------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------ "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ---------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News: January 21, 1996 Issue #327 Noted in Passing: It should be seriously acknowledged by every single human being that our action has saved humanity from the scourge of drugs. - Khin Nyunt on the SLORC's deal with Khun Sa. (see AFP: WORLD SHOULD WELCOME MTA SURRENDER: KHIN NYUNT) HEADLINES: ========== AFP: WORLD SHOULD WELCOME MTA SURRENDER: KHIN NYUNT ABSDF-MTZ: SLORC THREATENS 23 PROMINENT POLITICIANS RADIO MYANMAR: LEADER'S INDEPENDENCE DAY MESSAGE THE DAILY YOMIURI: MYANMAR NEEDS JAPAN'S ENGAGEMENT FBC: TUN MYINT RECEIVES MARTIN LUTHER KING JR. AWARD NATION: GUNS AND OPIUM: SYMBOLS OF SHAN FIGHT NATION: BURMESE PROSTITUTES TRAPPED IN A DARK UNDERWORLD --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- AFP: WORLD SHOULD WELCOME MTA SURRENDER: KHIN NYUNT January 18, 1996 Burma's military intelligence chief Lt. Gen. Khin Nyunt Thursday said the world should warmly welcome the unconditional surrender of drug king Khun Sa's Mong Tai Army (MTA), as it would help reduce the illicit drug trade "to a certain extent." Speaking before a group of medical doctors here, Khin Nyunt said the Burmese military government had single-handedly launched a successful campaign against drug traffickers at the Thai-Burmese border. "It should be seriously acknowledged by every single human being that our action has saved humanity from the scourge of drugs," he said, adding that Burma would remain committed to eradicating illicit drugs. Khin Nyunt also said it was necessary to prevent the "underhanded activities of neo-colonialist to aid and abet drug smugglers." He did not elaborate. Khin Nyunt reiterated that Rangoon would continue to extend a welcoming hand to repentant drug traffickers and treat in a "humane manner." ******************************* ABSDF-MTZ: SLORC THREATENS 23 PROMINENT POLITICIANS January 20, 1996 From: ABSDF-MTZ The SLORC Threatens 23 Prominent Politicians for Writing a Letter Urging Dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi Discussions from the Meeting Between 23 Prominent Politicians Who Signed the Proposed Paper for the National Reconciliation and the Representatives of the SLORC On 26/11/95, the representatives of the SLORC (State Law and Order Restoration Council) - Lt. Colonel Tin Hlaing, deputy- minister for the Home Affairs, Colonel Kyaw Win, deputy-director for Burmese Military Intelligence Service, U Soe Win, chief- director for People's Police Force, Colonel Ba Hein, in-charge of Criminal Investigation Department - summoned and met with 23 prominent politicians and freedom fighters who signed a paper on 24/11/95 calling for SLORC to open dialogue with the NLD (National League for Democracy) led by Aung San Suu Kyi at the earliest possible opportunity. LT. COLONEL TIN HLAING, DEPUTY-MINISTER FOR HOME AFFAIRS SAID, "We are telling you what the SLORC leaders have ordered us to tell you. We received your letter. We the State Law and Order Restoration Council or the military government are going to tell you the matters that are related to you. "You attended the ceremony held to pay homage to the elders on October 8. You also attended the National Day celebrations held on 16/11/95. "At this moment we are convening the national convention. At the same time, discussions are being held for the unity of all nationalities. You'll have to consider whether what we are doing is meaningful or not. "Your demands are identical with those of the US, the Mr. Nosey. People from the US embassy visit Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's house on daily basis. Mrs. Albright also treated us harshly. It looks like we'll have to work in accordance with the will of the Americans. We do not want ourselves to become a stooge of the Americans. We cannot do everything as they wish us to do. We are working for the emergence of a constitution with a set of guidelines. You can see what we are doing for the national cause. Now 15 out of 16 armed groups have returned to the legal fold. We are also striving for the remaining group so that they can do the same. We hope and believe that in a very short time they will return to the legal fold. We are working hard to achieve this goal. We are carrying out the three main national causes and 12 objectives. We wish to know if there is anything (among these) that you cannot accept. We cannot tolerate stooges meddling in between. The strength of the nation can be found only in the nation. We cannot rely on the foreign (countries). We'll be in trouble if we rely on the foreign (countries). The US is setting out guidelines. We know that other embassies are interfering in our affairs. We want all of you who have political traditions to remain