Subject: BurmaNet News January 7, 1997 Date: Tue, 07 Jan 1997 02:05:31 -0800 (PST) From: strider@igc.apc.org Reply-To: Conference "reg.burma" To: Recipients of burmanet-l ------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------ "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ---------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News: January 7, 1997 Issue #606 HEADLINES: =3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D=3D KNU: SHOKLO MORTAR ATTACK TODAY: ROCO:BACK SUU KYI'S BID FOR A FREE BURMA THAILAND TIMES: BURMESE MINORITIES PLAN DEFENCE THAILAND TIMES: SLORC CHANGES ITINERARY OF BUDDHIST RELIC=20 ABSL: THE 49TH ANNIVERSARY OF BURMA'S INDEPENDENCE DAY BURMANET (STRIDER): STEPHAN BROOKE'S PREDICTIONS NATION: LETTER TO EDITOR - SHANS NOT INVOLVED IN NATION: A TIME FOR CELEBRATIONS BKK POST: ESCAPE TO THAILAND ANNOUNCEMENT: JOIN THE BURMESE STUDIES GROUP ---------------------------------------------------------------------------= - --------------- KNU: SHOKLO MORTAR ATTACK January 6, 1997 From: so_nou@sala.icn.net (So Nou) Shoklo Mortar Attack On January 4,1996, three 81 motar shells were fired from the Burmese side into Shoklo Refugee Camp on the Thai side. Two of the shells exploded but o= ne did not. Three refugees were wounded and two of them very seriously. These two were taken to Measot Hospital. Neither the SLORC nor the DKBA has yet claimed responsibility but the unexploded shell had markings of SLORC stock= . KNU Information Center *********************************************** TODAY: ROCO:BACK SUU KYI'S BID FOR A FREE BURMA Jan. 6, 1997 TODAY daily newspaper (Philippines) By Butch Fernandez From: "Chalida Tajaroensuk. Ms" Sen. Raul Roco pressed the Senate yesterday to declare its support for Nobe= l Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi in her fight for democracy against the ruling military junta in Burma. Roco said this should be one of the New Year resolutions the 24-man chamber should pass when Congress starts regular sessions on January 20. Roco earlier filed Resolution 448 and a supplementary resolution expressing support for Suu Kyi, which the Senate has yet to act upon. He pressed for early passage of the resolution and expressed hopes that other democratic governments would do the same amid recent reports of increasing repression against Suu Kyi and her followers in the Burmese capi= tal. Roco said reports that the Burmese junta recently required Suu Kyi to infor= m it of her movements and her visitors "blackened Myanmar's [the junta's new name for Burma] image before the international community." It was also reported that the junta barred journalists from meeting with Su= u Kyi at her home, adding that if they wanted to, they can meet her elsewhere - a condition that human rights advocates found ridiculous, since Suu Kyi has been under virtual house arrest since student protests rocked the capital, Rangoon. "As a nation, we are proud and zealous of our freedoms and democratic syste= m in this part of the world," Roco said the manifestation of support from other countries is important to Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy, as it was with freedom- loving Filipinos who resisted and successfully toppled the Marcos dictatorship. "When Filipinos were fighting repression under martial law, our resolve would be strengthened upon news of support by other freedom-loving peoples [and it is the same for Suu Kyi and her followers now," said Roco. **************************************************************** THAILAND TIMES: BURMESE MINORITIES PLAN DEFENCE January 6, 1997 (abridged) by Assawin Pinitwong MAE HONG SON: A large number of ethnic minority groups seeking shelter along Burma' s borders are to gather today at a border area opposite the Thai province of Tak to discuss their line of=20 attack against Burma' s military junta. =20 The groups, who include Kayah, Mon, Wah, Shan, Arakan, Kachin, Chin, and members of the Karen National Union (KNU), are currently living in Burma's troubled regions bordering Thailand, Bangladesh, and India. =20 The move comes three days after troops from Burma attacked a Karenni refugee Muang district. Col Char chai Nakprapai, deputy commander of Mae Hong Son's 7th Infantry special task force, described the incident as an invasion of Thai territory. No one has yet claimed responsibility for the incident, which is believed t= o=20 have been carried out either by Slorc troops or by a breakaway group from= =20 the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) supported by the Junta.=20 =20 Although several of Burma's ethnic groups have signed cease-fire agreements with the junta in recent years, SLORC violations of the pacts have led to further incidents of violence flaring up along Burma's borders. The minority groups report both political and social discrimination under the hands of the military regime. The Bangkok-based All Burma Students Democratic Front (ABSDF) yesterday issued a statement condemning the SLORC and calling on the international community to help Burma's plight. ***************************************************************** THAILAND TIMES: SLORC CHANGES ITINERARY OF BUDDHIST RELIC January 6, 1997 Reuters RANGOON : A Buddhist relic which was on the site of a December 25 bombing that killed five people and injured 17 has not been moved as planned to Mandalay, a source in Burma's Ministry of Religious Affairs said yesterday. The sacred Tooth Relic, believed to be a tooth of the Lord Buddha, is on loan to Burma from China for 90 days and was due to be moved to Burma's second city Mandalay yesterday. But the original itinerary of the Tooth Relic might be changed in the wake of the recent bomb attack in the Kaba Aye Maha Pasana Cave which houses the relic, the source said. "It is still early to know for sure how (the itinerary) will be changed.