---------------------------------BurmaNet----------------------------------- ----- "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- --------- The BurmaNet News: September 23, 1996 Issue #520 Noted in Passing: By ...obstructing and hindering the national convention... the present form of administration could be prolonged and stay on - Gen. Maung Aye, vice-chairman of SLORC (see: NATION: SLORC PREPARED TO HOLD ON TO POWER) HEADLINES: ========== BKK POST: SLORC OFFICIALS FACE VISA BAN THIS WEEK BKK POST: WHY THE ABSDF IS ONE AGAIN THE NATION: MALAYSIA ADDS TO IMAGE AS ASEAN'S LITTLE BIG MAN BSGM: LETTER TO MALAYSIAN GOVERNMENT ON ASEAN MEMBERSHIP NATION: SLORC PREPARED TO HOLD ON TO POWER BKK POST: LETTER-THAI GOVERNMENT LACKS SINCERITY BKK POST: NO SHORTAGE OF PETROL AND DIESEL OIL THE NATION: EXODUS FROM SHAN STATE ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- ---------- BKK POST: SLORC OFFICIALS FACE VISA BAN THIS WEEK September 20, 1996 The Clinton administration is expected to outlaw US visas for officials in Burma's military government and anyone else who benefits from its rule, possibly within the next week. A senior administration official noting increased support in Congress for a tougher Burma policy, said the White House wanted to act on its own with a proclamation rather than wait for legislators to impose a travel ban. "This gives us greater flexibility," said the official, who asked not to be named. Similar proclamations in the past against Nigeria, for example have targeted those "who formulate, implement, or benefit from policies that impede a democratic transition," the official said, adding: "That's the template." It was not immediately clear when the White House would announce the visa ban, or how many people it would prevent from traveling to the United States. But sources following the issue expect the proclamation to come in the next few days, and Burmese dissidents say relatively few Burmese government officials or their relatives now visit the United States. Legislators are currently considering a broad 1997 foreign aid bill that would permit US economic sanctions against Burma if the ruling junta the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) cracks down harder on its critics. The provision won broad support after the Clinton administration and legislators defeated an effort in July to ban all US trade with and investment in Burma. The draft legislation would prohibit US investment in Burma if the Slorc arrests, harms, or exiles democracy leader and Nobel peace prize- winner Aung San Suu Kyi or suppresses her followers on a large scale. How broad a crackdown it would take to trigger sanctions, whenever the provision becomes law, remains unclear. After Slorc, which marks its eighth year in power this week, jailed 30 opposition members in late August the State Department said it was discussing economic sanctions against the regime with its allies. Thailand and Japan, both large investors in the Southeast Asian country, also lodged rare expressions of criticism during a crackdown earlier this year. ********************************************************** BKK POST: WHY THE ABSDF IS ONE AGAIN September 22, 1996 INTERVIEW: New elected members of the All Burma Students Democratic Front talk about past mistakes that led to the break- up of the group in 1991, and about its future as one organization following the success of their Reunification Congress/ When and why did the ABSDF split? Aung Thu Nyein: ABSDF split into two groups during the third congress in 1991. When we looked into the reasons, we found we had not been truly democratic, and were lacking in political maturity and a long-term strategy. We also lacked professionalism and an organizational approach to our work. Now you are reunited, what are your plans? Dr. Naing Aung: Our first aim is to strive for unity among our members and then among all our allies to launch a political offensive against the Burmese military. Our continuing aim is to pressure the military to respond to our calls for a tripartite dialogue. What do you mean by a tripartite dialogue? Dr. Naing Aung: It means talks must be held between Slorc, the democratic forces led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the ethnic nationalities who have been fighting for democracy for nearly 50 years. Getting back to the question of unity, recently 79 ABSDF students surrendered to Slorc. Why and how did that happen, and what's the present students' strength now? Aung Thu Nyein: Since May, Slorc has been deploying more troops in southern Burma. At the same time, Slorc set up the Coastal Military Command. Strategically the coastal region is very important to Slorc There are two reasons for this: Slorc has been working to realize its aim to build a pipeline through that area into Thailand and, second, deep-sea ports in that region. Since the appointment of Brig-Gen. Thiha Thura Sitmaung as commander in that division, he has stepped up campaigns against the ABSDF and all the ethnic minorities. They have burned villages and relocated the populace from whom we normally get support. When these villages were destroyed, the ABSDF helped rebuild houses and schools for them. While this was going