neutral. It wouldn't be any good if there were violent political confusions. All of you are old. We would like you to live peacefully. We are ready to take care of you on social and humanitarian grounds. We believe that the NLD is using you. We want you to stay out if political movements become more violent. We want you to remain neutral. People from the US, Britain and Australian Embassies visit Daw Aung San Suu Kyi every day and give her instructions. Her husband is also instigating the situation from abroad. We do not wish you to get involved in this. We'll help you if you need anything. Do you want to say anything on the existence and duties that the Tatmadaw is carrying out?" BOHMU AUNG SAID, "Let me tell you something. We are not stooges of anyone. We never were. We work and say in accordance with our own sincere beliefs and will. We want to see everyone united before we die. Nobody forces us to do it. We do not want any outside interference. We'll have to prevent it from happening with a united force. We'll fight along side with the Tatmadaw if there is a foreign invasion. There has been proof of this. We are just doing what should be done for the restoration of peace, and prosperity of the country because we want to see these things happen before we pass away. We attended the ceremony held inside Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's house because the students wanted to pay homage to us, believing that there would be no problem. National Day celebrations were held as a part of our tradition. These used to be held in my premises. Now that there was no place available, we held it where a place was available. There is no outside interference or instigation in writing you this letter. We do not accept any interference at all. We wrote to you because we want to be friendly with you before anything becomes tangled. We don't want to see the situation change for the worse. You can use the letter if you wish. We'll wait and see if you say so. We'll take oath that we wrote the letter with utmost sincerity. We consulted (among us) and wrote it because we (you and us) should not hold grudges against each other. We just made this request of you because we believe that we still have a duty to the country. We don't like bloodshed. We are ready to lay down our lives along with the Tatmadaw should danger befall the country." LT. COLONEL TIN HLAING SAID, "What you are doing is identical with what the US has said. We are working for the country as well. Is there anything wrong with our work? It appears that there is foreign interference. It also appears that the NLD has dragged you along." BOHMU AUNG SAID, "We want to see our people happy and peaceful with plenty of food and materials before we die." LT. COLONEL TIN HLAING, "Is there anything that you don't like among the tasks the Tatmadaw is carrying out? The Tatmadaw really wants peace. We are performing the tasks which no other government has ever been able to do. Why did you have to write this letter?" BOHMU AUNG, "It comes from our heart. There is nothing that we can do if this is similar to other people's opinions." LT. COLONEL TIN HLAING, "If we don't do anything, people will blame us, and when we are doing something, we are concerned that someone will meddle with our work. We summoned you to explain this so that you can see and understand what we are doing. We are telling you this so that you can stay out of trouble when the situation becomes chaotic." M.I COLONEL KYAW WIN SAID, "The Senior General and group read the letter the day it was received. Like we said earlier, it doesn't do any good for the country when you are used for this. And we believed so, that is why we are trying to explain this to you. We believe that what is contained in the letter is nothing but your opinions. We'll report to our leaders that you did it with sincere goodwill. We learned the spirit of imperialism from the books. Mrs. Albright treated us very rudely. We cannot tolerate this. What she said is related to your request letter. We'll report back that you wrote the letter without any foreign influence and with a sincere desire to have everyone united. Our leaders have ordered us to treat you with respect. We can talk again if there is a confusion." BOHMU AUNG SAID, "If there is dead meat, the flies will swarm around it. We wrote the letter because we don't want this to happen. We neither want dead meat nor flies. The opinions are of the same identical nature, but I assure that we have nothing to do with it. We have nothing but goodwill. I can take oath for that." LT. COLONEL TIN HLAING SAID, "We want you to know our stance." BOHMU AUNG SAID, "I fought against the imperialists and their oppression. We had to remain under the British until we lost the hair knot that was our tradition (meaning for along time). Only because we weren't