------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------ "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ---------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News: December 18, 1995 Issue #305 Noted in Passing: Japan now is in no mood and in no hurry to provide fresh aid to Myanmar. Any such move would not only spark international criticism but also encounter opposition from within the ruling coalition. - a Japanese senior Foreign Ministry official (see: JAPAN TIMES: YEN-LOAN TAP FOR MYANMAR MAY GO DRY) HEADLINES: ========== NATION: STUDENTS RILED BY BURMESE SUMMIT PRESENCE BKK POST: US SENATOR SEEKS TOUGHER SANCTIONS AGAINST BURMA HON. BILL RICHARDSON: SPPECH ON BURMA IN THE U.S. HOUSE TIMES OF INDIA: CHINA HAS CAPITALIZED ON MYANMAR'S ISOLATION JAPAN TIMES: YEN-LOAN TAP FOR MYANMAR MAY GO DRY NATION: JUNTA LEADER SAYS BURMA MOVING TOWARDS DEMOCRACY BANGKOK POST: SURPRISE BURMA CHAT ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- NATION: STUDENTS RILED BY BURMESE SUMMIT PRESENCE December 15, 1995 THIRTY student representatives from Australia, Hong Kong, Malaysia, Nepal nd Thailand joined colleagues from Burma yesterday to protest the participation of the Burmese junta in the first meeting of leaders of all 10 Southeast Asian nations. The protest took place as Gen Than Shwe, chairman of the ruling State Law nd Order Restoration Council (Slorc) was an route to Bangkok from Rangoon for the historic event. Organizers ignored warnings, surveillance and attempts by the police to clamp down on demonstrations during the summit. Police blocked the protesters from reaching the Royal Orchid Sheraton Hotel here the Fifth Asean Summit was being held, by surrounded them at the Central Post Office until 12.30pm. The demonstrators were allowed to march on to the hotel, several hundred metres away, only after all the leaders had left for luncheon at another nearby hotel. Than Shwe arrived at the Sheraton in the afternoon _ under tight security provided by Thai police_ to find the students protesting his government's authoritarian rule. The protest attracted the attention of passers-by and worsened the area's normally bad traffic. The students issued a statement protesting the presence of Than Shwe and urging Asean members to support the Burmese pro-democracy movement. The statement said Than Shwe and his delegation did not represent Burma or the Burmese people because they came to power in a violent coup in which more than 3,000 people were killed. Slorc, the students said, is heavily involved in human rights violations and has introduced an economic system that only benefits the ruling class. Slorc leaders have shown no willingness to engage popular opposition leader Suu Kyi in political dialogue, they added, even though they released her in early July after nearly six years of house arrest. The demonstrators said Than Shwe's participation at the summit signified Asean's acceptance and endorsement of Slorc as the representative of the Burmese people, a status that was not legitimate. They urged Asean to introduce assistance projects which would benefit the Burmese populace in general, to directly observe and monitor human rights abuses in Burma, and to support and cooperate with pro-democracy movements in the country. They also called for a boycott of trade, investment and tourism in Burma until Slorc hands over power to democratic forces. "Asean's policy of constructive engagement has proven a complete failure," said a statement adopted at a forum on Wednesday at Thammasat University. The forum was attended by about 40 students from various countries. "Over 3,000 political prisoners remain in prison and human rights abuses continue on a regular basis. Asean must consider economic, arms and tourism sanctions against the [Burmese] dictatorship," the statement said. Suriyasai Katasila of the Students' Federation of Thailand later passed the statement on to Saroj Chavanaviraj, deputy permanent secretary of the Thai Foreign Ministry, expecting it to be delivered to the heads of government attending the summit. "Asean is wrong for inviting the Slorc to the summit," said Jaimy Parker of the National Union of Students of Australia. "Slorc is not the legitimate representative of the Burmese people, and Asean needs to reasess its policy of constructive engagement because it is not working. " They should take advice from Suu Kyi. She said now is not the right time for investment in Burma. We believe Asean should look toward following her lead and not include the Slorc in a legitimate forum like Asean." The peaceful protest was closely watched and by hundreds of uniformed and plain-clothes policemen. They tried to determine the protesters' identities, home