----------------------------------BurmaNet----------------------------- "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News: October 12, 1996 Issue #539 Noted in Passing: It was never intended for constructive engagement to be an infinite process. That would be carte blanche for the generals. - Straits Times Editorial. (NEED FOR YIELD IN MYANMAR) HEADLINES: ========== STRAITS TIMES: (EDITORIAL) NEED FOR YIELD IN MYANMAR NATION: SLORC REMAINS A THORN IN THE SIDE OF ASEAN BANGKOK POST: VIETNAM BACKS BID KYODO: SPOKESMAN SAYS TOKYO URGES SLORC TO HOLD TALKS REUTER: BURMA SAYS BLOCK NEAR SUU KYI HOME PREVENTIVE STEP ASIA TIMES: MYANMAR SANCTIONS START TO BITE - IN THE US KNU: SPEECH BY KNU REPRESENTATIVE AT FREE BURMA FAST BANGKOK POST: FOREIGN MINISTER'S JOB UNDER A CLOUD BANGKOK POST: POLITICAL STRUGGLE ERUPTS WITHIN SLORC NATION: UN, SLORC YET TO REACH DEAL ON ENVOY'S VISIT BURMANET: PLEASE SEND ALL BURMA WEB ADDRESSES ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- STRAITS TIMES: (EDITORIAL) NEED FOR YIELD IN MYANMAR October 9, 1996 BurmaNet Editor's Note: This article is significant because it represents a shift in Asean thinking toward Burma. The Straits Times, which expresses the Singaporean government's perspective, argues that unless the SLORC starts moving toward political pluralism, the ASEAN countries will not continue their supportive policies. Thailand and the Philippines have been more publicly critical of the SLORC than the other members in ASEAN. This is the first time that the Singaporean government is expressing its displeasure. Because ASEAN works on the principal of consensus, if even two or three countries strongly oppose Burma's entry into ASEAN, the entry will be postponed. ----------------------------------------------- The sharp Philippines reaction to the latest harassment of National League for Democracy (NLD) activists in Myanmar and the concern expressed by Thailand, have placed in the spotlight like never before the role of Asean in Myanmar's political emancipation. It is premature, almost certainly wrong, to interpret that as a schism developing in the seven-nation organization over its Myanmar policy. Asean's operating watchword is consensus. But it would be foolish to pretend that Asean can, or should, continue to remain non-judgmental when the national reconciliation in Myanmar, which is the grouping's benign hands-off policy is meant to encourage, remains elusive. Six years have passed since the result of a free election won by the NLD was rejected by the country's military rulers. Meantime, the stonewalling between the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) and Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD has become entrenched to the point where neither side can afford to yield. the arrest of some 800 NLD supporters preparing a rally to mark the party's eighth anniversary a fortnight ago is more of the same trial of strength. It would not be the last such disturbance in Yangon, with the risk growing that each succeeding incident could get less peaceful. Two issues are at stake. First, Myanmar has applied to be a member of Asean by July next year. It already has observer status, granted only this year. Second, Asean has, with its generous policy of constructive engagement, given the generals of Slorc ample leeway to open up the country to investment and diplomatic contact on the tacit understanding that this would ease the way towards political openness gradually. In the event, Philippine President Fidel Ramos's pointed remark last week that Asean might re-examine its policy at its next summit because of Slorc's high-handed conduct is the clearest indication so far that patience is wearing thin. Thailand's Foreign Ministry, though more discreet, said Asean could not possibly overlook the latest crackdown. Not too much should be made of what Mr. Ramos said in so far as it touches on Asean unanimity on constructive engagement. All members agree to it, some more enthusiastic than others. It remains the most sensible approach to extracting from Myanmar compliance with civil norms in governance while granting it the courtesy of Asean not interfering in its political choices or imposing alien values on the people. By stimulating economic benefits to trickle down to the population, this is preferable to the punitive Western approach of sanctions and diplomatic isolation. Sanctions are made to be circumvented, whereas Myanmar has endured for decades in isolation without facing economic collapse. But it was never intended for constructive engagement to be an infinite process. That would be carte blanche for the generals to perpetuate their hold on power without reference to the people. As much as investments from Asean countries and the West have brought a noticeable change among the people from the poverty and the listlessness of old, the Slorc authorities have to reciprocate by moving more purposefully to engender political pluralism. This means heeding the popular will - nothing more, nothing less. A way has to be found for the Slorc to have the NLD brought back into the constitutional process; its huge 1990 election win demands that. Ms. Suu Kyi was wrong to have taken the NLD out of the national convention which has been meeting since 1993 to devise guidelines for a future constitution. On her