killed in the struggle, we can talk to you now. I used to live near the Mandalay, but because my grandma told me not to go near that Kular Town, I did not even know what it looked like. (Kular is a derogatory word for Indians and British. Kular town here means Mandalay palace). I sacrificed everything and I will not hesitate to sacrifice again. (Translated from the document acquired from inside Burma. Research Department, ABSDF-MTZ). ***************************************************************** RADIO MYANMAR: LEADER'S INDEPENDENCE DAY MESSAGE January 4, 1996 (BurmaNet Editor's Note: This piece is already two weeks old, but should still be of interest to BurmaNet readers. Because it is so repetitive, it has been abridged.) Translated text of a message from Senior General Than Shwe, prime minister and chairman of the State Law and Order Restoration Council SLORC , to the 48th Independence Day ceremony in Rangoon's People's Square on 4th January. On the auspicious occasion of the 48th Independence Day of the Union of Myanmar Burma , I cordially and respectfully greet the people of all national races residing in the country. Our Union of Myanmar stood as a sovereign nation in the world for thousands of years until we were enslaved through unjust aggression and occupation by colonialists. Our patriotic national brethren fought against this aggression and occupation through the use of force and other means. They fought valiantly with whatever weapons they could lay their hands on. The patriotic heroes from among the national races - such as the Kachin, Kayah, Karen, Chin, Bamah, Mon, Rakhine and Shan - who took part in the anti-colonialist and national liberation struggle will be recorded in the annals of our history. Similarly, members of the defence services, the offspring of the national races who fought many battles and risked their lives in defence of independence, public service personnel and the people should also have for their spirit of sacrifice placed on record. We, the people of all national races, must always strive with our own strength to enable Myanmar to stand tall among the world's nations as an independent nation and perpetuate its sovereignty. This is a national duty to be discharged by all the people of the Union - to always cooperate to protect and defend their nation. Moreover, all the national races are duty bound to continue to ensure that national solidarity, stability, communal peace and the rule of law and order last forever. At the same time, all the people must remain patriotic and alert to deter any instigations, schemes or incitements aimed at disturbing peace and stability in the country. When we review the historic events we have experienced, we see that all the citizens of the Union have always been able to attain victory against all kinds of internal and external enemies that were attempting to cause the disintegration of the country, which is home to the people born in this land and residing together through good and bad times. During the time of the State Law and Order Restoration Council, which emerged according to the historic need of the nation, firmer foundations have been established and all-around developments have been achieved in the nation's political, economic, social, educational and health spheres with the public's cooperation. Hence, it is necessary for the people of the national races to make every effort and play whatever role they can to keep the present rate of all-around development growing unhindered. The government has been implementing construction projects such as schools; bridges; hospitals; dispensaries; and electric power, communications and irrigation networks with added momentum for the long-term development of border areas and our national brethren, utilizing substantial cash, workforce and investments. At present, 15 armed groups, having realized the government's genuine goodwill, have returned to the legal fold and are now implementing construction projects alongside the public. The National Convention is deliberating the basic principles for the emergence of a new state constitution that would suit the wishes and aspirations of the people of the Union and which would enable them to enjoy the rights they are entitled to and promote social development. It is doing so to ensure smoothness and success at different stages of its undertakings in accordance with its six objectives. It has already laid down the chapter headings of the constitution and the principles to serve as the basis in formulating the fundamental principles of the state and is discussing in detail the main chapters, such as the legislature, the executive and the judiciary. All citizens are responsible for extending all-out efforts to support the emergence of an enduring constitution in accordance with the six objectives of the National