------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------ "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ---------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News: April 12, 1996 Issue #382 Noted in Passing: The economy, far from being the general's saving grace, will be their undoing. - Aung San Suu Kyi (see THE ECONOMIST: MYANMAR'S MYSTERIOUS BOOM) HEADLINES: ========== THE ECONOMIST: MYANMAR'S MYSTERIOUS BOOM THE ECONOMIST: THE ROAD TO MANDALAY BKK POST: SUU KYI SAYS DEMOCRATIC OPPOSITION PROGRESS NATION: DEFECTING ACROSS SLORC LINES NATION: KARENNIS SURRENDER THE HIGH GROUND TO JUNTA ABSDF-DNA: SLORC DEFECTORS IN KARENNI AREA INDEPENDENT LETTER: RE: VISIT AUNG SAN SUU KYI SQUARE ASAHI SHIMBUN: DIALOGUE COULD NUDGE BURMA INDEPENDENT REPORT: OAKLAND MOVES CLOSER TO BURMA BILL INDEPENDENT REPORT: MASSACHUSETTS BURMA BILL CLEARS --------------------------------------------------------------------------------- THE ECONOMIST: MYANMAR'S MYSTERIOUS BOOM April 6, 1996 From: brelief@gol.com (Ken and Visakha Kawasaki) Scanning Southeast Asia for the next "tiger" economy, many eyes have lighted on Myanmar (Burma). Always rich in resources, its government is now friendly to foreign businesses. Human rights groups may carp at foreigners for dealing with an unpleasant military regime. But businessmen are scared of missing out on an economy that is now growing at tigerish rates. When it seized power in 1988, the military junta running Myanmar inherited a closed, state - dominated economy, which it has opened up to market forces and foreign investment. Since then, GDP grown rates have caught up with the feverish regional norm. Figures just released by the government claim average growth of 8.2% over the past four years, which suggests that growth is picking up again. The capital, Yangon, certainly looks like a boom - town. New tower blocks are poking above the faded colonial facades; streets that just a few years ago milled quietly with pedestrians, bicycles, and the occasional pick - up truck now throb with Toyotas and Nissans. In one street, the pavement is stacked with cardboard boxes of Toshiba television sets. Well - groomed young couples dine in busy restaurants. Many see this as evidence that -- whatever its other flaws -- the junta has at least got the economy right. Or has it? The opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, thinks not. "The so- called boom is an artificial one," she declared. The economy, far from being the general's saving grace "will be their undoing." Since Miss Suu Kyi was released from six years of house arrest only last July, by a junta that still refuses to talk to her, she might reasonably be suspected of bias. But the opposition is not alone in seeing the appearance of new prosperity as in part a mirage. Even the International Monetary Fund, in a report issued last October and praised by the government as "very sound", concluded that, on a per capita basis, "neither GDP nor agricultural output have yet recovered to the levels reached in the mid-1980s." The IMF acknowledges that "real economic activity has expanded strongly over the last three years." But it also identifies trends that make the government look less the prudent liberalizers of their own propaganda, more the spendthrift military dictators portrayed by their opponents. Asian tigers tend to be noted for fiscal caution, small state sectors and high levels of investment. But Myanmar's budget deficit has been widening. Consumption has been increasing as a percentage of GDP at the expense of investment and the private sector's share in that investment has actually been declining. Foreign exchange reserves have been maintained at their current low level only by failing to pay back some foreign debt. Civil servants' wages and social services have been cut, while the junta has spent more on defense. The IMF estimates that defense expenditure accounts for 4% of GDP. Arcane book - keeping procedures, however, probably conceal an even greater amount. The prescriptive part of the IMF's report has not been made public. The World Bank, however, in a report also published last October, put reform of the currency, the kyat, at the top of its list of priorities. There is an official exchange rate of about 6 kyats tot he dollar. But on the streets of Yangon, it takes 125 kyats to buy a dollar. Myanmar insists it will need a lot of outside financial support to adjust the currency to market levels, if intolerable inflationary pressures are to be avoided. That is not true, or at least not for the person in the street, who already pays for imports at a realistic exchange rate. Rather, unifying the currency would encourage exports, and help with the budget deficit, by increasing revenue from import duties and sales tax. The World Bank has a more convincing explanation for the government's reluctance to adjust the exchange rate -- "the fear that influential groups in the population would lose as a result." That means those with access to imports at the official rate -- government departments, the army and state enterprises, as well as some individual civil servants and soldiers. The dual exchange rate robs the poor to give to the comfortably - off and the small but growing class of very, very rich. It is also one reason why measuring Myanmar's economy is a guessing game. The