=20 What we can be sure about is that it will be changed," he told Reuters. Originally, the relic was to be transported by road to Mandalay with stops in six towns for one night each. After four weeks, a similar trip was to be made with stops in six different cities. Thousands of pilgrims were paying homage at the cave on the outskirts of Rangoon on Christmas Day when two bombs exploded. The blasts did not harm the relic. Burma's military government has blamed exiled students and the rebel Karen National Union ethnic group for the bombings. Both groups have denied involvement.=20 Public access to the relic was temporarily suspended but has been resumed. Official media said yesterday the relic is still in the cave where homage can be paid during the daylight hours. ************************************************************** ABSL: THE 49TH ANNIVERSARY OF BURMA'S INDEPENDENCE DAY January 6, 1997 From: shar@league.unv.ernet.in Organized by the ALL Burma students League (ABSL)=20 Burma achieved its independence from the Britishcolonial rule on 4th January 1948. However, the people of Burma have not been benefitting from the freedom they had fought for but face various hardships and pains under the authoritarian regimes in the country since 1962. The people are now waging their "Second independence struggle" fighting against the ruling military government and for the restoration of democracy and human rights in the country, with the cooperation of the All Manipur students Union (AMSU) and Kuki students Organization (KSO), the All Burma Students League is organization a political programme of "Celebration of the 49th Anniversary of Burma's Independence Day" on 4th January 1997. The celebration will be held at border township between Burma and India. The venue of the programme will be at Krishna Cinema Hall of Moreh township of Manipur state in India.=20 =20 The main objectives of the programme are: (1) To renew the solidarity of the people of India, particularly of Manipur who have extended support to the people of Burma in their struggle = for the restoration of democracy and human rights in the country , (2) To highlight the present political, social and economic situatio= n inside Burma under the ruling military regime to the outside world,=20 =20 (3) To promote the "the people to people " relationship between the two communities, (4) To pressurize the authorities of Burma for the prompt democratization process in the country. The celebration will start at 11:00 AM and it will be attended by the political leaders, students and youth leaders, human rights activists and intellectuals of Manipur State. Moreover, the Burmese community who are staying in the Indo-Burma border area will participate at the Independence Day Ceremony. The chief guest of the ceremony is Mr. O. Joy Singh who is the governor of the friends of Burma in Manipur and also the President of the Manipur Peoples Party (MPP). The (MPP) is the biggest local political party in Manipur state. The eminent speakers include Mr. Kh. Jibon Singh, Secretary General of Janata Dal party in India. Leaders of Congress Party, Dr. R.K. Ranjan, Deputy Registrar of Manipur University, Mr Ksh. Santa, State Secretary Council Member of Communist party of India (Marxist) and Mr. L. Sotinkumar, State Executive Council member of Communist Party of India. Com. Myat Thu, President of the All Burma Students League, will deliver the Presidential address at the ceremony. Com. Kyaw Than, Vice-President of the All Burma Students League (ABSL) will express "Vote of Thanks" to the speakers and participants at the end of the ceremony. The celebration of Independence Day will be followed by a "peace march" and a "public rally" a= t the border town. The peace march will highlight the ongoing human rights violations in Burma committed by the ruling military junta, namely the Stat= e Law and Order Restoration council (SLORC). The peace marchers will issue a memorandum demanding the military generals of Burma to transfer the state power to the National League for Democracy (NLD) immediately and to accept the offer of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for "the dialogue" to solve the countries problems politically and peacefully. Moreover, the memorandum will urge the international community to impose the "Global Trade Embargo" against the ruling military regime in Burma as it did against the apartheid regime of South Africa. Date: 4th January 1997, Place: Imphal, Manipur State of India. *************************************************** BURMANET (STRIDER): STEPHAN BROOKE'S PREDICTIONS--A REPORT CARD January 3, 1997 by Strider In April of this year Stephan Brookes, who is trying to build a journalistic career on articles sympathetic to the SLORC, made a number of predictions in an article printed in the Asia Times entitled "What the year 1358 has in store for Myanmar." By the Burmese calendar, 1358 isn't quite over yet but as 1996 has come and gone, it is worth looking back at Brooke's predictions and assigning a tentative grade.