---------------------------------BurmaNet----------------------------------- ----- "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- --------- The BurmaNet News: September 25, 1996 Issue #522 Noted in Passing: Since ASEAN's acceptance of Burma as an observer, arrests have increased and the military regime has become more arrogant with its new found legitimacy - Dr. Sein Win (see: STATEMENT: DR. SEIN WIN'S SPEECH AT HOUSE PRESS CONFERENCE) HEADLINES: ========== STATEMENT: DR. SEIN WIN'S SPEECH AT HOUSE PRESS CONFERENCE STATEMENT: REP. PELOSI CALLS FOR DEMOCRACY IN BURMA BURMANET: NEWS ON THE BORDER NATION: LETTER - BOYCOTT PROPOSED US EMBASSY RANGOON: FOREIGN ECONOMIC TRENDS - BURMA STATEMENT: DAW SUU'S FREE BURMA SPEECH (FINAL TRANSCRIPTION) STATEMENT: PROTEST BY ABSL AGAINST UNHCR'S MALTREAMENT THE NATION: YOUNG STILL SING SONGS OF RESISTANCE ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- ---------- STATEMENT: DR. SEIN WIN SPEECH AT HOUSE PRESS CONFERENCE September 24, 1996 From: NYUNTPAUNG A-SO-YA Prime Minister Dr. Sein Win of NCGUB, joined members of the Congressional Human Rights Caucus and representatives of Burma' s government in exile today at a press conference in Washington, D.C., to call for democracy and human rights in Burma. Address by Prime Minister Dr. Sein Win at the 'Hill Triangle' Press Conference. Honorable Senators and Members of the House of Representatives, Ladies and Gentlemen: I am honored to speak on behalf of my country and people here today. Even as I speak, the military junta that has ruled Burma after massacring thousands of people in 1988, is stepping up its repression of democracy activists. Many members of the democracy movement, particularly those close to Nobel Peace Laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy, the party that won a landslide victory in the 1990 elections, are being arrested, interrogated under torture and sentenced to harsh prison terms. The military junta plans to install a military dictatorship and legitimize it through a constitution being drafted by a convention of its hand-picked delegates. Since Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her party, the National League for Democracy, have the legality by virtue of the 1990 election victory, they are seen as a threat by the generals. Judging from the pattern of arrests today, it is evident that the military junta aims to isolate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from her supporters and to debilitate the National League for Democracy. The arrests and imprisonment of democracy activists without any justifiable grounds are therefore worsening with time. Hundreds of political prisoners, including elected representatives, are languishing in prison today. A number of them have died because of harsh conditions in prisons. Since the military junta is wary of international reaction to its repressive practices, the international community should not accept the situation in Burma as fait accompli. These calculated arrests and imprisonment by the military junta must be condemned without fail. We have seen the failure of an appeasement policy toward the Burmese generals. 'Constructive Engagement' by the ASEAN has only brought about harsher repression in Burma. There has been no positive political changes in my country even though ASEAN has stepped up its trading and business relations with the generals under its 'Constructive Engagement' policy. In fact, since ASEAN's acceptance of Burma as an observer, arrests have increased and the military regime has become more arrogant with its new found legitimacy. With this backdrop in mind, I am very pleased that the U.S. Congress has recently passed the Cohen-Feinstein Amendment - Section 569 of the Foreign Operations and Appropriations Act which sets conditions for sanctions on the military junta if the repression worsens. It is a clear message to the Burmese generals that they cannot continue to pursue a policy of intimidation. I was in Europe when the Amendment was passed and was able to tell governments there about the action the United States has taken. I am pleased to say that a number of European Union nations have already expressed their interest in pursuing a stronger line of action against the Burmese military regime. We will also be seeking stronger action at various international forums, including the upcoming