force of three soldiers is used and wasted. And the government had to take care of wounded soldiers, which was more costly than a killed soldier." Ne Win used the same method. If he killed people, families would suffer and bear malice but would not be afraid. When he staged a coup, Ne Win did not kill the prime minister and members of cabinet. Instead, he imprisoned them and released them in due course. The minister lost their livelihood. Sacking government servants, national enterprise personnel and substituting them with soldiers also meant killing a person's livelihood. Nationalisation of all private enterprises also means killing the owners' livelihoods. When livelihoods are lost, people lose their morals and characters are ruined. People could not survive unless they surrender their loyalty to the dictator. People had to know-tow the dictator and the army officers, and many people turn traitor to civilian friends for a better lifestyle. Many even work against their relatives. To get a job, to have the chance for income, people had to surrender their beliefs and pride. Burma became a nation of sheep, fighting against each other for favours of the dictator and his army. It's a tragedy created by Ne Win so he could hold eternal power. Killing the livelihood of a whole nation and making people rely on the army for survival is Ne Win dictatorship established the Burmese Way. There is no doubt General Ne Win is a very intelligent person. I am certain he knew well about the economic situation in Burma after a few years experience with his Burmese way to Socialist Economic System. He was never a believer of socialism before the 1962 coup. He understood fully about the chaotic Burmese economy after his experiment with socialism. Though he was aware of the situation, he did not change his policy and continued the disastrous path. He chose the system to make the people poor. British philosopher Bertrand Russell wrote: "If one man offers you democracy and another offers you a bag of grain, at what stage of starvation will you prefer the grain to the vote?" Starving Burmese people under Ne Win are poorer every day, busy begging for rice, and there seems to be no hope for them to recover strength to ask for democratic rights from the army. (BP) ******************************** KEY TEST FOR BURMA'S BATTERED DEMOCRACY November 27, 1995 Reuters, Rangoon Burma's battered and repressed democracy movement faces a key test this week with the reconvening of a military -sponsored convention to draft a new constitution, diplomats said. There is an atmosphere of great expectation here," said one diplomat. "It will be very interesting to see what happens this week." Nearly 700 delegates, mostly hand-picked by Burma's ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc), will convene tomorrow for the fifth session of the National Convention which has been meeting intermittently since January 1993 to draft guidelines for a new constitution. Dismissed by most diplomats and Burmese dissidents as a "farce" and a "sham," the convention only convenes at the will of the military and has no deadline for the constitution to be drawn up. The principle opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD) led by Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, last week spoke out against the process, saying the convention as it stands is undemocratic. "The work procedures of the convention are not democratic and the basic principles for the proposed constitution include some which are not consonant with a truly democratic state," Suu Kyi told a news conference on Wednesday. Suu Kyi said the NLD, which was never recognised by the Slorc as the ruling party although it won more than 80 percent of the seats in a 1990 election, had not yet decided if it would boycott or attend the convention. Diplomats said Suu Kyi's statements, the most provocative since Burma's generals released her from six years of house arrest in July, show she is trying to force the Slorc into dialogue, or at least into reacting. "She certainly made her criticism of the national convention very clear," a diplomat said. "I think that was necessary." Ever since she was freed from house arrest, Suu Kyi, 50, has been calling on the military for a dialogue, saying that is the only way to achieve democracy. But the Slorc has virtually ignored her, in what many diplomats say are hopes she will be forgotten or dismissed as ineffective if nothing comes of her calls for dialogue. The latest remarks by Suu Kyi, and the fact that she and the NLD must decide whether to participate in the national convention, mark a key turning point and a possible departure from the agonisingly slow advances made by the NLD since July. "There has been a wait and see attitude for a long time," a diplomat said. "But at last now we have a deadline." Most observers say the Slorc will resist making any statements before tomorrow, which will likely result in the NLD deciding to boycott the convention. "Even if they do decide to attend, they would have to participate in a very different manner," said one western diplomat. (BP) ******************************** FOR REFERENCE: 1994-5 PUBLICATIONS ON BURMA November, 1995 From: "Moe K. T." 1994 PUBLICATIONS ON BURMA TITLE A Burmese appeal to the UN and US AUTHOR Win, Kanbawza. PUBLISHER Bangkok : CPDSK Publication, [1994?] 