use of the official rate hugely understates exports and imports, and distorts year - on - year comparisons. The government's figures probably underestimate the size of the economy while exaggerating the growth rates. Growth in Myanmar's economy has come largely from agriculture, which made up an estimated 62.6% of GDP in 1994, up from 57% in 1989. The government says farmers are doing nicely, thank you, and that savings in agricultural co - operatives are rising. Miss Suu Kyi says life is getting harder and harder in the paddy fields, even though the price of rice is soaring for consumers. That, says Miss Suu Kyi, is why the government's economic failings will become obvious this year. But the foreign business delegations and conferences are multiplying. If the economy is such a mess, why are investors flocking in? The answer seems to be that there is a lot more looking than investing. The government likes to quote a figure of $3 billion for the foreign investment it has attracted. But less than a third of that has been disbursed. Actual investment has been concentrated in the oil and gas sector (41% in 1994- 95) -- almost all accounted for by one massive project to pipe gas to Thailand -- and in hotel development. A third of disbursed investment in 1994 -- 95 went into the plethora of new hotels, often financed from Singapore or Thailand, and built in anticipation of a surge of visitors as the country opens up. Miss Suu Kyi argues that business optimism about the military junta is mistaken because "you cannot do business with people who do not keep their word, who do not respect the law and who are not prepared to allow healthy competition." It is perhaps a characteristic of soldiers not to like competition, whether political or economic. But these ones face a dilemma. To press political competition, they are maintaining military spending at levels that are blowing holes in the states's finances. But they are also staking their future on economic growth. In which case, as one western observer puts it, they had better find a cheaper way of dealing with ethnic insurgency in the border regions and social discontent just about everywhere. ******************************************************* THE ECONOMIST: THE ROAD TO MANDALAY April 6, 1996 from brelief@gol.com No flyin' fishes play these days on the road to Myanmar's second city, but the countryside still looks the "cleaner, greener land" for which Kipling's old soldier waxed so nostalgic. Lush rice fields stretch to the distant hills and the barefoot women int heir workaday sarongs smile and chatter at the approach of foreigners. Others, thigh - deep in the fertile paddy - slime, are bent double transplanting rice. They expect a good harvest soon. Well irrigated by canals off the Irrawaddy river, the area has long yielded tow or three crops a year. But these farmers say they will have to sell more than half their crop to the government, at about two - thirds of the market price. The state's quota has gone up again this year. A few miles away, at a roadside limestone quarry, the workers are also smiling, despite an unforgiving sun and a shadeless workplace. Three youths are chipping at a rock face with a pneumatic drill. Below them, women and children, some just ten years gold, gather the fragments, break them with stone hammers, and carry them off in baskets on their heads for sifting. At the end of the day, a truck will arrive to take the day's output to Mandalay and the workers will be paid the equivalent of 40 cents. Further down the road, traffic is held up for a crocodile of about 60 women in white uniforms under armed guards. Assumed by local residents to be prostitutes and drug addicts, even they are smiling on their way back to prison after a day breaking rocks. It is not just prisoners who work involuntarily. Village headmen have to supply a quota of unpaid labourers to the government. Households that fail to supply a workers, or hire a substitute, are fined. Tourists travelling south from Mandalay to visit the remains of a palace at Amarapura pass a new suburb of households unaffected by such decrees. Broad avenues lined with saplings and streetlights bisect rows of palatial villas. Even a western -style supermarket is being built. Locals say that most of these villas house retired army officers. Behind their high fences, they are probably smiling too. *********************************************************** BKK POST: SUU KYI SAYS DEMOCRATIC OPPOSITION HAS ACHIEVED "REASONABLE PROGRESS" April 12, 1996 AUNG San Suu Kyi says she and other leaders of Burma's democratic opposition have made "reasonable progress" in their political work since her release from house arrest. Suu Kyi said the year 1995 marked an important turning point for her country. "I was released in July, some eight months ago," she said. "(Former army general) U Tin U and (former colonel) U Kyi Maung were released earlier, and we have made reasonable progress in our political work, though the progress achieved was far short of our expectations. "One unmistakable fact we discovered in 1995 is the strong morale of our people. All of us should be proud of it." Suu Kyi said the military junta has worked hard to prevent the National League for Democracy from organising. "She described the junta's treatment of the NLD as "unfair and unjust." "I