United Nations General Assembly, and with all democratic governments. I am totally convinced that growing concerted international action and intensifying movement for democracy in Burma will speed up the process of democratization as well as the restoration of human rights in our country. Burma will be free and democratic without fail. ********************************************************** STATEMENT: REP. PELOSI CALLS FOR DEMOCRACY IN BURMA September 24, 1996 From: NYUNTPAUNG A-SO-YA Congress Woman Rep. Nancy Pelosi (D-San Francisco), a Member of the House Foreign Operations Appropriations Subcommittee, joined members of the Congressional Human Rights Caucus and representatives of Burma' s government in exile today at a press conference in Washington, D.C., to call for democracy and human rights in Burma. The text of Rep. Pelosi's statement follows: I am pleased to join with my colleagues in the Congressional Human Rights Caucus in calling for democracy and human rights in Burma. We are honored to have with us Dr. Sein Win, the exiled Prime Minister of Burma, who exemplifies the courage of Burma's pro- democracy movement. Dr. Sein Win is a leader in exile because Burma's military junta will not allow that country's democratically elected leaders to serve. The most effective action the United States can take to assist the people of Burma is to impose sanctions and prohibit new investments in Burma. I am pleased to be a cosponsor of H.R. 2892, introduced by Representative Dana Rohrabacher, which would implement these necessary steps. This legislation sends a message to the tyrants of SLORC that their actions are not acceptable to the world community. No one can speak more eloquently or with more authority on how we can help Burma than the brave people struggling for democracy and basic human rights there. I call to your attention the words of Aung San Suu Kyi, who in a BBC interview in May, 1996, said, "Our policy is that any investment made now is not going to bring any long-term profits for those who are investing, and certainly it is very much against the interests of the people of Burma because most of the investments coming in are coming in through the same privileged group which is getting richer and richer, and more and more intent upon...clinging to power." Last week, House and Senate conferees completed work on the fiscal year 1997 Foreign Operations Appropriations bill, which includes the Cohen amendment on Burma. This amendment is only a first step in the right direction. As a conferee, I supported stronger language and I will continue to fight for stronger measures until the Burmese people are free. SLORC must be held accountable for its human rights abuses and for its annulment of a democratic election. We cannot ignore SLORC's stranglehold on the people of Burma. We cannot have business as usual with an illegitimate government that overthrew an election which gave its country's democrats 60% of the votes and 82% of the seats. We must not turn a blind eye to the 2 million Burmese people who have been forced into slave labor by the Burmese regime. I am proud and honored to stand here today on the grounds of the United States Capitol -- an institution which represents freedom and democracy to people around the world -- and to speak out for and with those people whose governments seek to silence their voices. We will stand by the freedom-seeking people of Burma and their just cause will be won. ************************************************************ BURMANET: NEWS ON THE BORDER September 24, 1996 On September 18, the Ministry of Interior (MOI), Thailand has issued the following changes to refugees: - Building of a barbed-wire fence around the MaeLa refugee camp - Provision of refugees with registration cards - Refusal to allow refugees to travel beyond the township area of the camp. The MOI also asked KRC to allow some refugees to return to Burma to review the situation on the Burmese side. There will be a meeting on the current refugee situation in Thailand from September 30th - October 2nd in Bangkok attended by various ethnic groups. Last week, DKBA invited The Refugee Committee of Dawnparkhan camp for discussions and asked them to return all refugees to Burma within 3 months. In Chiang Mai, within 3 weeks of the announcement of a law allowing illegal immigrants registration for work