=20 RE: ASIA TIMES: WHAT THE YEAR 1358 HAS IN STORE FOR MYANMAR April 17, 1996 by Stephen Brookes=20 BROOKES: Prediction One: Myanmar'[s economy will continue to grow rapidly. Despite the remaining distortions in the economy, gross domestic product can be expected to expand at a rate of more than seven percent annually, due to continued capital inflows, mobilization of domestic savings, confidence in political stability, increased opportunities for entrepreneurs, continued privatization of state - owned enterprises, improved infrastructure, the likelihood of increased foreign aid, and other factor= s. Agriculture, which makes up 55 percent of GDP, is being aided by government sponsored irrigation and fertilization programs, and is expected to continue the spectacular growth it has enjoyed for the past several years. And one of the key obstacles to industrial expansion -- the inadequate energy supply -- should be helped by new supplies of natural gas coming on line and the installation of gas turbine engines. REALITY: Brookes was wrong. Burma's economy is comatose. If there is any growth this year, which is unlikely, it will be de minimis. Foreign investment has dropped dramatically and many western companies have already pulled out. Even Asian companies are showing a reluctance to set up shop in Burma because selective purchasing laws in the United States would penalize them for doing so. Foreign aid is almost non-existent and the rice crop doesn't look good. Foreign oil companies even briefly stopped shipping gasoline to Burma because the government defaulted on its bill. Another default, which has not been widely reported yet, will cost an American tractor manufacturer several million dollars because the SLORC can't afford to pay for tractors its ordered and took delivery of.=20 BROOKES: Prediction Two: Foreign investment may level out, but domestic investment will increase. Businessmen are still scared of missing out on Myanmar's spectacular growth, but as more realistic expectations set in, foreign investment may slow from its frenetic pace of past years. Much of the recent investment has been in the hotel sector, and that may slow as investors assess occupancy rates during Visit Myanmar Year 1996. =20 Domestic investment is expected to increase, however, as more opportunities become available. Myanmar's first stock market will be opening this year, the banking sector is slowly being liberalized, and the huge amount of domestic savings that is now in the underground banking sector is starting to move back into the mainstream economy as savers regain confidence in the economy. REALITY: Brookes was wrong. Foreign investment has not leveled off. It is in a free fall. There has been almost no significant investment in Burma since the middle of 1996 and the country is now in an economic crisis. The rate of inflation is over 35% and the interest rate paid to savers is sharply negative. Most, if not all of the domestic investment seems to be coming from narcotics related figures such as Lo Hsing Han and the Asia World Company and Khun Sa. The most recent foreign investor to pull out is Peregrine, which generally does well even in countries plagued by corruption. That Burma is governed so poorly and corruptly that even Peregrine can't make money is not a promising sign for the SLORC.=20 BROOKES: Prediction Three: International aid will not flow in on a major scale. Myanmar is deeply in arrears on its foreign debt, for which it may receive help from individual countries. Japan, for example, recently agreed on the extension of debt - relief grants. However, while a number of countries, including Japan and South Korea, would like to see the IMF resume loans to Myanmar (specifically to provide the balance - of - payments support that would allow a smooth devaluation of the kyat), Washington is likely to continue to veto such aid. But as the SLORC moves to meet more of the IMF economic criteria for loans, Washington will face increasing isolation. REALITY: Brookes was right, sort of. Foreign aid is not forthcoming.=20 Washington is anything but isolated on this score because the lack of transparency in the Burmese economy is such that no outside organization is likely to put money into the country without significant economic reform= s.=20 BROOKES: Prediction Four: Aung San Suu Kyi will go on the offensive.=20 Yangon is rife with rumors that the NLD, frustrated over increasing irrelevance, is planning a dramatic confrontation with the government. One possibility is that Suu Kyi and her supporters would deliberately get themselves arrested in an act of civil disobedience, thereby refocusing the attention of the world press on themselves and possibly inspiring a national popular response. Few think a strategy is realistic, however. "Suu Kyi thinks that the country is ripe for revolution, that people will rise up against the government." says one diplomat in Yangon. "But it isn't -- that's just wishful thinking on her part. And the SLORC isn't stupid. They know that arresting her would only strengthen her position. They would arrest her supporters and leave her alone." REALITY: Brookes was wrong. The country, or at least the universities, were ripe for revolution. Aung San Suu Kyi has mostly played it cool.