Convention. Based on favourable conditions already attained, the SLORC - which is leading the state - will continue to exert strenuous efforts to further the development and emergence of the following constructive activities: A. Constantly safeguarding our three main national causes - non-disintegration of the Union, non-disintegration of national solidarity and perpetuation of sovereignty. B. Ensuring the prevalence of the rule of law and communal peace and tranquillity; ensuring secure and smooth transportation; and easing the people's need for food, clothing and shelter. C. Emphasizing tasks for the development of all national races in Myanmar. The Union Solidarity and Development Association - which will translate morale, discipline, solidarity and unity into action for the perpetuation and consolidation of the Union of Myanmar - was formed over two years ago with five noble aims, and its annual general meetings have been successful. The association is actively organizing rallies and holding discussions throughout the country to express support for the success of the National Convention, currently in session. It is thus acting to transfer to new generations its good groundwork, which will set our minds at peace about any Union affairs in the long run. At present, the Union of Myanmar has achieved much progress and favourable conditions in international relations; cooperation with nations in the region; cooperation with international organizations, including the United Nations; and foreign trade. Internally, it is also necessary to make sustained efforts for all-around development to maintain and promote progressive conditions in agriculture-based production, trade services and transport sectors. On the other hand, it is also important for us to safeguard the nation constantly and remain alert in guarding against and preventing internal and external threats and interference as a national duty. We must also constantly bear in mind the truth that the strength of the nation lies in the perpetual consolidated existence of the state as a modern, developed and peaceful nation. Therefore, I urge the entire mass of the national people to safeguard, defend and build an independent and sovereign nation and implement with zeal, perseverance, strength and awareness the national objectives for the 48th Independence Day: 1. The entire mass of the national people should always join hands and strive together to perpetuate state independence and sovereignty; 2. The entire mass of the national people should strive with unity and might for the emergence of an enduring state constitution and to build a new, modern and developed nation; 3. The entire mass of the national people should strive to keep its patriotism dynamic and alive, and to safeguard the national character ; 4. Successful implementation of the four political objectives; the four economic objectives; and the four social objectives in order to build a new, modern and developed nation. **************************************************** THE DAILY YOMIURI: MYANMAR NEEDS JAPAN'S ENGAGEMENT January 18, 1996 By Osamu Yasuda >From brelief@gol.com (abridged slightly) (NOTE: BurmaNet completely disagrees with Yasuda's assessment but wants BurmaNet readers to be exposed to a range of views. We encourage you to write a letter to the editor of the Daily Yomiyuri or to post your comments on BurmaNet.) [Letters to the Editor can be sent to FAX #: +81 3 3279 - 6324 ] The house arrest of Myanmar's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi six and a half years ago was given only a small amount of play in most Japanese newspapers. But when she was released those same newspapers emblazoned the news across their front pages and made a beeline to her door seeking interviews. In these interviews, Suu Kyi uses an apt expression to describe the current situation in her country: "If the sun is too hot, the people have no choice but to divest themselves of their clothes." This is really a piece of advice to Japan and other countries to exercise caution in resuming official development assistance to Myanmar. She is, in effect, criticizing the Association of Southeast Asian Nations for its "constructive engagement" strategy that is designed to open up Myanmar through the expansion of trade and investment. Whereas the United States and Europe maintain that economic sanctions are necessary to force Myanmar to change its hard - line policy, ASEAN believes that gradual economic development of the nation - expedited by their constructive engagement strategy -- can change the country's oppressive political climate. ASEAN insists that Suu Kyi's release from house arrest is evidence that they have chosen the right course. ASEAN nations believe that what Myanmar needs is not a "north wind" in the form of sanctions, but abundant sunshine in the form of