permits, only 3000 Burmese have registered. They must pay 1000 Baht for registration and an additional 500 baht for medical care. The maximum time allowed in Thailand on the work permit is 2 years, after which they must leave back to their home country. (The entitlement is only open to those who have arrived in Thailand before June,1996) 100 of the 1000 Burmese migrating to the city in search of work were found to be drug addicts and were sent back to the border. Others who are found to have Tuberculosis, Malaria and other disease were allowed to stay and receive medical treatment. Two prominent leaders of the KNU were arrested this month at Tak Checkpoint The passport of one was confiscated and 8000 baht had to be paid for his release. The other was released after 1000 baht was paid. An NCGUB Minister has been interrogated by Thai police after being asked to leave a bus, the interrogation lasted one hour. **************************************************************** NATION: LETTER - BOYCOTT PROPOSED September 24, 1996 We deplore Joe Cummings' recent vilification of Christina Fink and Faith Doherty in your letters column (The Nation, Sept 19) and we would like to alert your readers to the fact that Cummings' word is not to be trusted. We learned this in the summer of 1995 when it came to our attention that he had authored an article, "On the Political Correctness of Travel to Myanmar", which was used in a travel promotion by Rusty Staff of Bolder Adventures. In this tract, Cummings blatantly misrepresented us, claiming that "The Burma Relief Center (sic) (266-27 Ozuku-cho, KashiharaShi, Nara-ken 634 Japan), former travel boycott advocates, are now encouraging people to travel to Burma -in order to see what's really going on." That was and is an outright untruth. There is no way that any of our fliers and articles urging a travel boycott could have innocently been misread. Given that Cummings has lied about us, how can we believe his claims that U Par Par Lay repeatedly told him that he felt tourists should travel to Slorc's Burma? Of course, we wish we could ask this brilliant comedian how he really feels and what he actually said, but since he has been imprisoned for seven years by Slorc, it just isn't possible to verify Cummings' story. To insinuate that because they are involved with Burmese issues on a full-time basis, Ms Fink and Ms Doherty are profiting from the misery of the Burmese people is both ludicrous and vicious. Lest Joe Cummings vilify us with the same ad homenem nastiness, let us hasten to say that we are high school teachers and that our activities with the Burmese Relief Center Japan (BRC-J) are entirely voluntary. However, the fact that we are volunteers doesn't mean that we don't we don't know what is going on in Burma. BRC-J is also a repository of Burma-related materials, photographic evidence, raw footage and finished videos, photocopied documents, first-hand testimony, and finished reports evidence of precisely the sorts of abuses that Cummings wants to gloss over. We also have the full texts of the Karen Rights Group reports, to which Cummings alludes but obviously has never read. It is shameful that he is ignorant and is unaware of the meticulous care and integrity that goes into the interviews those reports are based on. Yet he claims to know about Burma! Cummings has also abused the National Coalition Government for the Union of Burma's (NCGUB) position. He ignores the clear statement, "The NCGUB strongly opposes Visit Myanmar Year 1996 which is being promoted by Slorc. Tourists should not engage in activities that will only benefit Slorc's coffers and not the people of Burma." Instead, trying to prove that Dr Sein Win supports his own twisted opinion, Cummings quotes the very next sentence (but omits the first word): "However, responsible individuals and organizations who wish to verify the facts and publicize the plight of the Burmese people are encouraged to utilize Slorc's more relaxed tourist policies." Cummings wants to imply that this applies to his low-budget sightseers. It doesn't. Dr Win is clearly referring to organizations like Article 19, which recently produced two revealing studies of Slorc's Burma: "Fatal Silence" and "Burma: Beyond the Law", and to individuals like John Pilger, who graphically documented the facts and publicized the plight of the Burmese people in