countries and residences in Bangkok after being warned that more protests would take place today. When asked if the protesters feared a backlash from Thai authorities for disturbing the summit, Parker said he was afraid the Thai police would harass Burmese students who are seeking asylum in the country. He added that many of the students protesting yesterday hold Australian passports. In the western province of Ratchaburi, several hundred Burmese students planned to protest today in the "safe area" set up two years ago by the government to temporarily house the exiled students. The BANGKOK POST (Dec. 15, 1995: Demonstrators rally at hotel in Burma protest) added: (excerpts) The Students' Federation of Thailand, which is also part of the alliance, urged ASEAN to consider giving aid directly to the Burmese people in education, public health and agro-industry, instead of handing it to the Rangoon junta. The federation said: "ASEAN countries should join hands in pushing for the democratisation of Burma by supporting pro-democracy leaders as well as the dialogue process towards national reconciliation. " The anti-Rangoon Karen National Union yesterday urged ASEAN leaders to use the Burmese prime minister's visit to pressure the junta into effecting political reforms. In a statement yesterday it said: "The KNU ... would like to appeal to ASEAN leaders to use their prestige and influence to ... persuade Gen Than Shwe of the need for the SLORC to urgently make a real commitment to peace, freedom and democracy in Burma." ************************************************************** BKK POST: US SENATOR SEEKS TOUGHER SANCTIONS AGAINST BURMA December 15, 1995 US Subcommittee on Foreign Operation chairman Sen Mitch McConnell addressed the Senate on December 8 on the subject of Burma. Following are excerpts of his speech. LAST week, in yet another remarkable act of courage, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi announced her party, the National League for Democracy, will not participate in the constitutional convention called by the State Law and Order Restoration Council. As many who have followed Burma in recent years know, remaining true to the people who elected her and the NLD in 1990, Suu Kyi declared: "A country which is drawing up a constitution that will decide the future of the state should have the confidence of the people"_ a standard SLORC clearly does not and cannot meet." SLORC has now charged Suu Kyi and her supporters as engaging in confrontational politics but, as Suu Kyi is quick to point out: What they have termed confrontational is that we have asked for dialogue, which we want in order to prevent confrontation. To silence the views of people whose opinions are different by putting them in prison is far more confrontational. Let me assure my colleagues that Suu Kyi's understanding of the deteriorating situation in Burma is not a lonely minority view. Last week United Nations, once again, took up the question of Burma's political and human rights record. Once again, the Special Rapporteur, Dr Yokota, issued a report which few may actually read, but it is a powerful voice for the thousands and thousands of Burmese citizens who continue to suffer at the hands of SLORC. Dr Yokota paints a grim portrait of Burma today _ a picture which stands at odds with the one the international business community would have us see. A few months ago, in my office, I listened as the chairman of a large American oil company eager to do business with SLORC denounced as rumours and gossip the idea that the SLORC was engaged in any forced relocations related to his project. I respectfully suggest this month's UN report rises above the gossip standard. I have taken the time to come to the floor to discuss these events because I am deeply disturbed by twin developments: a major campaign by American companies to enhance the political legitimacy of SLORC even as SLORC attempts to crush the fledgling democracy movement inside Burma. In recent weeks, many United States businesses have engaged in an aggressive campaign to persuade the public that SLORC is worth doing business with because, like Vietnam and China, Burma can be improved through economic engagement. I think it is important to draw a key distinction. Unlike China and Vietnam, Burma held legitimate elections and chose a leader, Aung San Suu Kyi. The elections by all accounts were free, fair and 7 million people made their views absolutely clear. I must confess, I was appalled by a recent study produced by the National Bureau for Asian Research which suggested these results were essentially irrelevant. The report said, Suu Kyi was: "Obviously sincere, but it remains to be seen how successful she will be in her attempts