part, refusing to acknowledge that the military can have a role in national life is being untutored and inflexible. There is room for compromise. But for sure, Slorc has to show results in its constitutional manoeuvres. Otherwise, Asean will feel under increasing pressure - apart from the danger of internal dissension - to reassess its policy of constructive engagement, to say nothing of deferring membership for Myanmar. It should be plain to the generals that neither course will be helpful to their country. ************************************************* NATION: SLORC REMAINS A THORN IN THE SIDE OF ASEAN October 11, 1996 Yindee Lertcharoenchok Despite intensive lobbying, the junta in Burma is seeing its bid to become a member of Asean next year being jeopardised by its own repressive rule and political intransigence. The recent pronouncement by Asean to delay coming to a decision on Burma's application to become part of the regional grouping corresponded with repeated calls from the Burmese pro-democracy movement, which wants Asean to stall on the issue until an elected government is installed in Rangoon. The resolve also matched the wish of Asean's key dialogue partners in the West, which has been urging it to enforce sanctions on and not reward the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc) for its relentless use of force to suppress the popular demand for democracy. "It will, of course, be difficult for us to meet and hold talks with them [Asean] during the Post Ministerial Conference if Burma is accepted as a member," said a western diplomat, whose country takes part in the annual gathering. Burma's relationship with Asean has undergone a dramatic twist. Almost 30 years ago, it was the same Burmese military regime in Rangoon which refused to join Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand when they founded the staunchly anti-communist Asean on Aug 8, 1967. And today, some core Asean members are showing signs of reluctance to Burma's premature integration into the grouping for fear of putting to risk Asean's international credibility and standing if it associates with the pariah regime. When Asean leaders announced their desire at the summit last December to see the inclusion, by the year 2000, of the three remaining non-member Southeast Asian nations into the grouping, they expected Burma to come in after Cambodia and Laos. While they agreed on Burma's eventual membership into Asean, they remained indecisive over the exact time frame of its entry. Asean leaders believe that given the flexibility of five more years, Burma will undergo a gradual political transformation with the eventual emergence of a new liberal, if not democratic, government to replace the current authoritarian regime that has been using heavy-handed measures since 1962 to rule the country. But the seven-member Asean grouping was virtually taken aback by the Slorc's drastic decision to hasten Burma's early admission into the regional club. In late August, Burma submitted a formal request to join Asean next year together with Cambodia and Laos. The Slorc's move was evidently inspired by Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad's strong advocacy for Asean to admit Burma - and by Asean's controversial policy of constructive engagement and non-interference. Having been partially successful in neutralising the opposition movement and ethnic insurgencies inside the country, the Slorc's remaining critics are the West and human rights activists. Slorc's motive in trying to join Asean quickly is self-evident. As an Asean member, Burma will secure a more respectable standing in the international arena. The Slorc will also be seen as a legitimate government and will have strong allies to counter moves to isolate it. One senior Thai official said he believes Asean will gain nothing from Burma's early membership, while the Slorc would, by joining Asean, deliberately exploit the grouping for its political advantage, especially to deflect global pressure and criticism against it. "By joining Asean, the Slorc certainly hopes to Aseanise Burma's political problems," said the official, who cautioned As an against deciding hastily on Burma's membership application. At an informal meeting in New York on Sept 27, Asean foreign ministers, despite the recommendations made by the Jakarta-based Asean Secretariat that Burma is ready to become a member of the grouping, failed to reach a consensus on Burma's membership next year. They agreed that Burma, which was accorded observer status by Asean in July, needs more time to familiarise itself first with Asean's structure and activities before becoming part of it. The decision to put on hold Burma's request was attributed to the strong reservations made by the Philippines and Thailand, which wanted to see political liberalisation and an improvement in the human rights situation in Burma before the country is admitted into the association. The arguments and concerns of the Philippines and Thailand were effectively heightened by the Slorc's renewed massive crackdown on the popular National League for Democracy (NLD) at a time when the Asean meeting was still in process. Although Asean states will not openly admit that the political turmoil in Burma is one of the crucial factors affecting the country's Asean membership chances, the