his for-television program "Inside Burma: Land of Fear." Actually, Pilger and his cameramen eavesdropped on some typical sightseers in their lackadaisical ignorance of the realities in Burma. Those tourists could have spent four months there, just as Cummings says he did, and they could have traveled from one end of the country to the other and remaining none the wiser. Much like Cummings himself, actually. Cummings slanders Ms Doherty for "publishing poorly substantiated research on Burma", but the recent SAIN/ERI report, "Total Denial," is based upon thousands of interviews with people directly involved with and affected by the pipeline. Still, Cummings claims he couldn't find a "single person [who] supported economic sanctions of any kind." Perhaps there was something about his conversational style that frightened people off. Cummings tries to reduce Ms Fink and Ms Doherty to his own level, claiming that "each [of us] live by reporting our observations; each of us has our own moral agenda and none of us can reasonably claim more morality than the other as far as I can see." The problem is precisely that he can't see. Having no morality of his own, he wants us to believe that everyone he a moral agenda and that one as good as another. That sort of moral relativism just doesn't go, Joe, and impugning the motives of people committed to human rights and freedom in Burma just like throwing garbage into the wind. Since we of BRC-J have had first-hand experience of Cummings' lack of integrity in misusing our good name and because of his proselytizing for Slorc Visit Myanmar Year. We would like to propose a boycott of Lonely Planet's travel guides as we as a boycott of tourism in Burma until democracy comes. Ken and Visakha Kawasaki BCR-J Japan ***************************************************************** US EMBASSY RANGOON: FOREIGN ECONOMIC TRENDS - BURMA June 1996 MONETARY DEVELOPMENTS The role of Burma's official exchange rate has become so limited that it no longer discourages exports or subsidizes imports, although it continues to reduce macroeconomic transparency. Burma's real parallel market exchange rate has deteriorated since February 1993 because of a partial exchange rate liberalized of that date. Aggregate price inflation, which the GOB's indicators may understate, was fueled by sustained broad money supply growth averaging 36% a year during the first half of the 1990's. From FY 92/93 to FY 94/95, the GOB's share of outstanding domestic credit rose from 79% to 82% ; The GOB continued to impose negative real interest rates on the legal financial system, which attracted scant savings. Burma continues to have a dual exchange rate regime. Since the late 1980's, the kyat at the official exchange rate, has appreciated slightly against the US dollar, from slightly more to slightly less than 6 kyat per dollar. The GOB has largely completed a defacto devaluation of the kyat to a market-determined exchange rate since the SLORC was formed in late 1988. The overwhelming preponderance of the non-tax transactions that occur at the official rate are within the public sector. However, it's abolition is unlikely to introduce greater efficiency into public sector operations, and is certainly not necessary in order to achieve any such prospective benefits for two reasons: First, the public sector is a command structure not a market. The managers of SEE's do not respond to price information with a view to maximizing the profits of their individual enterprises. They are military officers who respond to orders from higher-ranking military officials in central government ministries by whom they are supervised, and these orders execute policies made or at least approved by the SLORC. For example, the SEE's, in addition to paying taxes, not only make contributions to the central government in an amount equivalent to about 2% of GDP, but also subsidize the central government in an amount equivalent in FY 94/95 to 5% of GDP, by selling imports to the central government at prices reflecting the official exchange rate. This is not decentralized profit maximizing behavior. There is no reason to believe that abolishing the official exchange rate would substantially alter their behavior. Second, the only relevant public sector decision making entity, the SLORC, need not abolish or modify its official exchange rate in order to