on, we unavoidably faced Slorc offensives. Maj Win Naing a native of that area, was one of our commanders. He was very active and his work has been very successful. Slorc arrested his parents and his wife to force him into surrendering. This and other factors left him and his unit with no choice but to lay down their arms after they were encircled by Slorc troops and eventually captured. If you had seen the TV footage that Slorc produced you would notice that most of them were family. members of the students and those who had been relocated. As for the ABSDF soldiers who were said to have surrendered only about 20 were seen on TV. This was because they pressured our regiment into submission. It is not true, as Slorc claims, the group surrendered of its own free will. They were forced into it, and it was only part of the regiment, not the entire group that surrendered. Earlier I asked you about the strength of the student force. Moe Thee Zun: We have about 2,200, including their families. This includes students on the Burma-Bangladesh, Sino-Burmese and the Thai-Burmese borders. The real fighting force is 1,800. Do you know anything about the recently formed group called the Democratic Students Organization? Dr. Naing Aung: When the ABSDF split, a few students proclaimed they remained neutral, meaning they didn't take sides. Those who did not want to take sides joined other groups in the area. These students are in the 6th Brigade vicinity. When we began to organize the ABSDF Reunification Congress, we invited them to attend and resolve whatever differences there were. Instead of joining us in this congress, we heard that they had formed this group called the DSO. We have told the alliance groups that we wouldn't want any other student organization other than ABSDF in this area. So once ABSDF is reunified, we would want everyone to join us. Our idea is based on the fact that there should not be other student organizations while ABSDF itself has taken up arms and has been operating in this area. Although we do not deny the rights of individuals to form any organization, we believe there should be only one student organization if all these student organizations have similar aims and objectives. We have a member of the Democratic Alliance of Burma here. You can ask his opinion about this. Myint Zaw: I am general-secretary of the Democratic Alliance of Burma and a member of the ABSDF Reunification Commission organized by the Democratic Alliance of Burma. Earlier, as the ABSDF chairman mentioned, we have decided that there should not be any other organization than the ABSDF which bears the name of students. We have discussed it [DSO] and we have some thoughts on what we should be doing with it. We understand this issue will be resolved easily because all the alliances in the area [which is also KNU territory] have decided there should be only one student group, and also it should be understood that this is happening in this area alone. We believe we can solve this problem easily. DAB has decided to take care of the matter. How did the voting go in the Reunification Congress that ended today? Dr. Naing Aung: What I want to say is that the new leadership was democratically elected. And I believe the new leadership was elected by participants to the Congress bearing in mind that unity is crucial to guarantee the future and survival of the ABSDF. U Moe Thee Zun, you and Dr. Naing Aung used to be arch rivals, what is the relationship today between both of you? Moe Thee Zun: We are not rivals and I want you to know that we are comrades - in - arms. We had disagreed on certain political issues that split us but even during that time we always worked hand-in-hand on political issues. We have now resolved the matter and there are no more differences between us. We are united. Do you have any messages for Slorc, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the international community? Dr. Naing Aung: We believe this Congress is a unifying process. It is a challenge and a political offensive against Slorc. It also indicates that it supports the idea of national reconciliation that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been calling for all along. Moe Thee Zun: Also we would like to inform the people of Burma that despite the hardships we have endured and the adversities we have faced over the past eight years, we are determined to continue with our struggle. Another thing is we are now well established at our respective bases. Because of all these factors we ask the people of Burma to apply more pressure on Slorc and to give greater support to the students' movement. We want the international community to know we are united and it is now more important than ever that they apply more pressure on Slorc so .it would respond to our calls [for tripartite talks]. Dr. Naing Aung: We believe that if we want to strive for unity we can do so by setting aside our differences. We have adopted a slogan at the Congress. It is: "From ABSDF Unity, to National Unity, from National Unity to Final Victory." Based on the belief that Burma's political problems can be solved only by the Burmese people and also when they [the people of Burma] expressed that it is imperative