am saying this not to pick a quarrel with the authorities," she said. "But then if you don't stand up and speak out against injustice you Will be encouraging that injustice." Responding to a question about the work of Burma's five-member Election Commission, Suu Kyi said the body had failed to carry out its duties in a satisfactory manner. "Though its members are respectable and respected men," she said, "the commission has done two things which it ought not to have done and failed to do two things which it ought to have done." First, she said, the commission had failed to issue an official announcement of the results of the 1990 multi-party election. Suu Kyi's NLD won the election in a landslide. Second, she said, the commission had failed to protect the rights of political parties. She said the commission should not have checked the election expense returns of candidates and should not have interfered in the internal affairs of political parties. "The commission is still persisting in its erroneous ways," she added. The head of the military government and armed forces, Senior General Than Shwe, said the military did not crave power or seek to control the state on a permanent basis, official print media said. "The military should not hold on to state power forever," Than Shwe, 64, told tutors and cadets in the mess hall of the Defence Services Institute of Technology during a recent visit. "However, it has to assume duties for a reasonable period of time to be able to lay down good foundations needed for the emergence of a peaceful, modern nation," he was quoted as saying. He said Burma was building a strong and efficient modern military to maintain law and order and was nurturing capable leaders for a future government. A total of 29 anti-government insurgents surrendered to Burmese military authorities last month, state-run Radio Rangoon reported Wednesday. The rebels included 19 militant pro-democracy students, eight ethnic Karen minorities and two former communist party members, it said. ***************************************************************** NATION: DEFECTING ACROSS SLORC LINES April 12, 1996 Aung Zaw talks to five Burmese soldiers who crossed into enemy territory and surrendered to Karenni guerrillas. On March 27, Burma's military staged its annual parade on Rangoon's U Wisara Road to celebrate Armed Forces day. Martial music was played and more than 3,000 soldiers took part in an impressive display of patriotism. Family members and other people embraced them afterwards and handed out garlands and flowers. In the mountains more than 1,000 kilometres away, another group of Burmese soldiers were enjoying a temporary lull in the fighting between government soldiers and Karenni insurgents. Cpl Maung Win smiled and said, "I don't care if today is Armed Forces day. Besides I'm short and skinny so they [officers] wouldn't want to me to join the parade." Four other soldiers sitting close to Maung Win laughed at his cynicism. Cpl Maung Win was formerly of Battalion 72, which is stationed on a hill near the town of Dimawhso in Kayah state. On March 9, he and his section visited Dawwiman, a village situated at the foot of the hill. There they met Sgt Khin Maung Win, their superior. "He always scorned us and was very conceited said Maung Win Nothing happened until we got drunk," he recalled. At dusk, Khin Maung Win told him to go back to the hill base. "It was too dark to go back and we were so drunk that I refused," he said. That's when they fought. The next day Maung Win and his section burned down the three huts where they were staying. After destroying rice, salt and oil supplies, he and four other soldiers (Ye Win Htkie, Myo Min Aung, Whin Htay and Kyaw Win) set out to the next village. "As soon as we got there, I asked a village headman where the members of the KNPP [Karenni National Progressive Party] were. But he didn't want to tell me," Maung Win said. "When I told him that we wanted to surrender to the Karenni rebels, the headman was shocked," he added. Maung Win said he had already served in the army for nine years. He is married with two children and original hails from Taungdwingyi in Magwe division. He has no regrets. "We are happy. We are free now," he said. "Life here is better and easier," said Maung Win, referring to the Karenni army camp. "There are fewer restrictions, no shortage of food," said one of the four other defectors. "When we were in the army, we were afraid of anyone who had a higher rank. We had to salute everyone we saw," 7 he said. The five cited Tatmadaw's strict regulations as a main reason that forced them to defect to the Karenni. "No time to rest, we had to work very hard," said Maung Win. As soon as the group arrived at the KNPP camp, they received a pleasant welcome and Bt3,000 each. They bought a cassette player and watches. "They are very happy with what they got," said a Karenni army officer. But were the other four who defected with Maung Win happy with what he had done? "If Maung Win had asked us to kill Khim Maung Win that night, we would have shot him there and then," said Ye Win Htike. "When we ran we were ready to strike back if they [Burmese soldiers] followed us. We brought guns with us," he added. If they return to Burma or are caught, they will most likely be imprisoned for life. However, they could receive