have more meaningful economic information on the basis of which to make decisions. It need only keep a record, more private and more indicative set of national accounts based on the market rather than the official rate. Burmese firms that routinely conduct external sector transactions commonly keep two sets of books, one for tax purposes and the other to reveal the amount and sources of the firms profits, in which external sector transactions are booked at the market rate. If SLORC is not doing so, it could do so relatively cheaply; the cost of keeping a second set of books is not so great as to constitute a major impediment to effective national economic policy making. **************************************************************** STATEMENT: DAW SUU'S FREE BURMA SPEECH (FINAL TRANSCRIPTION) Rangoon, September, 1996 From: zni@students.wisc.edu (zar ni) It is wonderful to learn that the students ... across the United States and Canada will be taking part in the Free Burma Fast. Young people were the backbone of the public demonstrations of 1988 that swept away the rule of the Burma Socialist Program Party. The movement for democracy in Burma emerged from those demonstrations, in which many students lost their lives. It is then most fitting that students should be taking up the cause of the as-yet uncompleted democratic revolution of my country. There is a great need for the world to know that the people of Burma are suffering from continuous repression and injustice. Democracy activists, including students, continue to be arrested. They are subjected to farcical trials, and condemned to long terms in prison. The conditions under which political prisoners are kept in Burma are appalling, and few emerge from incarceration with their health intact. Organizers and members of my political party, the National League for Democracy, are harassed and threatened every day by the authorities. We want Burma to be free and prosperous. We are not anti-business, but we oppose investment in Burma today because our real malady is not economic but political. What we are really suffering from is not lack of investment or infrastructure, but misgovernance. Until we have a system that guarantees rule of law and basic democratic institutions, no amount of aid or investment will benefit our people. Profits from business enterprises will merely go towards enriching a small, already very privileged elite. Companies such as UNOCAL and Pepsi, ARCO, and Texaco only serve to prolong the agony of my country by encouraging the present military regime to persevere in its intransigence. The Free Burma fast will help to focus attention on the essentially peaceful nature of the quest for democracy in Burma. It is reminiscent of the "Satyagraha" truth-force campaign with which Mahatma Gandhi set the very foundations of the British Indian empire rocking. Your action could well release an international truth force that will join the current of our struggle for democracy in Burma. I would like to thank all of you who are participating in the fast, in particular the American and Canadian students who have done so much for the Free Burma campaign. Victory will surely be ours, because our cause is just. ************************************************************** STATEMENT: PROTEST BY ABSL AGAINST UNHCR'S MALTREAMENT September 20, 1996 From: S_AUNG@tom.unv.ernet.in Memorandum To: Mr. Dennis Mcnamara Director, Protection Division UNHCR, Geneva Switzerland. In the wake of the military crack down on peaceful demonstrations in Burma, thousands of pro-democracy activists fled to the neighboring countries - India, Thailand and Bangladesh. In October, 1988, the Government of India set up (3) refugee camps (Two in Mizoram and one camp in Manipur) for Burmese pro-democracy activists who reached Indo-Burma border to take refuge. Though State government provided daily rations, there were neither health care nor medical supply for campers. Besides, warm clothing and blankets were not adequate enough among the campers so that we had to join various types of manual jobs to sort out the said problems. The most serious problem was lack of security in the camps. For example, the Champhai camp is located merely 7kms from the border. One camp leader was mercilessly beaten to death by unidentified persons in 1990 and two capers were taken into Burma by SLORC soldiers