latest Slorc suppression wherein over 800 NLD members and supporters were arrested has revived Asean's concern and substantially contributed to the growing reluctance on the part of the grouping's members to associate itself with the junta in Rangoon. While Asean countries, in general, will avoid making any comments on the overall political situation in Burma, the sporadic clampdown by Slorc on pro-democracy activists, ongoing human rights abuses and the ruling generals' growing intransigence to dialogue with the NLD has put Asean at a difficult position, especially when defending its constructive engagement policy. The stance of the Philippines and Thailand against Burma's early admission into Asean is understandable. As the two most advanced civil societies of Asean, both are more sensitive to international and domestic opinion. They are more likely to take into consideration the concern and criticism expressed by the public, nongovernmental organisations and the media. Asean's refusal to grant Burma's wish has adversely affected the Slorc, which is already facing mounting pressure from the soon-to-be imposed sanctions by Washington the European Union. The regime is also facing a tougher UN resolution this year as a result of its own misconduct and refusal to initiate political dialogue with the Burmese opposition and allow UN delegations to conduct their annual investigation of the political and human rights situation in the country. ******************************************************** BANGKOK POST: VIETNAM BACKS BID October 11, 1996 Hanoi -Vietnam said yesterday that rejecting Burma's bid for full entry into ASEAN would be tantamount to meddling in that country's domestic affairs. Foreign Ministry spokesman Tran Quang Hoan said Vietnam supported Burma's full inclusion.- AP *************************************************** KYODO: SPOKESMAN SAYS TOKYO URGES SLORC TO HOLD TALKS WITH SUU KYI October 8, 1996 Japan on Tuesday urged Myanmar's [Burma] military government to hold direct dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi after the junta lifted an 11-day barricade against the pro-democracy leader. "Direct dialogue between the SLORC and the NLD have not been realized. We would like to help direct dialogue be held between them," Foreign Ministry spokesman Hiroshi Hashimoto said. Hashimoto said Tokyo will closely watch what the political situation in Myanmar, adding that whether Suu Kyi will be allowed to address crowds in front of her house this weekend is a key barometer. The SLORC on Tuesday took down the barricades set up Sept. 27 on roads leading to Suu Kyi's home in a bid to stop her from holding an NLD congress at her residence and speaking to NLD members and other supporters. ****************************************************** REUTER: BURMA SAYS BLOCK NEAR SUU KYI HOME PREVENTIVE STEP October 12, 1996 By Aung Hla Tun RANGOON, Oct 12 (Reuter) - Burma on Saturday blocked public access to democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's house to prevent her weekend public gatherings from becoming a flashpoint for any disturbances, a government official said. No one had been detained by the ruling military State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), the official told Reuters. "The government as a preventive measure restricted traffic to the road. We also do not want the situation (public gatherings) to be exploited by anybody to disturb the peace and tranquility of the people," he said. He could not say when the checkpoints would be removed but residents in the area said they believed they may be removed on Monday. Attempts to reach Suu Kyi by telephone for comment were unsuccessful as the line appeared to be cut. The Nobel laureate had told reporters on Tuesday after the barriers were removed that she was ready to resume her weekend public meetings once access to University Avenue had been freed. The official said the action to bar the way followed information Suu Kyi and some senior officials of her National League for Democracy Party (NLD) planned to meet at her house on Saturday morning to discuss re-staging a party congress which was aborted late last month by a government crackdown. An NLD member of parliament said all NLD MPs from Rangoon had been invited to an informal meeting in Suu Kyi's house on Saturday morning. However, he said that when he neared the house he found the road closed. "We are not disappointed but we don't know what we'll decide to do next," said the MP, who asked not to be identified. Police mounted checkpoints at University Avenue just after midnight and turned away traffic from the road on which Suu Kyi's house is located, a move that had been half-expected by many. Witnesses said the checkpoints were manned by traffic police backed by armed security police. Access to Suu Kyi's house was first barred on September 26 to stop a planned September 27-29 NLD congress. As well as barring the way to Suu Kyi's home, the SLORC also cracked down at that time on NLD party activists to thwart the congress and detained 573 NLD members and supporters. After the congress was effectively scotched, the military removed the barriers on Tuesday. All detainees were released in stages. "I don't think this time it will be necessary to detain anyone," the government official said when asked if anyone was