and whether her supporters are helping her attain a position of leadership." Insult was added to injury when the report stated: "Even assuming the time may come when she does have a say in how the country is governed, it is an open question of how well equipped she is for such responsibilities, and to what extent she would be able to rely on experienced technocrats and administrators." When recently pressed by a representative of the UN Secretary General to engage in a dialogue with Suu Kyi, SLORC officials dismissed the request pointing out, Suu Kyi was now "an ordinary citizen, that in 1990 there were as many as 230 political parties with which it would be impossible to establish dialogue and it would thus not be even-handed to single out any one of them". Well, she is the one they elected. To make the argument that the United States should resign itself to dealing with SLORC to bring about change, compromises the very core of beliefs that define our history and guide this nation. We do not yield to vicious dictators_ we do not abandon those who strain against the barbed wire shackles of repression.. It is not just the campaign that is being waged here at home to enhance SLORC's political credentials that has brought me to the floor of the Senate. I am also concerned about recent events in Burma. Not only has SLORC repeatedly and publicly rejected Suu Kyi's call for a dialogue on national reconciliation, last week a senior official threatened to annihilate anyone who attempted to- endanger the military's rule. This week, the noose tightened a little more and Suu Kyi was directly threatened. The official military newspaper called Suu Kyi a traitor who should be annihilated. Rhetoric has been matched by an increased willingness to restrict Suu Kyi's role. In October, the National Democracy League voted to reinstate Suu Kyi as general secretary along with a slate of other officials. In yet another effort to work peacefully with SLORC, the NLD submitted the leadership list to the junta for approval. SLORC rejected the results as illegal and refused to recognise Suu Kyi's position. Is it any wonder her party has decided they cannot participate in the constitutional convention process? Last week_ like every week since her release_ thousands of people gathered outside Suu Kyi's home to listen to her speak. Each Saturday and Sunday spontaneous crowds have made the pilgrimage to her compound and left inspired by her courage, her confidence, and her commitment to their freedom and future. It is a crowd described in the UN report and in news accounts as large and peaceful with a sense of purpose and discipline. Unfortunately, two weeks ago,, there was a sharp change in the SLORC's tolerance for these gathering. In an apparent attempt to restrict access to Suu Kyi, police began to erect barricades around her home. I understand three young student supporters were arrested when they tried to intervene. According to Dr Yokota's report, corroborated by newspaper stories, the three were charged and sentenced two days later to two years imprisonment. These arrests were followed by another ominous development. When the NLD announced it would not participate in the constitutional convention the party's senior officials woke up to find their homes surrounded by armed soldiers. Democracy activists are not suffering in Burma alone. Last week nine members of The New Era newspaper staff were detained in Thailand. The New Era is an underground newspaper with wide circulation inside Burma _ apparently being caught with a copy results in immediate arrest. Bowing to pressure from SLORC, in anticipation of an upcoming visit by a senior junta official, Khin Nyunt, Thai officials apparently have detained The New Era journalists _including a 71-year-old editor and his 65-year-old wife. Reports from activists inside and outside Burma suggest a broad crack down on democratic activists is imminent. I hope this is not true and urged the administration to make clear United States opposition to any such actions. However, the evidence suggests there is credible reason to be concerned. In the near future the United Nations will take up a resolution regarding Burma. I have been advised that the United Nations will, once again, condemn the human rights and political situation in clear and compelling terms. I commend Ambassador Albright for her efforts to assure our support for Suu Kyi and democracy in Burma are spelled out in the resolution. However, for more than a year the administration has argued Burma and SLORC has a choice _ they must immediately improve their human rights record and move promptly to open the political process or they will face further international isolation. I agree, but my