the death penalty since they defected to the Karenni with their weapons and other arms (S 3 rifles, 79 mm cannons and four mines). Ye Win Htike, 20, joined the army in 1992. "I lied about my age," he said. When he joined the army he said he was 18, although he was only 16. Asked whey they decided to join the armed forces, Ye Win Htike and another young soldier said there are many Feasons why young Burmese men join the army but it is definitely not to defend or protect the country. Myo Min Aung shook his head. Most people join the army because they fail exams, don't want to study anymore, quarrelled with their parents or girlfriends, find it difficult to find a job, or have committed crimes," he noted. Myo Min Aung said he quarrelled with his father after passing grade 8. He is from Maubin, which is near the Irrawaddy delta. "But since my grades were not that impressive, my father punished me," he said. He also said he was only 15 when he joined the Tatmadaw. "I didn't tell my family. I just left my home and disappeared," he said. After becoming a soldier, he wrote to his sister, who is now a university student. Min Aung estimated that during training 120 of the 250 recruits were under the age of 16. "I know you guys joined the army not because you love your country but because you have your personal problems and conflicts with your families," he recalled the drill sergeant as saying to them. Asked if he had ever fought against the ethnic insurgent armies, he said, "No". But Myo Min Aung smiled and said: "I fought but not with the insurgents." In 1995, when Myo Min Aung was still the bodyguard of Lt Lin Oo, an incident took place in Sebu, Kayah state. "My officer fought with some policemen at a bar. They challenged Bo Lt Lin Oo to a fight," he said. "There was a gun battle. Our troops attacked the police station, caught all the policemen and beat them up," he said. None of them was punished, but the policemen were transferred. It was the first and last battle Myo Min Aung took part in. Win Htay and Kyaw Win had little to say. Win Htay said-he is from Thaywaddy. He and his friend came to Rangoon to find a job and a few days later found themselves employed at a sawmill. "But we didn't like the work. We had no food. That was when we decided to join the army." According to Maung Win and Karenni rebels, Kyaw Win is suffering from a mental illness. It is not a wise idea to have him carry a gun," said one Karenni officer. At present, none of the defectors are allowed to carry arms. Their presence poses a dilemma for the KNPP. "We want an NGO or international organization to look after them," said Able Tweed, a senior KNPP official. But the defectors said they wanted to join the KNPP and to fight Slorc. "That won't be possible now," said the senior KNPP official. No one really knows if they are telling the truth. There is a fear that they may have been sent by the Slorc to work as spies. Since the start of 1996, nearly 50 soldiers have defected to the KNPP, a Karenni army officer said. "We don't know why but we are very glad they joined us. Of course, we have to be very careful," he added. He stressed the KNPP respects all soldiers who defect. "No executions are carried out," he emphasized. "We let them go if they want to work in the border areas." But in some cases, the KNPP has allowed some Slorc soldiers to serve in its army. Myo Htun is now a KNPP fighter. Like the others, he was in the Tatmadaw for several years. He didn't go to the KNPP-controlled areas but went instead to Loikaw where he was forced by the army to carry food and ammunition to the frontline. He then escaped and joined the KNPP. He is proud of his present job; a bodyguard for a Karenni army officer in the camp. Like Myo Htun, some of the soldiers who defected are good fighters and have shown their loyalty to the KNPP. "They are now in the frontline helping us. Some have died in action," a Karenni officer said. ***************************************************************** NATION: KARENNIS SURRENDER THE HIGH GROUND TO JUNTA April 12, 1996 The embattled rebel group is vowing to fight on despite the loss of their hill-top positions, Aung Zaw writes. Karenni insurgents are slowly withdrawing from their mountain bases but insist they will continue their guerrilla warfare. "We will continue to fight. They [Slorc] might get Karenni lands but it won't stop our struggle and dampen our revolutionary spirit," said Bo Too. Since the start of the year, the Slorc has been sending truckloads of troops to Kayah state, leading to the deployment of at least 27 battalions. But a Karenni army officer said the Slorc has suffered heavy casualties. The KNPP regrouped in Kauk Kauk after losing decisive battles in the strategic hills of Rambo, Nonglon I and II. In March, observers and dissidents who had fled to the border predicted the KNPP would be wiped out before Armed Forces day. The Slorc's ground troops, aided by PC-7 bombers, tried to mop up lingering resistance in the hills, but it became clear the insurgents were not about to give up without a fight. However, the rebels have been forced to withdraw from several other bases in the hills in the face of the Slorc onslaught. KNPP leaders said they have resorted to hit-and-run tactics. "We have been able to hit back," said one Karenni rebel. "Our troops ambushed a Slorc