that we be united, we began to strive to work towards achieving this goal. What we would like to tell Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is we have worked hard to establish unity among ourselves. Likewise, we believe Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will strive to lead the opposition forces against Slorc so there would be greater backing from the people of Burma. What I would like to say to the international community is sympathizing with our cause is not good enough, it is important that we receive its wholehearted support to achieve democracy. Myint Zaw: I would also like to say something to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the freedom forces in Burma and the international community. I believe this unity of the ABSDF is a step towards eventual victory in gaining democracy in our country. All the organizations have their own leaders and we have constantly strove for unity not only with different groups but also among all our alliances. The point I want to stress is this unity might appear to be superficial to people in Burma and the international community. I want to emphatically state that this reunification is not superficial but true and solid. On this issue I would like to guarantee, as a member of the DAB (Democratic Alliance of Burma) that such is the case. The members of DAB are convinced that this unity is long-term. We will work towards achieving greater unity, not only within the ABSDF, but also among other organizations. In the past few years we have come to realize our mistakes and the experience gained from it. And because of this we believe we have nothing but to achieve success [because of this unity] in the future. *********************************************************** THE NATION: MALAYSIA ADDS TO IMAGE AS ASEAN'S LITTLE BIG MAN September 20, 1996 (abridged) Diplomatically, Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad is walking tall, Ethan Casey writes Kuala Lumpur. Despite being the third-smallest member of the Association of Southeast Asian nations (ASEAN) Malaysia cuts an impressive figure in the region and abroad. This paradox was underscored recently by a string of regional initiatives by the country's influential prime minister, Mahathir Mohamad. Malaysia, with a population of 18 million, seized the diplomatic lead earlier this year with an ambitious and long-term plan to develop the Mekong River that included a continuous rail link from Singapore all the way to southern China. In August, when several high-ranking members of Burma's ruling military junta visited, Mahathir rolled out the red carpet and used the occasion to propose accelerating Burma's entry into ASEAN. "Malaysians are very protocol conscious and he is considered a head of state," said a Western diplomat, referring to Burmese leader General Than Shwe. But the visit also brought into relief ASEAN'S policy of "constructive engagement" with Burma and its unwillingness, especially Mahathir's to be led by Westerns' views as to what courses of action Asian nations should take toward each other. Burma gained observer status at the annual ASEAN summit in Jakarta in July. Burma, Cambodia and Laos all are slated to become full members before the year 2000. But when Than Shwe and other junta members visited in August, Mahathir endorsed the possibility that Burma may join as early as next year. The move represents something akin to a nose-thumbing at the prevailing Western policy of isolating Burma's regime. After seeing Than Shwe off at the airport on Aug. 14, Mahathir told reporters he was confident the United States would be unlikely to take concrete steps to punish the junta. "They have large investment in this region including in Burma," he noted. "When they see oil, they will come." Asked if there existed opposition within ASEAN on admitting Burma, Mahathir said. "Perhaps there is.. but I think the objection is not very strong. Actually, those attempting to obstruct Burma's entry are other foreign countries." "There are voices from outside, voices of those who might have mistaken Myanmar for the apartheid rule in South Africa and the largely effective sanctions against the Pretoria regime. Sanctions worked against apartheid for the simple reason that there had been no economic or political grouping strong enough to make that constructive engagement with Pretoria. ASEAN fills that gap where Myanmar is concerned." ****************************************************************** BSGM: LETTER TO MALAYSIAN GOVERNMENT ON ASEAN MEMBERSHIP September 18, 1996 (Burma Solidarity Group of Malaysia) From: deb Thirty-three Non Government Organizations, Wednesday presented a memorandum to the government, calling for the suspension of the application made by Burma/Myanmar's State Law and Order Restoration Council for ASEAN membership. The memorandum was delivered by a delegation of 20 Malaysian activists led by ABIM (Malaysian Youth Muslim Movement) Secretary General Encik Ahmad Azam Abdul Rahman. Encik Azam urged ASEAN member nations to ensure that Burma/Myanmar met certain conditions before it was allowed into ASEAN. "It is essential that there be a political space for the people of Myanmar to express their aspirations