definition of prompt and immediate seems to differ with theirs. I think we have given SLORC ample time to make a decision. Given recent events, it is clear they have now intention to relax their ruthless grip on power. So in conjunction with the UN resolution it is my intention to introduce bipartisan sanctions legislation There is no question that sanctions and further isolation of SLORC is an initiative Suu Kyi supports. Indeed once again this week she denounced the increase in foreign investment and urged companies to wait until democracy has been restored before bringing business to Burma. **************************************************** HON. BILL RICHARDSON: SPPECH ON BURMA IN THE U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES December 13, 1995 (abridged) From: FreeBurma@aol.com Mr. RICHARDSON. Mr. Speaker, I want to submit for the Record Ambassador Madeleine Albright's remarks on the human rights situation in Burma to the U.N. General Assembly Third Committee. I join Ambassador Albright's endorsement of the U.N. resolution to urge the Government of Burma to cease its violations of internationally recognized human rights. I also want to take this opportunity to commend Ambassador Albright for her tremendous work on this issue. I encourage all Members to support the work of our U.N. Representative as she relentlessly pursues the cause of Burmese democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Ambassador Albright had a great meeting in Burma this fall Aung San Suu Kyi. Recent developments in Burma have given us cause for great concern. It is imperative that the governing State Law and Order Restoration Council understand that the United States and the international community will not tolerate threats or actions that suppress the advancement of the democratic movement in Burma . (Madeleine Albright's Speech is not posted here as it was already posted in the BurmaNet News, Issue #300) ****************************************************** TIMES OF INDIA: CHINA HAS CAPITALIZED ON MYANMAR's ISOLATION December 15, 1995 From S.N.M. Abdi Yangon, Myanmar: The resumption of Indian Airlines' Calcutta-Yangon flight after 23 years in more a matter of politics than communication. India is keen to strengthen its ties with Myanmar, where the shadow of China is lengthening. India's biggest source of worry stems from reports that the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council of Myanmar is considering a Chinese gain access to the strategic Haigyi and Coco islands, Indian naval bases in the Andamans and Vishkapatnam would become vulnerable. While Chinese influence in Myanmar has increased dramatically since 1987, Indo-Myanmar bilateral relations have nose-dived. The military junta here openly accused India of aiding Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's movement for the restoration of democracy. All India Radio's pro-democracy broadcasts in Burmese language became a major irritant. Yangon lodged an official protest but the broadcast were stop only in 1991. Another sore point was the asylum granted by India to hundreds of pro-democracy activists. In the surcharged atmosphere, surveillance on the Indian mission and its staff was stepped up. Even the mission's request for STD and ISD facilities was turn downed. In contrast, China seized the much-awaited opportunity to revive its relations with Myanmar when general Ne Win handed over power to the General Saw Maung- led junta in 1987. The international trade and aid sanctions imposed on Myanmar the following year after thousands of pro-democracy activists were shot down by the army and Suu Kyi placed under house arrest, came as a windfall to China. It capitalized on Myanmar's isolation. China extended political support to the new regime and helped it build infrastructure like road and bridges. Trading between the two countries was stepped up; Myanmar was flooded with Chinese goods ranging from pins to bicycles. Its armed forces are Chinese-equipped. For building infrastructure, China, according to official, is pumping in $800 million annually. Since 1987, it has supplied arms worth $1.5 billion. Historically, China has been close to Myanmar since 1962, when General Ne Win seized power and isolated the country from rest of the world. The Chinese were his only friends. He nationalized everything and Indians were among the worst-hit. Rich Indians left the country, leaving behind the poor to fend for themselves. The Chinese, on the other hand, began to exert their influence politically, socially and economically. There was a backlash in 1967. Chinese lives and properties were destroys in violent riots. China retaliated by funding and activating the Burmese Communist Party (BCP) to create