in early 1991. Later they were tortured to dead in the army camp. Camp life was so monotonous and lack of freedom that in mid-1990 campers started leaving the camp. They also suffered from depression and frustration in the camps. However, it was very difficult for non-professional peoples like Burmese students and youth to get even meager jobs for their livelihoods in Mizoram State. So that refugee status from UNHCR in New Delhi. Now total numbers of Burmese refugees recognized as "persons of concern" of UNHCR is about 300. Majority of them are being provided a monthly subsistence allowance of Rs.1200 per month per person by the UNHCR office in New Delhi. However, a dependent person receives only 500/- Rs per month. It is very unreasonable and illogical. Also many of our colleagues have been refused to recognize as persons of concern after several interviews. Some applicants have to wait for almost one year. But the result was simply no for some of them. The attitude of the UNHCR towards Burmese refugees has changed since 1993. Some of the UNHCR officials in New Delhi have been utterly inhuman in their attitude and treatment towards refugees who are under their protection. Though we were treated like sub-human or criminals, we had to swallow our pride and dignity for the sake of fellow refugees and for our survival in this alien land. In April-May 1996, some Burmese nationals whose cases were turned down by UNHCR staged an indefinite hunger strike in front of the UNHCR office in New Delhi. However the UNHCR's officials did not offer a satisfactory solution. Instead the officials brought Delhi police who mercilessly beat Burmese refugees who were undergoing hunger strike. Later, they were forced to return to the Indo-Burma border. The UNHCR assured that the Ministry of External Affairs of India would not push back Burmese refugees to Burma. However, contrary to this UNHCR's assurance, the Mizoram state government made an official announcement in August, 1996, which said Burmese nationalities must leave Mizoram before August 13 or will be rewarded heavy punishment. Actually, this was not the first time. In September, 1994 the Mizoram State Government deported non-Mizos who were staying in Mizoram, including 10,000 Burmese refugees. Therefore, UNHCR Delhi office's pressure on Burmese refugees to return to Mizoram seems to be ill-motivated and contrary to the objectives and principles of UNHCR. Moreover, since July of this year, UNHCR officials have been verbally informing to Burmese refugees that UNHCR will terminate the monthly financial assistance of Rs.1200 from October, 1996 onwards. But without having adequate professional skills or proper training, no one can get job in this already over populated countries. Therefore, we cannot sustain our day-to-day life in New Delhi without this subsistence allowance provided by UNHCR. Thus UNHCR cannot shirk its responsibilities towards refugees unless alternate protective measures are taken for refugees whose Subsistence Allowance is said to be terminated. Finally, we would like to request you to reform the attitude of some officials in New Delhi office of UNHCR and educate them to treat refugees with compassion and dignity. Our demands 1. UNHCR's officials in New Delhi office should treat its persons of concern with compassion and dignity in accordance with its principles. 2. UNHCR's officials should accept that it is untimely to terminate financial assistance to Burmese refugees who have never been provided adequate professional or proper training. 3. Appointment time for newly applicants should be scheduled as soon as possible and results should be come out without delay. 4. Those who have been recognized as persons of concern of UNHCR studying further education outside Delhi should be assisted rather than cutting of their Subsistence Allowance. 5. Since Lump sum amount (15,000/- Rs. per person) is not enough for a proper self-reliance program, UNHCR should reconsider its pressure on refugees to give up their Subsistence Allowance and withdraw one time-grant (Lump Sum). We view that it will make more trouble for refugees. 