convoy recently," he added. On March 10, Lt Col Thaune Shwe and another army officer was killed during a gun battle with Karenni insurgents. To mark Armed Forces day, Slorc troops relentlessly shelled Kauk Kauk, KNPP's main camp, on March 27. On the same day, KNPP's Palele camp was set on fire by Burmese troops. On March 29, all KNPP troops withdrew from Kauk Kauk, which was soon overrun by the Slorc. Many have said that the KNPP has been forced to regroup in another area. But Karenni fighters have vowed to continue their struggle. "Where is the peace that they are talking about? There is no peace," said Bo Too, while peering into his binoculars to survey the nearby mountains where many Slorc troops are believed to be stationed. "I know we couldn't trust the Slorc," he said. Too added that the KNPP always doubted that a ceasefire would last even after they had signed an agreement last year. "A few months later we had to fight again," Bo Too said. Initially, observers attributed the cause of fighting to the lucrative trade in teak across the Thai-Burma border. But KNPP leaders maintained the fighting broke out again mainly due to political reasons. "They sent more troops shortly after we signed a ceasefire agreement," one Karenni army officer said. He also said human rights violations in Kayah state were widespread. "Slorc troops have driven out the Karenni from their land, villagers have been arrested and many have been forcibly conscripted," the officer added. Despite the loss of territory, some Karenni soldiers believe the nats [spirit] are helping them. "Nats are guardians of the jungle and mountain and they are helping us," said one Karenni soldier. "Before we resumed fighting with Burmese soldiers [in 1995], we heard gunfire everywhere - it was a warning from the nats," he added. But Karenni leaders realise that nats alone won't help them. They need the support of the international community and pro-democracy groups around the world. On March 18, the KNPP sent a letter signed by Aung Than Lay, a KNPP leader, to United Nations secretary-general Boutros Boutros Ghali. In it, the KNPP asked the UN to pressure the Slorc to stop its military offensive. On March 20, US Rep Dana Rohracher spoke before the US Congress to raise the issue with American lawmakers. "Mr Speaker, Karenni freedom fighters are today up against the hired thugs of the Burmese army. In the past, the Slorc regime justified aggression against the Karenni as a necessary step to take for it to control the activities of Khun Sa, the infamous drug thug. But the Slorc regime has allowed Khun Sa to retire in luxury, while the aggression continues. It shouldn't surprise anyone that the Slorc regime is lying. Their entire system is based on lies." "Freedom loving people in the United States are on your [Karenni] side, and will remember you in our prayers. Because you strive for democracy and justice, remember, your victory is our victory." Rohracher, who is close to some Karenni rebel leaders, was said to be planning to visit the Karenni areas soon. ***************************************************************** ABSDF-DNA: SLORC DEFECTORS IN KARENNI AREA DUE TO THE ABUSES IN ARMY April 11, 1996 From: The defection of the Slorc soldiers occurred in Karenni area due to the abuses and corruption of the army officials. During the "Pyi Nyein Aye operation" in which from 2000 - 3000 troops from 27 battalions were used, 18 soldiers from Slorc have fled and defected with their weapons to the KNPP forces as of March 1996. Many stories of human rights abuses by the military officials, corruption and discrimination against low ranking soldiers have been reported from those defectors lucky enough to escape to the KNPP. Among the Slorc defectors, a five man - platoon led by its leader from Slorc's division (2) of Light infantry Battalion (72) under the commander of Eastern Military Command defected to KNPP Battalion (2) on March 15, 1996. Platoon leader Corporal Maung Win (BC. 676053), Ye Win Hteik (BC. 880179), Myo Min Aung (BC. 963954), Kyaw Win(BC. 980955) and Win Htay (BC. 980961) defected to KNPP forces with one M.79 launcher and twelve shells, four G-3 assaulted rifles, a hundred and twenty-five 7.62mm bullets, twenty rounds of ammunition, two assault weapons, and two mines. Corruption and abuse of power by the high ranking officials are common in the Slorc army, according the defectors. Privates are ordered to work unpaid for business ventures run by the army officials in the name of Self-reliance programs of the battalions. All the money and benefits earned from these programs are shared among the officers but not with low ranking soldiers. "Our LIB 72 runs several businesses such as a sawmill, logging, and mines at Dawsee village in Lawpita. Every soldier is required to work unpaidin these business. No inquiry can be made. All money is shared among the officers," said Myo Min Aung, a 18 - year - old private from LIB 72 based in Lawpita. He was ordered to work in the lead mine in Dawsee village along with fellow soldiers for the so-called "project for Battalion's fund." The lead minded by the soldiers was taken bback to the battalion and sold, one viss for 15 kyats, to local merchants. Everyday the soldiers mined at least 100 visses but no money was allocated for the welfare of the soldiers. Likewise in the logging