for democracy. "The oppression of Muslims and the denial of citizenship to the Rohingya is a great source of concern. We don't want the well-intended efforts of ASEAN nations to legitimize such violations," added Encik Azam. The memorandum stated the notorious SLORC are using the guarantee of ASEAN membership as a license to perpetrate further abuses. It claimed the recent violations constitutes a slap in the face for the proponents of the policy of constructive engagement. LETTER: Dear Sir, We are writing to respectfully urge that the Malaysian government reconsiders its support of the application by Myanmar/Burma's State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) to join ASEAN. We are convinced that the SLORC has no intention of implementing genuine change in Myanmar/Burma. In fact, since the regime gained both observer status at the ASEAN Meeting in Jakarta in July and your endorsement for membership, the SLORC has increased its harassment of the people of Myanmar/Burma in general, and supporters of human rights and democracy in particular. Within days of returning from his state visit to Malaysia, General Than Shwe and his regime arrested 19 people. Many more activists in areas north-west of Yangon/Rangoon have been rounded up. Our recent guests have insulted our hospitality by returning home and imposing lengthy jail terms of between 7 to 10 years on 30 people. The SLORC have not ruled out the possibility of launching a further crackdown, perhaps even re-arresting democracy leader and Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. It is a matter of concern that the forced labor, arbitrary killings, state- endorsed rape, torture, forcible recruitment of children into SLORC's army and illegal SLORC incursions into Thailand and Bangladesh continue. These violations and harassment's have affected both Muslim and non-Muslims alike. However, we note with grave concern that Muslims, particularly those in Arakan state, continue to be targeted by the SLORC, despite its public denials. Clearly, the notorious SLORC are using the guarantee of ASEAN membership as a license to further perpetrate violations and abuses against our 47 million neighbors in Myanmar/Burma. The SLORC has gleefully manipulated the well- meant intentions, not just of our government, but also the governments of all ASEAN members. Its recent violations constitute a slap in the face for the proponents of the policy of constructive engagement. Therefore, on this eighth anniversary of SLORC's bloody assumption of power, we urge you to initiate a suspension of all moves to process the SLORC's application for ASEAN membership. We wholeheartedly support the vision of an ASEAN which will continue to work for social progress and cultural development, an ASEAN that will continue to grow and work for the welfare of its citizens. This is why we cannot diminish ourselves by embracing a regime which stands against these ASEAN ideals. Yours in peace. Copies to: Yang Amat Berhormat Dato' Seri Dr. Mahathir Mohamad - Prime Minister Yang Amat Berhormat Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahi - Deputy Prime Minister LIST OF ENDORSING ORGANIZATIONS: ABIM (Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia/Malaysian Muslim Youth Movement ALIRAN ASA Media Center AWAM (All Women Action Society of Malaysia) Burma Solidarity Group Malaysia CAP (Consumers Association of Penang) CENPEACE Centre for Orang Asli Concerns Democratic Action Party Socialist Youth Democratic Action Party Wanita Ideal IIFSO (International Islamic Federation of Student Organisations - East Asia) INSAN Jammu-Kashmir Forum for Human Rights JUST World Trust Majilis Belia Malaysia (Malaysian Youth Council) Malaysian Gurdwaras Council MSRI (Malaysia Sociological Research Institute) PENEROKA (Jawatankuasa Peneroka Bandar/Support Committee Urban Pioneers) PERMIM (Association of Indian Muslim Malaysians) PKPIM (National Union of Muslim Students Malaysia) SAFDA (South-East Asia Forum for Development Alternatives - Malaysia) Sahabat Alam Malaysia (Friends of the Earth Malaysia) Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall Youth Society for Christian Reflection SUARAM Tamil Support Group for Human Rights TENAGANITA Third World Network WAMY (World Assembly of Muslim Youth - East Asia) World Tamil Relief Fund YATI (Yayasan Wanita Islam / Muslim Women's Foundation) Youth Center Coordinated by Debbie Stothard Burma Solidarity Group Malaysia ********************************************************* NATION: SLORC PREPARED TO HOLD ON TO POWER September 22, 1996 RANGOON - A senior member of Burma's ruling military body said the current government may stay on longer than planned if "stooges" continue to disrupt the work of the national convention, official media reported yesterday. Gen. Maung Aye, vice-chairman of the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc), made the comments on behalf of Slorc chairman Than Shwe in a speech to newly graduated army officers, state-run media reported. "Some stooges, who are relying on external elements, are disturbing and hindering the activities of building a new modern nation," he said. "By doing so they are obstructing and hindering the national convention. If these hindrances and disruptions continue, the present form of administration could be prolonged and stay on," he said without elaborating. He also urged the newly-commissioned officers to crush all internal and external destructive elements as the common enemy. It was the second time in a week that a senior Slorc official has warned the administration might last for a while. A national convention of mostly hand-picked delegates has been meeting intermittently at the whim of the government since 1993 to draft guidelines for a new constitution. Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi angered the Slorc last November when she pulled her National League for Democracy (NLD) party out of the discussions, saying they were undemocratic and did not represent the will of the people. ***************************************************************** BKK POST: LETTER-THAI GOVERNMENT LACKS SINCERITY September 22, 1996 The Thai government, like the SLORC, seems to have no shame or honor. Democracy requires that citizens seek public office not to rule or govern, but to serve the people. It seems the Thai government has failed this acid test of democracy. The best example of the Thai government's lack of respect for democratic values is its Burma policy. Despite some cosmetic changes in this policy, it is still basically helping the A government which fully respects democratic values would suspend participation in the Total-UNOCAL natural gas pipeline until there is a political settlement in Burma. One common view the Burmese Resistance shares with the SLORC is that the Thai government lacks sincerity. Eventually democratic values will prevail in Thailand because of Thailand's free press. The free press is the principal building-block of democracy in Thailand, and also in Burma. ********************************************************** BKK POST: NO SHORTAGE OF PETROL AND DIESEL OIL September 22, 1996 A senior Burmese official said there was no shortage of petrol or diesel fuel in the country despite sharp Jumps In prices on rumors of shortages, official media reported yesterday. State-run newspapers quoted Lt. Gen. Tin Oo, Secretary Two of the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc), as denying the rumors. "Fuel oil prices have been rising as there were rumors of a shortage of fuel and diesel supply," he said in his capacity as the chairman of the Central Committee for Ensuring Smooth and Secure Transport. "Those who wanted to take advantage of the political and economic conditions are trying to manipulate fuel oil prices," he said. Last week prices of petrol soared on the black market on panic buying as consumers feared a shortage of supply. A gallon of on the black market was selling for 400-420 kyats on Thursday, compared with 180-200 kyat about a month ago. On the black market, one dollar bought about 170 kyats on Thursday while the official rate is about six kyat to the dollar Rumors have been circulating in Rangoon that a foreign company recently stopped supplying crude to Burma. Last Saturday, democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi told supporters the military government owed $31 million to a foreign company supplying essential chemicals, which is why supplies stopped. Japan's Mitsui & Co Ltd. a key supplier of crude to Burma, said on Friday Burma was behind in some of its payments for crude oil and diesel fuel sold under annual term contracts. "We believe this is due to delays in operational matters such as issuing letters of credit," a Mitsui spokesman said in Tokyo. He said Mitsui has fulfilled all obligations on the term contract which expired on September 7, including cargo loading. *********************************************************** THE NATION: EXODUS FROM SHAN STATE September 20, 1996 A Slorc-orchestrated relocation campaign along Burma's eastern frontier is causing predictably dire results and sending thousands of Shans spilling across Thailand's border. Bangkok and the UN, however, are not keen to become involved. Aung Zaw reports. Away from the glare of media attention that has focused on a reported huge influx of Burmese illegal workers, thousands of Shan have been arriving in Thailand as a result of a forced relocation program being implemented by the military government in Burma. The Rangoon-orchestrated push has already driven thousands of Shans into Thailand and unless a solution is found soon thousands more are likely to follow. The sorry mass of humanity is only the tip of internally displaced Shans are also leading precarious lives inside Shan state. Khun Kya Oo, chairman of Volunteers for the Displaced Shans [VDS], recently sent an urgent letter to representatives of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees in Bangkok to publicize the plight of his countrymen. In his July 23 letter Khun Kya Oo stressed that many of the Shans pouring into Thailand are not immigrant workers but refugees. "They came to Thailand because of forced relocation and fear of persecution," he wrote, adding that the Shan refugees were in a desperate condition. Interviews conducted by the Shan Human Rights Foundation (SHRF), Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG)and this reporter back