6. As the basic commodities are skyrocketing (At least 5 times higher than 1990), Subsistence Allowance should be increased from 1200/- Rs. per person per month to 2500/- Rs. 7. The cases of UNHCR's recognized Burmese refugees who were not provided Subsistence Allowance and those who were rejected should be reviewed and reconsidered. Signed/- Burmese refugees in India 1. Mr. Min Nang Bu-54 2. Hla Saw -- 3. Benjamin Seng Nung -- 4. Myint Aye Bu-187 5. Aung Dun Bu-180 6. Za Kup Mang Bu-220 7. Shar Aung Bu-12 8. Sehu Bu-228 9. Nan Oo Bu-197 10. Myint Thein Bu-171 11. Sanpai Bu-186 12. Khin Mg Yee Bu-40 13. Lai Lian Thara Bu- 14. Lal Laum Thang Bu-173 15. Kyaw Than Bu-3 16. Sang Zel Bu-262 17. Thein Myint Bu-86 18. Win Aung Bu-19 19. Soe Aung Bu-200 20. Kyo Nyo Bu-8 21. Soe Myint Bu-127 22. Aye Ko Bu-241 23. Khar Mang Bu-217 24. Nyi Nyi Lwin Bu-9 25. Za San Oo Bu-85 26. Mal Saun Liane Bu-80 27. Tuan Sang Bu-208 28. Biak Kung Bu-248 29. Bawi Lian Bu-250 30. Zo Zum Bu-74 31. Val Tial Tuan Hre Bu-144 32. Biak Vum Bu-155 33. Mang Za Ming R-4590 34. Khawliannghawra -- 35. Tuan Tawk Luai -- 36. Ngun Ceu Bu-150 37. B.S. Tin Mang Bu-132 38. Mah Iang Bu-194 39. Pa Hniang Bu-264 40. Melisa R-4017 41. Mang Ceu Bu-223 42. Sui Chin Bu-226 43. Sung Zi 44. Khuang Cin Par Bu-140 45. Victor Biak Lian Bu-83 46. C. Lian Khuma Bu-123 47. Aye Win R-4036 48. Khual Chung Bu-257 49. Za Khar Bu-276 50. Shin Indasara R-4502 51. U Sandawara Bu-174 52. Ba Aung Bu-59 53. Moe Choke Bu-21 54. John Biak Lung R-6432 55. James Cung Cung 56. Lai Lian Thang R-3883 57. Zabik R-4541 58. Lung Thang R-4595 59. Kan Thing Bu-262 60. Dehu Bu-228 61. Sa Lia Ta Dung Mang Bu-210 62. John Kip 63. Zonunmawi Bu-130 64. Maung Aung Kyaw Bu-119 65. No Kio Bik Bu-112 66. Salai Thawng Lian R- 67. Tial Aui Sang -- 68. Salai Van Kip Thang Bu-11 69. Salai Owis Duli Ceu Bu-192 70. Salai H.Vung 71. Maung Chun Khar 72. Salai Sang Zel Bu-262 73. Awng Wa Bu-218 74. Awng Lawt 75. Seng Awng R- 76. Aung Aung R-4070 77. Mr. Mang Bu-189 78. Salai Samuel 79. Thla Ceu Lian 80. Hram Nei Luai Bu-167 81. Ral Bawi R-4645 82. Tiul Par Bu-227 83. Thang Lian Bu-68 84. Let Lam Bu-252 85. Thang Le Bu- 86. Tin Maung Oo Bu-58 87. Mung Aung Kyaw Bu-201 88. Soe Win Bu-58 89. Tun Tun Oo Bu- 22 90. Min Min Tun Bu- 22 ********************************************************** THE NATION: YOUNG STILL SING SONGS OF RESISTANCE September 20, 1996 In 1950, then prime minister U Nu sent Burmese troops to Shan state to counter the CIA-backed Kuomingtang invasion. Four decades later and the soldiers are still there. For the Shans it became a threat to their sovereignty and many joined the armed resistance and underground groups to fight for equal rights, autonomy and also to liberate the Shan state. Many suffered under the military rule. Forced labor, rampant killings, looting, and rape cases are not new occurrences in the Shan state; they have been taking place since the Burmese army first set foot there. But their predicament worsened after the present regime staged a bloody coup in 1988. Even by the appalling standards of their successors, the Burmese army have shocked the remaining Shans with their cruelty. But the Shan resistance group received a big blow when the warlord Khun Sa reached a deal with the ruling generals and turned over his troops to the central government. Khun Sa's "surrender" however didn't kill the Shan movement. "Now the evils are gone. We will regroup our troops to fight the military," said a former Shan rebel. In the last three months, Slorc troops have been ambushed at least 10 times in Shan state by soldiers of the Shan United Revolutionary Army [SURA] led by Yord Serk. Yord Serk, who appeared at Khun Sa's "surrendering ceremony" at Ho Mong in January but later disappeared, controls almost 1,000 Shan soldiers adept at guerrilla warfare in various parts of Shan state. At present, there are three factions fighting against the junta. These are led by Yord Serk, Lt-Col Karn Yord and Khun Sa's adopted son, Sai Loen Kham, who is based near Laos border. Currently, Karn Yord, 33 is the most best-known Shan fighter. He commands approximately 5,000 troops and is believed to have established a base near Hsipaw, in the northern Shan state. He studied history at Taunggyi college before he joining the resistance movement. But even since high school student, he has been a Shan activist. In 1978, he attended political and military affairs training program arranged by the Shan State Army [SSA] in the jungle. In 1984, Karn Yord went underground and joined the armed resistance group. His determination and leadership qualities enable him