being detained this time in addition to setting up of checkpoints along University Avenue. Suu Kyi's weekend public gatherings in the past have attracted several thousands of people who have come to hear her attack the SLORC and demand greater democracy in Burma from the gates of her lakeside home. But the SLORC has said such meetings are illegal. Eighteen NLD party flags remained draped around the fence of Suu Kyi's home. They were first flown in late September ahead of the failed party congress. The official Burmese media on Saturday quoted a senior SLORC official, Lieutenant-General Tin Oo, as warning "some unscrupulous people" against disturbing the peace. "It is found that some unscrupulous people are covertly perpetrating acts to undermine public security with intent to jeopardise the country's peace and tranquility," the media quoted him as saying. He warned that "security measures will be carried out and effective action will be taken" to prevent any disturbance. Burma's action against Suu Kyi and NLD supporters last month drew condemnation from the United States, Britain and international human rights groups. ********************************************************* ASIA TIMES: MYANMAR SANCTIONS START TO BITE - IN THE US October 9, 1996 by David DeVoss in Los Angeles George Scalise is angry. "How does selling computers to schools in Myanmar discourage democracy?" asks Apple Computer's chief administrative officer, his voice brimming with sarcasm. Scalise's ire was directed at a Massachusetts law enacted two weeks ago which bans the state from buying goods or services from companies doing business in Myanmar. Faced with the prospect of losing sales worth millions of dollars to Massachusetts public schools, Apple promised last week to cut all ties with Myanmar when its present contracts expired. But Scalise made it clear that the company did not like being used as a tool by politicians. "I don't think we should be doing State Department work at the state capital level," he said. Corporations may not like trade sanctions but the grass-roots campaign to prevent Myanmar's ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) from receiving foreign investment clearly has them on the run. Since 1992, 13 multinational corporations have withdrawn from Myanmar amid pressure from shareholders and consumers. Apple's departure was preceded by that of seven United States apparel makers, two European breweries and energy companies Amoco and PetroCanada. The wave of boycotts in the US and the resulting loss of market share in Myanmar to Association of Southeast Asian Nations companies is a growing source of concern for the US Chamber of Commerce. "It's no longer 1963, when Pax Americana reigned and there were no other major competitors," said John Howard, one of the chamber's leading international strategists. "This is one more indication of America's failure to grasp the realities of the world market." In addition to the state of Massachusetts, six US cities have laws banning them from doing business with companies active in Myanmar. Santa Monica in California may not fuel city garbage trucks with gasoline from Texaco, Arco or Unocal. Madison in Wisconsin bans PepsiCo machines from its municipal buildings because the company has a licensing arrangement with a joint venture company controlled by SLORC. Not only US companies are affected. San Francisco is poised to reject Mitsubishi Heavy Industries of America's bid to construct a US$140 million airport light rail system because the company is active in Myanmar. "We may see Japanese keiretsu [conglomerates] treated as single companies in the future," said Simon Billenness, a senior analyst with Franklin Research and Development. "If one company is in Burma then the whole corporate family could be barred." The fact that several other jurisdictions including New York City are considering laws similar to San Francisco's worries some people in Myanmar. "Political pressure groups appear to be succeeding in their efforts to discourage some Western companies from trading with and investing in Myanmar," said the trade journal Myanmar Business in a September article headlined "Yangon Under Siege". "Western companies should not cave in to political pressure, especially when human rights groups make claims that are untrue." Countries such as Nigeria and North Korea have human rights records worse than Yangon's. So why is Myanmar the South Africa of the 1990s? "Because the call for sanctions come from Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the party that won the 1990 election," Massachusetts Governor William Weld said. "She's a credible person inside the country." Although Suu Kyi is a source of inspiration, the person most responsible for the growing US boycott of Myanmar is Zar Ni, a 33-year-old PhD candidate from Mandalay. Along with 150 Myanmar students and a handful of liberal activists, he has built a pro-democracy movement guided by an Ethiopian proverb: "When spiders unite they can tie down a lion." Zar Ni, a former guide for Tourist Burma, came to the US in 1988 but it was not until the early 1990s that he began to organize a network of pro-democracy students. He wrote anti-SLORC leaflets using the pen name Oway - Burmese for peacock. But instead of handing out tracts at the University of Wisconsin where he