up his claim that the Shans had no choice but to come to Thailand, hide in the jungle or be placed in new relocation sites. Many feared they would be killed if they remained in Shan state. Since early March, the Slorc ordered villagers in central and southern Shan State to abandon their homes and move to new sites. According to the SHRF, at least 80,000 people have been relocated, and a conservative estimate says that 20,000 of them have arrived in Thailand. The reason: the Slorc wants to prevent villagers from supporting the Shan resistance groups which are still active in central Shan State. After drug warlord Khun Sa "surrendered" to Rangoon in January some of his followers from the Mong Tai Army (MAT) broke away have continued to fight the Burmese military. "In an apparent attempt to weaken all Shan forces and prevent any contact with the local population Slorc began a massive campaign of forcibly relocating civilian villages," the KHRG reported in its June journal. But the Shan villagers have nothing do with Shan rebel forces says Shan dissidents other than paying them food and cash when it is demanded. In most cases the villagers have been given only three days to move by the military with the order that if they come back: "You will be shot on sight." According to refugee accounts some villagers have been killed when they went back to see farms or houses. In other cases, they found nothing but the burned remains of their villages. Though the junta has forced Shans to relocate it has offer nothing at new sites, often existing villages along the main roads. "No food, no shelter and we have no work so we earn no money to buy food - Slorc uses us as forced labor," said Sai Lon sheltering in Thailand. Initially they arrived at the new relocation sites they found only shanty towns, whose inhabitants were begging along the sides of the roads. Thai-based NGO worker says they have received information on one relocation site there have been fatal out-breaks of cholera. "We stayed at the new site for one or two weeks but we got angry and left," said Sai Lon. Since they cannot go back to their villages the Shans are heading to Thailand. According to KHRG, Slorc soldiers even told the refugees to go. A report by KHRG told the story of how Shan boys walked through the border untouched because they only had the ragged clothes on their backs. "Ten kilometers further on a monk asked them where they were going, and they replied: "Is Chiang Mai far?" In fact, Chiang Mai was 100 km away. As of June, the residents of 450 villages had been ordered to move from the Salween River 120 kilometers westward to Loi Kha and Mong Kung, from Lang Ker and Mong Nai [just 60km north of the Thai border] northward for 180km to Kay See Man Sam and the area west of the Mong Hsu ruby mines. According to the SHRF, Slorc troops carrying out the relocation include Infantry and Light Infantry Division 246 in Kun Hing, 525, 248 and 518 in Murng Nai, Light Infantry Division 66 and 247 in Nam Zarng, 515 in Lai Kha, 64 in Murng Kerng and 524 in Kee See. As recently as July 17 the local Slorc authorities issued an order for Wan Pan village, which has 45 households and 292 villagers, to move to Murng Nwang. Most of the villagers have been forced to leave without their belongings, and large herds and livestock have been left behind to be claimed by SLORC troops. "There are killings and beatings. There is no way out to exist," said Sai Lon who arrived here in July. In one case in July, Kehsi villagers sent an appeal letter to commander of the eastern-command requesting the military postpone the forced relocation program as a well-respected Mong Nang abbot had passed away. The abbot received a highest title from the government. [Customarily cremation ceremony of any abbot in Burma takes at least a year]. But the appeal was turned down and there has no news on what had happened to the cremation. When the Shan - Thai border was under the control of warlord Khun Sa Shans didn't need to worry about being deported from Thailand. The Shans who were pushed backed by Thai officials were able to establish settlement in Khun Sa-controlled areas. But now there is no more Khun Sa or MAT. In there place are Slorc soldiers. According to the VDS statement and reliable Shan sources, one such refugee settlement established early last year across the border from northern Chiang Rai province was raided on July 2 by Slorc troops. Shan groups describe the recent situation as in chaos. "Thousands of people who used to have farms and livestock are living in shelters along the roads begging for food, and in the towns every house has at least five families living in it," said an SHRF official. Most of the refugees have come as entire families, including grandparents and children. At one construction site in Chiang Mai, about 60 family members arrived together. "We have nowhere to go, no home no future," said Sai Noi, 20. "The issue of human rights in Shan state is too often ignored in favor of the issue of drugs, and villagers are brutally abused with impunity as a result, the KHRG report stated. "The situation has reached a critical point. The influx of Shan refugees is unprecedented," said Khun Kyar Oo. Indeed, unless there