constructive engagement. The association expected Japan to resume ODA to Myanmar and that Japanese companies would leap at the chance to invest in the country as soon as Suu Kyi was released. This was because ASEAN believed such assistance would expedite its efforts to bring Myanmar into its economic sphere and accelerate the country's transformation. But Japan gave short shrift to these expectations, with the government evidently finding in Suu Kyi's assertions reason to be cautious. Suu Kyi maintains that resuming ODA and investment at this time would only help the junta remain in power, without explaining why this would happen. She has yet to come up with her own set of policies. While she was under house arrest, Myanmar's economy was transformed significantly because of the flow of foreign investment into the country.. Does Suu Kyi not realize that ASEAN's constructive engagement and China's impressive economic inroads echo a common chord within the Myanmar people? The people are naturally attracted by the prospect of affluence and dream about the country's economic growth. With their English ability, they are quick to absorb information from overseas. When we talk about Myanmar and Suu Kyi, it may be useful to look at 1986 when Corazon Aquino became president of the Philippines. People had high expectations because she was considered an ordinary housewife and there was a sense of true democracy in the air. But she soon gained the reputation of a political amateur. Aquino may shine in Philippine history because she departed from Ferdinand Marcos' violent rule, but she lost her stature because of the nation's slow economic development. Fidel Ramos, who succeeded Aquino in 1992, has put things on the right track. Is there any danger of Suu Kyi going through the same experience as Aquino? What Suu Kyi must do is show us that she has organizational ability and draw up viable policies. Right now, she appears to have no policy that would help her country move toward a brighter future. Suu Kyi has actually resided in her own country for a fairly short period - not much longer than her house arrest. What she needs are people who can provide her with a real picture of her native land and help her to come up with real policies. Even if Suu Kyi takes over the reins of government, the problems now besetting the country will not disappear overnight - achieving progress in economic development, reconciling ethnic minorities and accelerating democratization. The question that must be answered is: "How can the nation develop economically without permitting foreign aid and investment into the country?" The Philippines is poised to make a fresh start under Ramos. What about Myanmar? The tragedy of Myanmar is that those with little knowledge of economics had gathered the reins of power into their hands and they relied heavily on the military to deal with ethnic conflicts, a legacy of colonial rule. What Myanmar needs is not a Suu Kyi of nobel character but a Suu Kyi of political skill. (Yasuda is director at The Nomura Research Institute) *************** FBC: TUN MYINT RECEIVES MARTIN LUTHER KING JR. AWARD January 19, 1996 From: zni@students.wisc.edu Please join us in congratulating Ko Tun Myint, who just received the Martin Luther King jr. Award from the Indiana University Black Student Union. Here is a congratulatory note from an Indiana student to Ko Tun Myint. Congratulations Tun! I would like to congratulate Tun Myint who received the Martin Luther King Jr. Award from the Black Student Union this past week. I could not imagine another student here at Indiana University who deserved this award as much as Tun Myint. Tun in his fight for justice embodies the spirit and dedication of Martin Luther King Jr. Congratulations Tun! ******************************* NATION: GUNS AND OPIUM: SYMBOLS OF SHAN FIGHT January 19, 1996 Saeng Seuk, a former leader of the Shan State Army, outlines the history of the Shan's armed struggle for autonomy. This is the first of a two-part series. The Shan patriotic movement traces its origins to the 1930s when Shan students at Rangoon University formed the Shan State Students' Association and the Shan Literary Society. Among the active founding members were Dr Sao Naw Kham, U Kya Bu and Dr Ba Nyan. Later, Dr Ba Nyan, supported by Sao Fa Luong of Hispaw Sao Oh, set up the White Hat organisation which was aimed at instilling national consciousness in Shan children and youth. Although Shans were ruled by feudal princes in 33 states, the people had the right to choose their own prince through a unique democratic electoral system. Shans enjoyed full autonomy under the British colonial system after the princes signed an agreement with the British to become protectorate states of Great Britain. Even during the Japanese occupation of Shan State during World War II, Shans