went to school, he distributed his thoughts on the Internet to campuses throughout the US. "The Internet was just becoming a powerful tool when we started the Free Burma Coalition," he recalled. "It was a case of being in the right place at the right time." In early 1995, Zar Ni shifted the coalition's focus to economics. Supported by a scholarship from George Soros' Open Society Institute and a network of Myanmar students linked by e-mail, he began traveling around the US visiting the corporate headquarters of companies active in Myanmar and attending their annual shareholder meetings. By early 1996, garment retailers from Liz Claiborne and Eddie Bauer to Macy's and Columbia Sportswear had left Myanmar, convinced that low prices there were not worth the headaches of consumer boycotts and shareholder lawsuits. Meanwhile, students on more than 60 US campuses were warming to the Free Burma message. Activists at Stanford prevented Taco Bell, a subsidiary of PepsiCo, from opening on their campus. Across the country at Harvard, PepsiCo lost a US$1 million contract when students scuttled a plan to switch from Coca-Cola to Pepsi. "The NLD [opposition National League for Democracy] owes a lot to this young man," said Sein Win, a mathematics professor from Prome Division who represents the exiled National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma in Washington. "Zar Ni hits companies where it hurts - in their sales and image." For a movement largely financed by the sale of US$10 T-shirts, the Free Burma Coalition is remarkably efficient. Faxed statements arrive with numbing frequency at newspapers around the country. Its two Web sites, illustrated with pictures and posters, are updated daily with news from Myanmar. It is possible to download a three-minute speech from Aung San Suu Kyi from one Web site. There is even a hypertext link to SLORC's homepage. "We encourage people to read the [official] New Light of Myanmar," laughed Zar Ni. "We can only benefit by comparison. "The greatest factor in our favor is that people in America think we can win," said Zar Ni. "America will never change China's policy but Burma can be pressured. That's why liberals come and support us when they get frustrated over Tibet." *************************************************** KNU: SPEECH BY KNU REPRESENTATIVE AT FREE BURMA FAST October 8, 1996 From: KYO-USA <76613.2262@CompuServe.COM> The following is a brief speech delivered by P'doh Thu Yeh at UC Berkeley campus on October 8, 1996 at Free Burma Fast press conference. As Karen representative, he is currently here in the US to help launch litigation action against UNOCAL. To All the American Student Activists: Thank you very much. I am a Karen representative from the Karen National Union Mergui/Tavoy distirict, best known as the UNOCAL pipe line project area. On behalf of the Karen people I would like to express our deepest sincere and heart felt thanks for all your efforts in bringing about democracy in Burma. Without all of us working together hand in hand, democracy in Burma can never be achieved. Your help and support to advance the struggle and to help liberate the oppressed people from the brutal military regime of Burma will never be forgetten by the Karens or the entire people of Burma. Since I've been to this country the situation has deterioated, the dry season is upon us and the military operation has resume. In the city they have arrested more than 800 democracy activists including many NLD members. Meantime the area where I came from is experiencing massive influx of refugee. Just within the past month there are more than 10,000 new refugees and the story of whole village being massacred and burned are common. The latest report which I have received has disturbed me greatly. The report of 200 innocent villagers being killed just in the past 3 weeks. I don't understand!! As you all know we are in the midst of negotiating peace with the SLORC. How can they talk about peace and unity when innocent people are still being killed. I want to assure you that your contribution and efforts which you have shown is greatly appriciated and will not be forgetten. Thank you. Saw Thu Yeh Karen National Union, Mergui/Tavoy District KAWTHOOLEI ********************************************************** BANGKOK POST: FOREIGN MINISTER'S JOB UNDER A CLOUD October 11, 1996 Nussara Sawatsawang Speculation is rife that the future of Burmese Foreign Minister Ohn Gyaw is in jeopardy over his failure to protect the image of his military government in the international community. Some Burma watchers are so confident Mr Ohn Gyaw will be removed that they say it is only a matter of time. But it will not be easy finding a replacement for the veteran diplomat, and so he is expected to retain the post for some time to come. Initially, sources expected Mr Ohn Gyaw to be removed in the reshuffle announced October 2. But, as it turned out, the reshuffle only saw changes in the ministries of light industry, and science and technology. U Thein Tun, previously a senior official with the Energy Ministry, was promoted to deputy minister of light industry, and U Maung, a former ambassador to the United States, was appointed science and technology minister. The next reshuffle is expected to include the ministries of development of border areas and national