is a manageable policy to prevent further influx from Shan state Khun Kya Oo wrote in his letter to the international agencies: "....soon there will be no more Shans in Shan State." The recent arrivals from Shan state are not coming to seek odd jobs in Thailand but are refugees. For the most part, they have found little help. Most Shans who arrived in northern Thailand head to work at construction sites, lychee orchards, sweatshop in Chiang Mai, Chiang Rai, Fang or further away to Bangkok. In Thailand, the Shans have found life distressingly similar to their home. They are stateless and daily face the risk of arrest, raids, detention and exploitation. In addition, there are reports that young Shan girls, some as young as 12, are disappearing. They are believed to have been sold to the brothels. In spite of appalling conditions being endured by the Shans there has so far been no official response from the Thai government on the issue. Thailand's official policy remains the same: Shans are migrant workers and Thailand's local and central officials turning a blind eyes on the issue. "There have been repeated large scale influxes of refugees from Shan state, and the prison in Chiang Mai are full," Khun Kya Oo said. "Thailand is continuing with its policy of pushing back refugees along the Shan border irrespective of their reasons for fleeing. For instance, on July 18 and 19, Thai police raided Lahu villages in northern Chiang Mai province and trucked more than 100 Lahu refugees who had fled Slorc abuses back to the border. "As a result, the refugees are forced to disperse as soon as they arrive to avoid arrest as illegal immigrants, so there is little visible proof of their existence," he said. At one construction site in Chiang Mai, approximately 70 Shan children including babies have been suffering from a wide number of diseases. They live in ramshackle huts receive no medical help. Nang Htwe, 34 remembers her house in Shan state. It had a farm, a house and cattle. But that is all gone now. Without any outside help the situation can get worse. Already, Khun Kya Oo says some refugees died of treatable illnesses. Loong Seng, 66 from Nam Mo village fell in shortly after arriving in Thailand. He passed away in July after he suffering stomach-ache and diarrhea. Recently, some Shan kids went sent to a Thai hospital where they received treatment. An NGO worker who helped to send these children said: "The doctor told their mothers to give them protein and eggs but how can they afford to buy that?'. But most Shans won't dare to go to hospital as their status in Thailand is illegal immigrants. The most worrying question for NGOs, concerned organizations and observers in Chiang Mai is how to tackle the issue before more refugees die. Khun Kya Oo stated clearly that it is imperative that immediate action be taken to give assistance to these victims of the SLORC's campaign in Shan State. Indeed, the UNHCR in Thailand has a huge responsibility to solve the influx of Shan refugees. However, it is still a doubtful matter whether the UNHCR can really tackle the issue while the Shans are still considered illegal aliens. As things stand at the moment, there is little hope of seeing any substantial shift in Thai government policy towards Shans. After Khun Kyar Oo sent his letter to UNHCR office in Bangkok some UNHCR officials and NGO workers went to see Shans. "The UNHCR is supposed to looking after the interest of refugees. They have their role to play," said the Chiang Mai NGO worker . An NGO worker based in northern Thailand with almost 10 years experiences summed up the situation: "First, the UNHCR and Thai government should recognize that persecution going on in Shan state - secondly, they should recognize large number of people are coming to Thailand because of persecution is going on in Shan state - secondly, they should recognize that a large number of people are coming to Thailand because of persecution; thirdly, they should recognize the problems the Shans are facing here (Thailand)." The two immediate problems in Thailand are basically lack of security, and lack of health care. In his petition, Khun Kyaw Oo concluded with two requests. One is to set up refugee camps at suitable locations in the province of Mae Hong Song, Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai and to allow NGOs access to these camps so that they can provide basic humanitarian assistance. We have to find solutions - one option is to set up refugee camp. The officials of the UNHCR and Thai government should take leadership role on this issue. "Everyone is taking the back seat. They haven't even admitted the problem," he said. Sadly, even very few NGOs in Chiang Mai have paid much attention to the Shans. Ironically, it is an open secret that most buildings in Chiang Mai including hotels, guest houses, high-rise buildings including grand SEA Games stadium, were built by Shans. In any case, says an observer in Chiang Mai "We have to wait to see how the UNHCR and Thai government will react?." But he says: "Shans can no longer wait. Twelve-year-old girls kidnapped and sold and more people are dying of diseases and illnesses in construction sites. Concerned organizations need to do something."