still enjoyed autonomy. The Japanese imperial government recognised the separate entity of the Shan states and Karenni state. As is well known, the Shans joined the Union of Burma under the Panglong Agreement which guaranteed them the right of secession, equality, full autonomy as they had enjoyed for countries, non-interference in the internal affairs of other states by the Burmans, and creation of new states for ethnic minorities which meet the standard criteria to form a state. Chapter 10 of the 1948 constitution of the Union of Burma clearly states that the Shans had the right to secede from the Union. The U Nu government started to abuse that right of autonomy by sending Burmese Army troops into Shan areas and interfering in the administration of the Shan state in 1953. That action sparked the first efforts by Shan youth to form a resistance movement. It was at Rangoon University and the Shan Literary Society that the question of genuine federalism and the central government's abuse of ethnic and states' rights was first widely discussed. By 1955-56, it became the hot topic of discussion among high school students and even at the level of the Farmers Associations in Shan state and elsewhere in other states. Various pamphlets about individual, cultural, social and political abuses committed by the U Nu-led central government led were conferences were held to discuss the matter and to evaluate what action could be taken for the future of an autonomous Shan state. In 1956, a conference of the Chao Fas and the leaders of Shan state was held in Mong Yai to discuss the political future of the people. Just after the conference, U Nu came to Lashio and threatened that he would use military force if the Shans chose to exercise their rights of secession as stated in Chapter 10 of the Union constitution. Since that time Shan leaders have wrestled with the problem of central government abuse of power, Burmese chauvinism and the encroachment on the rights of other states. Two divergent strategies were adopted by two main political players in Shan state. Chao Fas and leaders of the political parties adopted the idea of changing the existing quasi- federal constitution of the Union of Burma into a genuine federal system and forming a state for the Burmans themselves. The university students, youth and young monks opted for armed struggle. The armed resistance was started by Saw Yanda, who named the movement established at the Thai-Shan border "Noom Suk Harn". In 1959, a Wa military police officer Bo Maung joined the resistance by attacking and occupying a Burma Army garrison in Tangyan for 3-4 days. His success spread the arms resistance like wild fire through out Shan state. In 1960, students who joined Noom Suk Harn were unable to persuade Saw Yanda, later known as Sao Noi, to adopt a constitution for the organisation. Frustrated, they broke away and formed the Shan State Independence Organisation (SSIO) and its military wing, the Shan State Independence Army (SSIA). Bo Maung, the hero of Tangyan became the commander of the SSIA. One of the students was appointed second in command. By 1961, the SSIA had more than 1,000 men under arms. The people of Shan state donated ammunition obtained from American air drops during World War II to fight against the Japanese. There were also Japanese and Chinese rifles. And Shan youth form almost every village joined the resistance. At the end of 1961, in a bid to unite the Shan movement, the SSIA and Noom Suk Harn's 415 column formed the Shan National United Front (SNUF). The SSIA by now had four battalions of fully armed men. The SNUF boasted 450 men by the beginning of 1962. On March 2 the same year, Ne Win staged his military coup and the Burmese Army took over the administration of the Union of Burma, and arrested all the political administrative leaders of all the member states of the Union. The move triggered more ethnic dissent throughout the Union and the respective armed resistance groups came into existence. It was at this time that the Kengtung armed resistance group called the Shan State National Army (SSNA) came into being. The Kachin Independence organisation and Army was also started in Shan state with some help from the SSIO/SSIA and the Shan people. In 1963, Mahadevi of Yawnghwe state, the wife of the first independence president of the Union of Burma fled to Thailand and with the backing of the SSIO/SSIA and SNUF tried again to forge a united Shan front. In 1964, the SSIO and SNUF merged to form the Shan State Army (SSA) under the leadership of Sao Nang Mahadevi and Sao Nang Hern Kham. Mahadevi left Thailand in 1970 leaving her son Sao Tzang Yawnghwe with the SSA. In 1971, the Shan State Progress Party, the political wing of the SSA, was formed. In 1973, Hso Hten led a study delegation to Panghsang in the Wa state on the