races, immigration and population, and construction, with young military officers promoted to fill vacancies as deputy ministers. The State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc) expects its foreign minister to defend its activities and promote its image abroad. But Slorc remains widely condemned for refusing to accept the outcome of the 1990 general elections which gave the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) an ,overwhelming mandate to run the country. Slorc is also heavily criticised for the arrests in May and September of NLD members, and the death in June of James Leander Nichols, who served as honorary consul for Denmark, Norway, Finland and Switzerland, and was a personal friend of NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Mr Nichols's death in prison while serving a sentence for illegal possession of fax machines led to the withdrawal from Burma in early July of Danish and Dutch brewers Carlsberg and Heineken. The European Union has threatened sanctions, Norway has called for stepped up international "pressure", and United States President Bill Clinton has banned new American investments in Burma, and visas to the US of members of Slorc and their families. But the last straw threatening Mr Ohn Gyaw's job is probably the cool reaction of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) to Burma's application for full membership of the grouping in 1997. Burma, which was given observer status in July this year, submitted its application in August. Following the, latest wave of arrests in Rangoon, Asean foreign ministers have voted against rushing acceptance of Burma. The Philippines has also called for a review of the grouping's "constructive engagement" policy with Burma, Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam and Thailand are the other Asean member states. ***************************************************************** BANGKOK POST: POLITICAL STRUGGLE ERUPTS WITHIN SLORC October 11, 1996 The next government reshuffle in Burma is expected to strengthen the power of Gen Maung Aye, the Slorc vice-chairman, over Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, the ruling junta's first secretary. Most of the people expected to make up the new line-up are military officials under Gen Maung Aye, said sources. Former eastern commander Gen Maung Aye is currently deputy commander-in-chief of defence service and army chief commander. While Gen Maung Aye is respected by military staff, Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, the military intelligence chief, has few aides. But Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt's strength lies in his countrywide network and his reputed close links to aged strongman Ne Win, to whom he can report directly on any act of misconduct. A source said Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt has tried to shore up his power base by sending 12 intelligence men for training in a foreign country for three years. In a government reshuffle in May, Lt Gen Khin Nyunt succeeded in promoting his men to at least three ministerial posts, including appointing former Light Industry Deputy Minister Saw Tun as minister of health. A Bangkok-based diplomat said reshuffles in Rangoon have always been about building allies through gifts of important positions, not about boosting the administration's efficiency. The struggle is intensifying as the threat of a power vacuum at the top becomes more real. Gen Ne Win, 85 the strongman still believed to pull the strings behind the scenes since stepping down in 1988, is said to be seriously ill, his body half-paralysed for a month now. Prime Minister and Slorc chairman Gen Than Shwe also is said to have expressed a desire to step down next year according to recent rumours in Rangoon. Gen Than Shwe, 63, is reported to have suffered a stroke and is said to be in poor health. A professional soldier and devout Buddhist, Gen Than Shwe so far has been able to balance power between Gen Maung Aye and Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt. As a compromise, Gen Than Shwe might retain his political post as premier, but allow Gen Maung Aye to succeed him as Slorc chairman and commander-in-chief of defence services, the source said. Whatever the changes that emerge, there is a common interest among rival factions the survival of Slorc. Mr Ohn Gyaw's age, 64, is also said to be working against him. But the sarcastic and outspoken minister, who draws sympathy from some Burma watchers for being the man sandwiches between the military regime and the outside world, has 40 years of experience in foreign service. Before being named deputy foreign minister in October 1988, one month after Slorc seized power, and full minister in 1991, Mr Ohn Gyaw served as head of the South and Southeast Asia division, the Political Department, and as ambassador to Yugoslavia, the United Sates, Singapore, Australia and the former Soviet Union. The only strong candidate to succeed Mr Ohn Gyaw is his deputy, former ambassador to Thailand Nyunt Swe, but he is not deemed sufficiently senior, said one source. Mr Nyunt Swe worked in intelligence before being appointed ambassador to Thailand from 1985 to 1992, a post which helped promote him to be Mr Ohn Gyaw's deputy. Mr Nyunt Swe played an important role in protecting Rangoon