project, soldiers were ordered to work without pay. They had to cut the hardwood and carry it back to the battalion. Local people were also ordered to provide bullock carts for carrying logs. Although all facilities and working forces were free and unpaid, no money went to the battalion. Everything was for the officers' own benefit, according to Myo Min Aung. Besides these money-making projects, soldiers were assigned to do private work for their superior officers. Former (72) Battalion commander Lt-Col. Win Myint ordered 10 soldiers in every day to work making bricks for the construction of his house. Soldiers were ordered to make 2,000 brick and could not return to the barracks until their quota was finished. Myo Min Aung was only 15 - year - old when he first enlisted into army in June 1994. The official age for new recruits is 18, but he had no problem enlisting. "Some are even younger than me." he said. He also reported being beaten frequently, sometimes aspunishment, but often merely as entertainment for drunken superior officers. "Soldiers are asked to massage the officers at night or cook for their family. When they are not satisfied with the service, the officers beat them." he said in his interview. "Captain Lin Oo was the worst person in my battalion. He treated the soldiers like animals. He always looked for the weakness of the privates and loved to beat them. He sometimes assigned soldiers to take a guard at the post which was an hour's walk from the battalion. He did not order the other to give meal or food for the soldiers on guard duty. Nobody dared to bring food for them without his order. When the soldiers came back to the barracks to get food, he beat them up for disobeying his order" Myo Min Aung reported. "Corruption was rampant among the officials," said corporal Maung Win from the same battalion. "For example, I was promoted to lance corporal position in 1990. According to army rules, I was to get the 850 kyats corporal salary after one year service in corporal position. I got my promotion salary after three years. Capt. Nyan Htun who was the finance official concerned received my salary in accord with the laws. But instead of giving it to me, he took for himself." he explained. Another defector, Win Htay added " when a soldier dies in battle, the headquarters compensates 10,000 kyats to the surviving family. But Capt. Nyan Htun always took that money and told the family that the soldier had defected to the ethnic forces." Rations are routinely stolen by the officers in charge and sold at the market. When food and other supplies arrived, the supply officer sold them and replaced them with lower quality food. The money was shared among the officers. "All privates know about that, but these very same corrupt officers are the ones who we have to report to, so nobody says anything." explained Ye Win Hteik, 24- year - old private who defected to the KNPP. The situation was worst at the front. Soldiers got only rice and very basic rations while officers were enjoying good food stuffs. That situation led soldiers to use force towards the local people to supply them with food. No action would be taken against soldiers who committed robbery or other abuses towards the local civilians. According to them, many of soldiers used in the offensive attack against the KNPP were as young as 14 - 15 years old and sent to the frontlines as soon as they finished their four - month basic training. Most were recruited at random. Recruitment is often done by a quota system; new soldiers are demanded from each village or township per year. If the quota is not reached, the local people will face punishment. Recruitment depends on the size of village or townships. For villages of less than 100 houses one youth must be supplied; for villages of up to 200 houses two youth- and so up to maximum five youths for villages of more than 400 houses. Due to the lack of training and experience, many of these young soldiers were killed and some fled during the offensive. Young soldiers are deliberately placed in danger during operations. This five - man platoon decided to defect after the platoon leader Corporal Maung Win had a quarrel with Sergeant Khin Maung Win over rations distribution to the soldiers in Dawwi Moe outpost on March 10, 1996. The next day when the sergeant returned to his other outpost, Corporal Maung Win led his troop to defect. Before they were left, they burned down and destroyed their outpost. *********************************************************** INDEPENDENT LETTER: RE: VISIT AUNG SAN SUU KYI SQUARE IN AMSTERDAM April 12, 1996 From: Khin Ni Ni Thein "Visit Aung San Suu Kyi Square in Amsterdam" The NFB, Netherlands Friends of Burma wishes that as many tourists as possible should come to Amsterdam, and if it is possible, tourist Myanmar year should turn into tourist Amsterdam Year to visit "Aung San Suu Kyi Square!". Having said that I would like to add a background story of how did we turn "Heineken Square" into "Aung San Suu Kyi Square". The first master-mind is a gentleman called 'Kees' who works in ASeed Europe. He started the Heineken campaign. He did the few public demonstration against Heineken in Amsterdam and now he is currently calling for World wide Boycott! He got the idea which he thought was brillient, ie. rename the Heineken Square to Aung