Sino-Burmese border where the headquarters of the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) was located. In 1975, disregarding a SSPP congress resolution, SSA leaders embraced communist ideology and the leadership of the CPB. The result was confusion within the rank-and-file, causing an SSPP/SSA split between the group adhering to national democracy and the group wanting to adopt communist ideology with the sole aim of obtaining military and financial aid from China through the CPB. When the CPB finally crumbled in the late 1980s, a major faction of the SSPP/SSA led by Hso Hten broke away from the main group and forged a ceasefire agreement with the Slorc in 1988. In 1968, a faction of the SSA led by Kwan Zerng established themselves as the Shan State revolutionary Army (SURA) after gaining a border pass across Ban Pieng Luong of Thailand. In 1983, the SURA had been bolstered by the addition of an SSA faction led by Sam Mai and in 1984 they struck a deal with Khun Sa's Shan Union Army (SUA) to merge into one. Since 1988, the events ending Khun Sa's "mission" have been closely followed by the Thailand-based media and correctly and vividly reported. The only point they missed is that Khun Sa's mission was given to him by the Burmese Army's War Office in Rangoon in 1960. (TN) *************** NATION: BURMESE PROSTITUTES TRAPPED IN A DARK UNDERWORLD January 19, 1996 Selective enforcement of immigration and prostitution laws is shoring up the trade in women from Burma and adding to the risk of HIV infection, Pan Simmons writes. In 1994, the authors of a report from Asia Watch, an international human rights organisation, claimed that in Thailand, the rate of HIV infection among prostitutes from Burma was about three times higher than that among Thai prostitutes. Part of the reason for the higher rate of infection lies in customers' refusal to use condoms and the powerlessness of the women to insist on their use. This report was the first public alert to the flourishing trade in young Burmese women and its attendant bonded labour, arbitrary detention, physical abuse and complicity of government officials. The trafficking of Burmese women to Thailand for sex work was more recently brought to people's attention at a seminar late last year, organised by the Foundation for Women (FFW), a Bangkok-based women's organisation. Siriporn Skrobanek, secretary general of FFW, explained in her opening address that "Thailand bears some considerable responsibility for the fate of Burmese sex workers because it is both a destination and departure point for women transported and traded for prostitution." On the basis of 21 interviews with Burmese women and other interviews with governmental and non-governmental agencies, FFW's researchers, Praphakorn Wongratanawin and Ratchawan Singhanet found that the effectiveness of HIV/Aids education and assistance programmes was severely limited by language barriers and difficulties in reaching the women directly. The researchers also found that the women's knowledge about protecting themselves against HIV infection was minimal. These findings are hardly surprising, given the illicit nature of the sex industry in Thailand, the illegal status of most Burmese migrants and the tense political situation in Burma. Getting information about Aids to Burmese women on either side of the border is a challenge to the most inventive campaigner. The researchers pointed to the lack of suitable educational material for use among particular groups, such as the Shan and Mon ethnic groups and the overly detailed and sometimes gruesome portrayal of symptoms which serve more to frighten people than inform them. Printed text is also not much use to people who cannot read. Most of the women interviewed had had little formal education. The researchers tested a range of printed material during the interviews and only three of the 21 women could read and understand the material. Knowledge about Aids, though, has little benefit if the woman has no chance to negotiate working conditions such as the number of clients and safe sex practices. Most prostitutes in Thailand operate relatively independently and have considerable control over their working conditions. For others, though, control is firmly in the hands of the brothel owners. Running a brothel is illegal in Thailand, as is prostitution. But apart from few highly publicised raids, brothel owners are mostly left to their business. The fact that their activity falls outside of the law seems more to cultivate corruption among public authorities and intensify control over the women employed than discourage the growth of the industry. Researcher Praphakorn summed up the push and pull to migrate as, "the deteriorating economic and political situation in Burma, particularly in rural areas, coupled with the higher wages and demand