interests, including convincing Thailand to repatriate 80 Burmese dissident students taking refuge along the border in December 1988, only three months after Slorc crushed the prodemocracy uprising in Burma. The repatriation was a part of a deal - in exchange for concessions in forestry and fisheries in Burma - between the then Burmese premier and Slorc chairman Gen Saw Maung, and the then Thai Army Commander-in Chief Gen Chavalit Yongchaiyudh. Mr Ohn Gyaw might be reassigned to an inactive post, as others have been before him once they have outlived their usefulness, said one diplomat. But any reshuffle is likely to be no more than "window dressing" as the military junta will be the real decision makers, he added. ***************************************************************** NATION: UN, SLORC YET TO REACH DEAL ON ENVOY'S VISIT October 11, 1996 Yindee Lertcharoenchok HIGH-level United Nations officials are still negotiating with the Burmese junta for the new UN human rights envoy, Rajsoomer Lallah, to visit the country, informed sources in the United States said yesterday. Lallah, an Oxford-educated judge from Mauritius, replaced Japanese professor Yozo Yokota who quit in May to protest against the constant fights he had for finds to carry out his work. Sources said the ruling Burmese State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc) refused to recognise Lallah's appointment, saying the regime was not consulted on Yokota's replacement. "At the moment, the [Burmese] government has not yet responded to him [Lallah] in a positive way. The special human rights rapporteur has not been able to visit Myanmar [Burma] despite his repeated request to visit the country," said one source Familiar with the issue. Sources said the Geneva-based UN Human Rights Commission (UNHCR) has the right to appoint independent UN experts to investigate alleged violations in countries considered to have the worst human rights records. "In such a case Slorc need not be consulted over the appointment of Lallah," said Thaung Tun, an exiled Burmese student leader who is now in New York. In his capacity as human rights envoy, Yokota conducted annual visits usually at the end of the year, to Burma where he met Slorc officials, visited prisons and interviewed jail inmates, political detainees, ex-prisoners and political activists. He also travelled to Burmese refugee amps along Thailand's border with ,Burma to inquire about the human Rights situation. Yokota then submitted an interim report of his findings to the UN General Assembly and a full dossier to the plenary session of the UNHCR which usually begins its annual meeting in February or March. Sources said top United Nations officials are still talking to Slorc officials, hoping to convince them to allow Lallah into Burma. If Slorc does not reverse its decision, Lallah who has frequently served on UN human rights bodies and as a special rapporteur for the UNHCR, might opt to visit the Thai border areas, they added. The sources said Lallah will still write a human rights report on Burma even if his trip did not materialize. They added that several independent watch groups on human rights, including Burmese political activists and armed ethnic groups, will continue to supply Lallah with information. In New York, two special representatives of United Nations Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali held a meeting on Oct 2 with Burmese Foreign Minister U Ohn Gyaw, after Slorc had refused to receive them in Rangoon. One well-informed source described the meeting as a "frank exchange of views" between Ohn Gyaw and Alvaro de Soto, assistant secretary-general for political affairs, and Francesc Vendrell, director of the Political Affairs Department. The discussion centred on Boutros-Ghali's request for his special delegation to visit Burma as mandated in the UN resolution on Burma, the source said. The UN secretary-general will report details of the meeting to the UN General Assembly on Oct 31, the source added. The source said Slorc twice refused to let Boutros-Ghali's special representative in the country and instead sent U Ohn Gyaw to New York to meet UN officials. Sources said if the trip is not going to take place, the United Nations secretary general will have to report the truth and let the United Nations General Assembly decide what measures to take. They suspected Slorcs refusal to let any United Nations delegations in the country is due to the junta's concern that the UN officials will also meet popular opposition leader and Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been the strongest critic of Slorc's repressive rule since her release from house arrest last year. "It would be fair to draw the conclusion that the Slorc does not want prominent persons to meet Aung San Suu Kyi," a source said. ***************************************************************** BURMANET: PLEASE SEND ALL BURMA WEB ADDRESSES October 10, 1996 Dear BurmaNet Readers: The BurmaNet News would like to begin including websites with Burma info in our resource section which we post at the bottom of the BurmaNet News once or twice a week. We would appreciate it if you could send any useful website addresses along with a brief description - a line or two will do. Please send this info to strider@igc.apc.org Thanks in advance, BurmaNet Editor