San Suu Kyi Square! Why not? he said. He put forward his idea to three other organizations (1) BCN, Burma Centrum Nederlands (2) X min Y and, (3) NFB, Netherlands Friends of Burma. Everybody said:- YES!!! LETS DO IT! Thereafter, BCN was busy painting four sign-boards, ASeed and X min Y were busy with many organizing works stage preparations etc., NFB was busy in practising the official announcement in Dutch Language and persuing people to come on that day which is...... 23 March 96,.....one of the great days in the history of the Democracy Movement of Burma. Several hundreds of people gathered in the square in front of Heineken Brewery, in the presence of the one of the elected(no need to say in NL) MPs of the Netherlands parliament, the NFB was asked to announce the new name of the square as "Aung San Suu Kyi Square". In Netherlands, the truly democratic land, there are many Burma support groups who work as an effective network in fact most effectively send the frequent messages to the Dutch Public! They don't discover the wheel again but they effectively work in their related areas and in cooperation with other support groups they effectively cover the whole Netherlands in geographical domain as well as in social, economical and political domains. Dear Burmese Freedom Fighters we all are with you. Thank you very much U Nwe Aung for your support from the rest of Europe in general and from Germany in particular. Sincerely yours, NFB on behalf of Aung San Suu Kyi square action group. ****************************************************** ASAHI SHIMBUN: DIALOGUE COULD NUDGE BURMA TOWARDS DEMOCRACY POINT OF VIEW by Hiroyuki Yamamoto April 12, 1996 from brelief@gol.com During my two - year stint as a member of Asahi Shimbun's Asian General Bureau in Bangkok, I visited Burma almost every month to meet people there. Back here in Japan, I still think of those who had the courage to criticize the military regime. My heart broke when I heard them recount their hardships. There is no freedom of speech in Burma, so it is not easy for people to talk to foreign reporters. But some of those I met did speak out, brushing aside fears they might be arrested. Terror is etched in the minds of Burma's people. Many have been arrested and tortured since the pro - democracy movement picked up momentum in 1988. "Prisoners were packed like sardines in a single ward and slept side - by - side like logs," said a former political prisoner, his eyes flashing with rage. "The whole room smelled awful because of the toilet in a corner and the body odor. Some prisoners did hard labor at quarries." But when he finished speaking, he said, 'Please don't mention my name." I heard that same request for anonymity many times. The crackdown on dissidents continues still. "Officials show up at midnight or at dawn to arrest suspects," said a member of the pro - democracy camp, who himself has been arrested before. "I can't sleep well because I'm afraid they might get me again." Countless other people continue to live in the shadows of fear and anxiety. They all have a strong desire to live peacefully with their families and to speak without fear -- a desire that only democracy can deliver. But with the country mired in a standoff between the ruling junta and the democratic forces led by Aung San Suu Kyi, democracy and peaceful life in Burma still seem a long way off. Leaders of the pro - democracy movement often asked me, "Do you have any good news from Japan?" Japan was the largest aid donor to Burma before the full - scale democracy movement got underway. That question, of course reflects an expectation that Japan will help promote democratization in Burma. But it also mirrors fears that Japan's economic power might again prop up the military regime. In fact, the junta stands firm, in part because investment from foreign firms, including those in America and Europe, is increasing. Investment from Japan is also rising, with one company pushing a project to build an industrial park. Conventional wisdom says economic development creates a middle class and leads eventually to democratization. Under Burma's authoritarian regime, however, it is doubtful whether the fruits of development can be distributed sufficiently to the people to develop the middle class. Chances are that the economic benefits will be concentrated in the hands of the privileged few. Burmese flush with money show up at pricey discos in cars and pay the equivalent of 800 yen per head for admission. By contrast, young women working at road construction sites in the suburbs of Rangoon make only about 40 yen a day. I once visited one of these sites, where a 16 - year - old girl laboring under the scorching sun still smiled and told me, "The work here isn't harder than I can bear." "In order to achieve both political stability and broad - based economic development, the military and the democratic forces must cooperate," says Yozo Yokota, a Tokyo University professor who has compiled fact - finding reports on Burma for the U.N. Commission on Human Rights. Pro - democracy activists say much the same thing. The ruling junta should hold dialogues with Suu Kyi and other opposition leaders and listen to what they have to say. Burma, which was once colonized by Britain and occupied by Japanese troops, has a historical aversion to foreign involvement in its