difficulties for General Ne Win. Two decades later, with the departure of General Ne Win, the Chinese cut off all aid to the BCP to please the junta. Since 1993, Myanmar has forged close economic ties with three ASEAN counties; Thailand, Singapore and Indonesia. Although it is not a member, it has attended ASEAN conferences as a guest of the host country. It has been invited for the forthcoming Bangkok summit too. Myanmar has signed a treaty of friendship and amity with all ASEAN countries, barring Philippines. China, according to officials, is a bit worried by Myanmar's attempts to diversify its foreign relations. Since last December, three top-ranking Chinese leaders have visited Yangon. Prime Minister Li Peng came last year, the defense minister arrived in August and Li Ruihhan, ranked fourth in the party hierarchy, came calling this month. ****************************************************************** JAPAN TIMES: YEN-LOAN TAP FOR MYANMAR MAY GO DRY Hardline Moves Strain Constructive Engagement (abridged) December 15, 1995 By Hisane Masaki from carol@gol.com Renewed political tensions in Myanmar are forcing Japn to consider putting the brakes on its recently declared policy of gradually turning on the aid tap for the impoverished Southeast Asian country. When the military regime -- which styles itself as the State Law and Order Restoration Council -- released dissident leader Aung San Suu Kyi in July after nearly six years of house arrest, many Japanese government officials couldn't hide their elatio n, trumpeting what to them was the success of their policy of "constructive engagement." Following Suu Kyi's freedom, Tokyo began to move, albeit cautiously, toward complete resumption of official economic aid for Rangoon, which was frozen after the military took power in a 1988 coup. As a first step, Tokyo provided 1.6 billion yen in grant-in-aid in October for the repair of a nurse training school in the capital. Until recently, Tokyo had planned to take a second step by extending 4.8 billion yen in official loans for the improvement of Rangoon's power supply network before the current fiscal year ends next March. But now Japanese officials say that the provision of those yen loans is likely to be delayed until next fiscal year because of the tense confrontation between the SLORC and Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy. The power supply network is among the six infrastructure projects that have been put on hold since the late 1980s because the yen loans Japan had committed earlier for them stopped flowing into Myanmar. The officials also say that Japan will postpone a planned "aid-policy dialogue" mission to Rangoon again, until sometime next year. The mission, originally planned for October to hear requests from Rangoon about Japanese aid, had been rescheduled fo r this month. The planned mission is designed to soothe the SLORC, which has been disappointed with what it sees as Japan's slow move toward a full-scale resumption of economic aid despite Suu Kyi's freedom, apparently expecting Japan to show more enthusiasm about future aid. "The mission would simply provide a chance to exchange views with SLORC officials on Japanese aid but would not pledge any fresh aid," a Japanese government source said. "But sending the mission now would send a wrong signal to the international com munity that Japan is clearly siding with the SLORC in its showdown with the NLD." Japan is widely believed to have played a key role behind the scenes in persuading the SLORC to release Suu Kyi. The fact that the Japanese Embassy in Rangoon was first informed of the SLORC decision reinforced that view. Japan has had long and especially amicable relationship with Myanmar, formerly Burma. Aung San, Suu Kyi's father and the country's revolutionary hero, received training in Japan during World War II. "Japan may have misled the SLORC by giving an impression that its aid tap would be turned on freely once Suu Kyi is released," a senior Japanese Foreign Ministry official said on condition that he not be named. Before the latest confrontation emerged between the SLORC and the NLD, Japan had also been considering an additional extension of grant aid as early as next spring, aimed at boosting food production in rural areas populated by ethnic minorities and i mproving medical equipment at a Mandalay hospital. But even the tentative date for this fresh humanitarian aid will probably be delayed because of the political impasse in Myanmar, another senior Foreign Ministry official said, requesting anonymity. "Japan may have been too optimistic about Myanmar's political situation," the official acknowledged. "Japan now is in no mood and in no hurry to provide fresh aid to Myanmar. Any