59 p. SUBJECT United Nations--Burma., Burma--Politics and government. Burma--Economic conditions. TITLE A Report on the location of Burmese artifacts in museums AUTHOR Blackburn, Terence R. PUBLISHER Gartmore, Stirlingshire, Scotland : Kiscadale, 1994., 79 p. SUBJECT Art objects--Burma., Burma--Antiquities--Catalogs. TITLE Australia's relations with Colonial Burma : 1886-1947 AUTHOR Selth, Andrew. PUBLISHER Clayton, Victoria : Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University,1994. iii, 22 p SUBJECT Australia--Foreign relations--Burma., Burma--History--1824-1948. TITLE Burma debate. CORPORATE Open Society Institute. Burma Project. PUBLISHER Washington, D.C. : Open Society Institute, 1994-v. SUBJECT Burma--Periodicals. TITLE Burma : encountering the land of the Buddhas. AUTHOR Everarda, Ellis. PUBLISHER Stirling, Scotland : Kiscadale, 1994., 114 p. : ill. SUBJECT Burma--Description and travel--Pictorial works. TITLE Burma in revolt : opium and insurgency since 1948 AUTHOR Lintner, Bertil. PUBLISHER Boulder : Westview Press, 1994., xv, 514 p. SUBJECT Minorities--Burma., Opium trade--Burma.,Politics and government--1948-Burma--History--Autonomy and independence movements., Ethnic relations. TITLE Burmese crafts : past and present / Sylvia Fraser-Lu. AUTHOR Fraser-Lu, Sylvia. PUBLISHER Kuala Lumpur ; New York : Oxford University Press, 1994. SUBJECT Art objects--Burma., Art objects, Buddhist--Burma. TITLE Comparative study of the two military juntas: Thailand and Burma : a Burmese perspective. - 2nd ed. AUTHOR Kanbawza Win. PUBLISHER Bangkok : C.P.D.S.K. Publications, 1994. 74 p. : ill. SUBJECT Military government--Burma., Thailand. TITLE Culture shock! : Burma AUTHOR Saw Myat Yin. PUBLISHER Singapore : Times Books International, c1994. 207 p. : ill. ; SUBJECT Etiquette, Description and travel, Social life, customs in Burma TITLE Hard travel to sacred places AUTHOR Wurlitzer, Rudolph. PUBLISHER Boston : Shambhala, 1994. v, 161 p. ; 20 cm. SUBJECT Wurlitzer, Rudolph--Journeys--Cambodia, Thailand, Burma. Buddhism--Cambodia, Thailand, Burma, Description and travel. TITLE Inked over, ripped out : Burmese storytellers and the censors AUTHOR Allott, Anna J. PUBLISHER Chiang Mai : Silkworm Books, 1994.,124 p. ; 19 cm. SUBJECT Burmese fiction--20th century--History and criticism. Authors, Burmese--20th century--Political and social views. Burmese fiction--Authorship--Political aspects,Psychology in literature, Censorship, Burmese fiction--20th century--Translations into English.,m Burma--Politics and government--1988- TITLE Mandalay : travels from the Golden City. AUTHOR Strachan, Paul. PUBLISHER Gartmore, Striling : Kiscadale Publications, 1994., xii, 226 p. SUBJECT Burma--Description and travel. TITLE Mawchi : mining, war and insurgency in Burma AUTHOR Crozier, L. A. CORPORATE Griffith University. Centre for the Study of Australia-Asia Relations. PUBLISHER Queensland : Centre for the Study of Australia-Asia Relations, Faculty ofAsian and International Studies, Griffith University, 1994., 113 p. SUBJECT Crozier, L. A., Australians--Burma., Insurgency--Burma--Mawchi-- History. Mawchi (Burma)--History., Burma--Politics and government--1824-1948. Burma--Politics and government--1948- TITLE Mountbatten : the private story AUTHOR Hoey, Brian. PUBLISHER London : Sidgwick and Jackson, 1994., x, 272 p. SUBJECT Mountbatten of Burma, Louis Mountbatten, Earl, 1900-1979. Admirals--Great Britain--Biography., Viceroys--India--Biography. TITLE Return via Rangoon : a young chindit survives the jungle and Japanese captivity. AUTHOR Stibbe, Philip. PUBLISHER London : Leo Cooper, 1994. xv, 232 p. SUBJECT World War, 1939-1945--Campaigns--Burma. World War, 1939-1945--Prisoners and prisons, Japanese., World War, 1939-1945--Personal narratives, English. TITLE Thailand and Burma handbook. PUBLISHER Bath, England : Trade and Travel Publications, 1994-v. SUBJECT Thailand, Burma--Description and travel--Guide-books. TITLE Twilight over Burma : my life as a Shan princess, foreword by Bertil Lintner. AUTHOR Sargent, Inge. PUBLISHER Honolulu : University of Hawai Press, 1994. xxiv, 216 p. : SUBJECT Kya Seng, Sao, Sargent, Inge., Shans (Asian people)--Kings and rulers--Biography. Shan State (Burma)--Politics and governemnt. 1995 PUBLICATIONS ON BURMA TITLE Burma the golden AUTHOR Klein, Wilhelm., Pfannmuller, Gunter. PUBLISHER [Bangkok] : Insight Topics, 1995. 168 p. : col. ill. SUBJECT Buddhism, Description and travel--Pictorial works. Religious life and customs--Pictorial works. TITLE Constructive engagement in the Burmese context AUTHOR Kanbawza Win. PUBLISHER Bangkok : CPDSK, 1995., j, 210 p. SUBJECT Burma. SLORC, Democracy--Burma., Politics and government--1988- TITLE Cultural sites of Burma, Thailand, and Cambodia AUTHOR Dumarcay, Jacques. Smithies, Michael, 1932- PUBLISHER Kuala Lumpur ; New York : Oxford University Press, 1995. xi, SUBJECT Monuments, Antiquities, Civilization--Burma.Thailand.Cambodia. TITLE Freedom from fear : and other writings foreword by Desmond Tutu ; edited with an introduction by Michael Aris. - AUTHOR Aung San Suu Kyi. Aris, Michael. PUBLISHER London : Penguin Books, 1995., xxxi, 374 p. SUBJECT Aung San suu Kyi, Burma--Politics and government. TITLE Norman Lewis omnibus AUTHOR Lewis, Norman. PUBLISHER London : Picador, 1995. 834 p. SUBJECT Lewis, Norman--Journeys--Asia. Indochina--Description and travel. 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