internal affairs. The present regime is no exception. Diplomats in Rangoon say that pressing the junta toward democracy at this stage could be counterproductive. But just watching on the sidelines means tolerating the way the generals are running the country. What is needed is for foreign countries, including Japan, to conduct broad dialogues and exchanges with both the junta and the democratic forces. In the process, the military leadership can be induced to start moving toward democratization. Someday democracy will prevail in Burma, with its people beginning to talk freely. And then the Burmese people will evaluate the role that Japan and other countries played in Burma's democratic process. The writer is an Asahi Shimbun staff writer who served formerly as correspondent in Bangkok. ****************************************************** INDEPENDENT REPORT: OAKLAND MOVES CLOSER TO BURMA BILL April 10, 1996 by Conrad MacKerron From: Progressive Asset Management The Finance and Legislation Committee of the Oakland City Council voted unanimously Tuesday, April 9, to report out a Burma selective purchasing and divestment Ordinance!! The final vote will be in two weeks on April 23. A couple of committee members expressed reservations over the divestment portion of the bill and stated that they would like to remove it. However, we pointed out that the bill contains a waiver provision so that if no suitable substitute banks or investment firms can be found, the provision will not apply. Following this explanation tere appeared to be no objection to the bill and it passed without further problems. If it passes in this form it will be the first legislation to feature divestment in addition to selective purchasing as a warning to companies not to invest in Burma until democracy is restored. We think this will send a strong message to the national and international financial community. Oakland seeks to be a leader on the issue and to set a tough, high standard. It will be interesting to see the resulting impact. Even if the divestment provision is weakened or altered we will still have a significant victory with Oakland as the largest U.S. city to date (pop. 350,000) to pass a Burma selective purchasing law. A selective purchasing resolution for Alameda County should also be passed within a week of the final Oakland action. The Oakland City Council meeting will be in the evening, 7:30 p.m., April 23, 1996. ************************************************************* INDEPENDENT REPORT: MASSACHUSETTS BURMA BILL CLEARS SECOND READING......BUT WRECKING AMNEDMENT MAY BE OFFERED April 11, 1996 From: Simon Billenness TIME TO CONTACT YOUR STATE SENATOR AGAIN... Yesterday, Senator Brian Lees motion to table H2833 was defeated. Consequently, the bill cleared its second reading and has now gone to its third (and final) reading. (H2833 was introduced by Rep. Byron Rushing (D-Boston). If passed, H2833 would prohibit the state's purchasing managers from buying the goods or services of companies doing business in Burma. Last year, Berkeley (CA), Madison (WI) and Santa Monica (CA) passed similar legislation. Legislation is currently also pending in New York City, Oakland (CA) and San Francisco.) Senator Lucile Hicks (R-Wayland) may offer a wrecking amendment to the Burma bill, adding to the countries covered by the legislation: North Korea, Cuba, Liberia and China. The addition of China would make the bill completely unworkable. Since almost all Fortune 500 companies do business in China, if the amendment passes then Massachusetts would be restricted from buying goods or services from almost every American company! The bill needs to be reported out of the Committee on Bills in the Third Reading, before coming to its final vote. In addition to contacting your state senator, please also call the Committee members (senators Ed Clancy, Cheryl Jacques and Charles Shannon) as well as the Senate President Thomas Birmingham. CALL OR FAX YOUR STATE SENATOR ONE MORE TIME! 1. Ask your state senator to vote: a) AGAINST any amendment to H2833, particularly if offered by Senator Hicks b) IN FAVOR of H2833 at its third (and final) reading vote Call your state senator at the State House Switchboard: (617) 727-2121 Write your state senator at: Massachusetts Senate Commonwealth of Massachusetts State House, Boston, MA 02133-1053 If you are not sure who is your state senator, give your address to the State House Switchboard and they should be able able to connect you. 2. Call Senator Lucile Hicks at (617) 722-1572 and ask (politely but persistently!) that she not offer her motion to amend H2833 and that she vote in favor of the bill. Fax: (617) 722-1014 3. Call the following senators to ask that they ensure that H2833 is brought to its third (and final) reading PROMPTLY and WITHOUT AMENDMENT. Senator Ed Clancy (D-Lynn) (617) 722-1350, (617) 722-1005 fax Senator Cheryl Jacques (D-Needham) (617) 722-1555, (617) 722-1054 fax Senator Charles Shannon (R-Winchester) (617) 722-1578, (617) 722-1117 fax Senate President Thomas Birmingham (R-Chelsea) (617) 722-1500, (617) 248-3840 fax 4. Write Governor Weld to request that he sign the bill into law at the earliest possible opportunity. DON'T DELAY! WRITE AND CALL TODAY! Simon Billenness, Franklin Research & Development (617) 423 6655 x 225 simon_billenness@cybercom.net