such move would not only spark international criticism but also encou nter opposition from within the ruling coalition," the official said. What Japan fears most is another bout of military repression of prodemocracy forces. In that worst-case scenario -- indeed, there is a possibility of that happening -- Japan will lose its face and will be forced to reverse moves toward full resumpti on of aid. Many analysts say the SLORC will try to avoid quashing the prodemocracy movement by force, as it did in 1988, for fear of further damaging its international position and frightening away foreign investors, who in recent months have been trekking to M yanmar in droves to tap a potentially lucrative, resource-rich market of some 45 million people. But at the same time, the analysts do not rule out the possibility that an accidental clash between the military and prodemocracy forces would escalate into a repeat of the 1988 nightmare. "The current deadlock in Myanmar's politics is likely to continue for the time being," a senior Japanese government offical said on condition that he not be named. "We are closely watching to see if something that breaks the impasse will happen. The dates which we are paying extra attention to for the time being are: December 15, when Than Shwe will be in Bangkok, and January 4, the 48th anniversary of Burma' s independence from Britain," the official said. ********************************************************* NATION: JUNTA LEADER SAYS BURMA MOVING TOWARDS DEMOCRACY December 16, 1995 (abridged) BURMESE junta leader Lt Gen Than Shwe yesterday told Asean leaders this country is progressing towards an open-market economy, a process he predicted will lead to democracy. He said Burma's chances of becoming a member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations had increased as a result of the SEA-10 nations meeting. According to Kobsak Chutikul, director general of the Foreign Ministry's Economic Affairs Department, Than Shwe told the other 10 leaders that he hoped Burma would be granted Asean observer status when Asean foreign ministers hold their annual meeting next year in Indonesia. Kobsak, who served as one of Prime Minister Banahrn Silapa-archa's three "technical staff" during the summit, said all 11 leaders reaffirmed Asean's policy of non-interference at the meeting. Than Shwe's remarks about the relationship between economic and political development in Burma are seen as an attempt to allay Asean concerns about the political and human rights situation there. Asked whether Asean wants to see a dialogue between Suu Kyi and the junta, Saroj Chavanaviraj, the Foreign Ministry's permanent secretary, said the group would not comment since that would represent interfering in others' domestic affairs. He said simply that Asean "has been watching" political developments in Burma. Saroj told a press conference after a meeting between Banharn and Than Shwe, who chairs the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc), that the Thai premier had said he hoped to visit Burma next month. Saroj said Banharn told Than Shwe that the Thai Cabinet had approved the border trade agreement between Thailand and Burma earlier this week. He said the two countries could sign it soon. The two countries still must set a date to sign the agreement, which was first proposed by Burma in February 1990. Saroj said the agreement was based on a similar pact Burma had signed with three other neighbours Bangladesh, China and India. He said both Thailand and Burma want the agreement since it should help regulate border trade and generate tax revenues. He admitted that smuggling and armed ethnic violence were crucial to the agreement's drafting. **************************************************************** BANGKOK POST: SURPRISE BURMA CHAT December 16, 1995 DEPUTY Premier and Defence Minister Gen Chavalit Yongchaiyudh was an unexpected arrival at the summit yesterday. He turned up for a private talk with his " brother ", Burma's Prime Minister Gen Than Shwe. " I just called on him as a brother," said Gen Chavalit, who claimed it was nothing more than a chat. Gen Chavalit also met Lt Gen Khin Nyunt, first secretary general of Burma's ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council, and Foreign Minister U Ohn Gyaw. Their half-hour meeting comprised 10 people including Deputy Army Commander Gen Chetta Tanajaro and Lt Sornchai Montriwat, a deputy interior minister who is in charge of the Burmese delegation. ---------------------------------------------------------- BURMANET SUBJECT-MATTER RESOURCE LIST BurmaNet regularly receives enquiries on a number of different topics related to Burma. 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