to become a military administrator and political organizer at Murng Kerng, Lai Kha, Parng Long and Loi Lem in central Shan state. In 1992, he was transferred to Ho Mong headquarters and was promoted as deputy commander of the 16th brigade. But in 1995 Karn Yord surprised many in MTA, including Khun Sa - who later said: "Karn Yord broke my heart by breaking away from MTA with his men and forming a new Shan organization, the Shan State national Army. He later justified his revolt, saying that: "In the MTA, there are several cases of injustice, discrimination, humiliation, negligence, arbitrary killings of soldiers and civilians." Many former MTA soldiers joined the SSNA. In addition, some Shan leaders who earlier criticized Karn Yord for his mutiny praise him now. Karn Yord is currently Secretary-General of the SSNA. But the SSNA has reached a unofficial cease-fire deal with the ruling junta in early 1996. It is said that Lt Gen Khin Nyunt offered the SSNA 1,000,000 kyats . But many Shans, including those who had never seen him, admire and have faith in Karn Yord. "We believe in him - sooner or later he will challenge the military," Said Sai Linn. It was reported that the leaders of different Shan factions, met in Chiang Mai last month to forge a new alliance to fight for an independent Shan State. Even in construction sites in Chiang Rai and Chiang Mai some Shan youth still sing Shan revolutionary songs. One line goes: "We will continue to struggle to liberate our Shan state." As a Shan who has been working in Chiang Mai said: "If I need to go there and fight, I will join them." There is no doubt that if the Shan revolution gains momentum many Shans will again join the movement. "We are willing to support them in any way, even if we cannot go there and fight," he said. *************************************************************** BURMANET SUBJECT-MATTER RESOURCE LIST BurmaNet regularly receives enquiries on a number of different topics related to Burma. If you have questions on any of the following subjects, please direct email to the following volunteer coordinators, who will either answer your question or try to put you in contact with someone who can: Campus activism: zni@students.wisc.edu Boycott campaigns: [Pepsi] ai268@freenet.carleton.ca Buddhism: Buddhist Relief Mission: brelief@gol.com Chin history/culture: [volunteer temporarily away] Fonts: tom@cs.colgate.edu High School Activism: nculwell@facstaff.wisc.edu History of Burma: zni@students.wisc.edu International Affairs: Julien Moe: JulienMoe@aol.com Kachin history/culture: 74750.1267@compuserve.com Karen history/culture: Karen Historical Society: 102113.2571@Compuserve.com Mon history/culture: [volunteer needed] Naga history/culture: Wungram Shishak: z954001@oats.farm.niu.edu Burma-India border [volunteer needed] Pali literature: "Palmleaf": c/o burmanet@igc.apc.org Pipeline Campaign freeburma@irn.org Resettlement info: refugee_help@mail.serve.com Rohingya culture volunteer needed Shan history/culture: Sao Hpa Han: burma@ix.netcom.com Shareholder activism: simon_billenness@mail.cybercom.net Total - France Dawn Star: cd@utopia.EUnet.fr Tourism campaigns: bagp@gn.apc.org "Attn. S.Sutcliffe" volunteering: refugee_help@mail.serve.com World Wide Web: FreeBurma@POBox.com Geographical Contacts: Massachusetts simon_billenness@mail.cybercom.net [Feel free to suggest more areas of coverage] --------------------------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News is an electronic newspaper covering Burma. Articles from newspapers, magazines, newsletters, the wire services and the Internet as well as original material are published. It is produced with the support of the Burma Information Group (B.I.G) and the Research Department of the ABSDF {MTZ} The BurmaNet News is e-mailed directly to subscribers and is also distributed via the soc.culture.burma and seasia-l mailing lists. For a free subscription to the BurmaNet News, send an e-mail message to: majordomo@igc.apc.org For the BurmaNet News only: in the body of the message, type "subscribe burmanews-l" (without quotation marks). For the BurmaNet News and 4-5 other messages a day posted on Burma issues, type "subscribe burmanet-l" (NOTE: this is a lower case "L", not the numeral one). Letters to the editor, comments or contributions of articles should be sent to the editor at: strider@igc.apc.org