for labour in Thailand." This is a familiar pattern world-wide in the history of labour migration. In this case, Burmese women are being pressed into sexual service to meet the demand from both Burmese labourers and Thai and foreign businessmen and tourists. The growth in the sex industry in provinces bordering Burma is accompanying the rise in cross-border trade in goods and labour. The economic boom in Thailand and the robust tourist industry, shadowed by the threat of Aids, has resulted in greater demand for women from remote areas and younger women are prime targets for recruiters. The women interviewed in Ranong province were mostly ethnic Burmans from lowland Burma or Mon women from southern border states. They crossed the river border by boat or, in the dry season, by foot. In the northern province of Thailand, they were mostly Shan women. Burma's Shan state lies across the border fro Chiang Rai. They had travelled to Thailand by motorcycle or in a songthaew (pick up taxi). This route is policed well by Burmese soldiers of the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc). The soldiers are instructed to turn back young and unmarried women. However, in effect, this instruction is only used to solicit bribes from the women. Bribing takes place on both sides of the border with some public tour bus drivers demanding payments of Bt3,500 to transport the women to other provinces. As illegal immigrants they have little choice but to pay. The threat of arrest and deportation hangs over them all the way. As the authors of the Asia Watch reported, "The Immigration Act is often used not to keep Burmese from entering Thailand, but to ensure compliance and obedience once they are there." In 1992, when the Asia Watch investigation began, rights to privacy and confidentiality in HIV testing were routinely ignored. Immigration officials and brothel owners were more likely to be informed of a woman's HIV status than the woman herself. Mandatory testing was also common-place, particularly following arrest by Thai authorities. The Thai National Aids Prevention and Control Plan (1992-1996) has injunctions against revealing HIV status without the full and explicit consent of the infected person. The 1995 FFW's investigation showed little improvement in protection of such rights. Testing, physical examinations and counselling services at public hospitals were available to Burmese sex workers, but without the aid of translators many women did not understand what the examination was for nor the results of tests. In these circumstances, counselling was out of the question. The regularity of health checks was most often decided by the brothel owners. They required the women to carry healths cards which indicated the dates and results of checks. Not surprisingly, there was no such requirement of customers. FFW's researchers heard reports of agency workers accompanying Burmese women to the hospital as translators but keeping the results of the tests to themselves. Some were too inexperienced to be of much assistance and others may have found the job of informing someone of their HIV status too trying. In Thailand, prostitutes who test positive are supposed to be encouraged to leave sex work. But the government offers little by way of guaranteed health care or alternative employment. This is especially so for women repatriated to Burma. The troublesome question of how to disseminate information remains. As Prachakorn Wongratanaw pointed out in her summary, "Information must get to women sex workers and to women in the regions of Burma where sex workers are being drawn from". But with a government leery of non-governmental agencies and unwilling to do much themselves, as the Slorc is in Burma, it is hard for Aids campaigners to know where to start. The researchers also floated the idea of forcing the owners of brothels to bear some of the costs of Aids patient care. This would be difficult to enforce while prostitution is still illegal. Decriminalising prostitution is one of the broader issues brought to light by the research. The Burmese women are doubly vulnerable to harassment and detention as illegal immigrants and engaged in illegal work. It leaves them with minimal negotiating power with employers or customers, and hence more susceptible to HIV infection. The power of brothel owners is immense when it comes to bonded labour. In many cases it extends to controlling access by health workers to sex workers. Health workers find themselves in the unenviable position of trading silence about imprisonment, deceit and physical abuse for the continued opportunity of general health education. In the selective enforcement and manipulation of immigration and prostitution laws, the authorities are, in effect, shoring up the trade in women from Burma and adding to the risk of HIV infection. (TN)