=20 She has called for sanctions and regularly criticizes the regime, but has not called for street demonstrations or staged acts of civil disobedience.= =20 Students on the other hand have staged a number of disciplined and non-violent demonstrations that came as a surprise to the SLORC. Suu Kyi does not appear to have had any role in organizing the demonstrations but the students also pretty clearly share the same goals and don't think of her as irrelevant. If anything, the lengths that the students have gone to to disclaim any overt allegiance to her or the NLD bespeak their concern for her safety. SLORC has been the one to push for a confrontation. The SLORC orchestrated physical attacks on her and other NLD leaders and has imposed a limited house arrest on her.=20 BROOKES: Prediction Five: Some personnel changes in the government are possible. Many of the members of the ruling SLORC are over the usual mandatory military retirement age of 60 and may retire this year. A number of military officials have been promoted in the past year, creating seven new Ministers Without Portfolio. REALITY: Brookes was wrong. So far, the only major change is the demotion of one minister to "Minister without Portfolio" because of his unseemly involvement with American investor Miriam Marshall Segal. Segal lost a multimillion dollar judgement to her former employer Peregrine and a SLORC minister was implicated in Segal's attempt to defraud the Hong Kong based company. On another note, Gen. Than Shwe is rumored to have suffered a stroke and does not appear healthy in public appearances. He may well be cashiered before 1358 is over.=20 BROOKES: Prediction Six: The policy of forced labor may be gradually abandoned. The government has been defending its use of forced labor in road building and other projects in recent months, but may decide that the negative international publicity isn't worth the price of free labor. It's already started to give out new road projects to private companies. REALITY: Brookes is probably wrong. SLORC is making a show of using more military labor on infrastructure projects but the evidence is ambiguous.=20 There may be some reduction in the amount of forced labor. But if there is a reduction, is is a modest amount so far and it would be a reduction from such a high starting point that even a reduced amount of slave labor would still constitute a violation of human rights on an extraordinary scale. The U.S. Embassy in Rangoon estimated the amount of slave labor used in Burma in 1995 to be equal in value to 27% of the government's cash revenue. That would require about 800,000 people per day on each day of the year. No other country uses slave labor on such a massive scale (even China with 20X the population probably does not use as many workers in its prison labor system). The road project that Brookes referred to as going to a private company went to a company owned by Lo Hsing Han, the heroin warlord. While the use of narcotics revenues to fund infrastructure is arguably less egregious than using slave labor, it is not endearing SLORC to western narcotics officials or governments.=20 BROOKES: Prediction Seven: The United States will become increasingly isolated. Despite the likelihood of more student protests on college campuses and the posturing of some Congressmen and Senators, the Clinton administration is unlikely to risk abandoning its fence - sitting policy during the election year.=20 Moreover, the US business community is said to be increasingly hostile toward legislation that would forbid American companies from investing in Myanmar. REALITY: Brookes was wrong. The U.S. has become less isolated as the Europeans have warmed to the idea of sanctions. The European Union just imposed sanction on Burma for its use of slave labor. The Clinton Administration will probably impose sanctions under the Cohen-Feinstein bill as well, which could trigger further European trade sanctions.=20 BROOKES: Prediction Eight: Myanmar will move closer to Asean. In fact, Myanmar may join the ASEAN Regional Forum this year, as part of its desire to become more involved in regional security and political issues. In contrast tot he position taken by the United States, ASEAN has expressed a desire for "constructive engagement" with Myanmar. With the US and Europe still opposing the SLORC's politics, Myanmar's future looks increasingly closely involved with its Asian neighbors. REALITY: Brookes was right, sort of. SLORC sought to move closer to ASEAN but ASEAN took some pains to move further away from SLORC.=20 According to some diplomats, SLORC's attempt to exploit ASEAN membership to deflect criticism over its human rights record was embarrassing.=20 SUMMARY: Out of eight predictions Brookes was wrong on six and gets=20 partial credit on two. As an analyst, Brookes' merits a D- or F. =20 Since Brookes went out on a limb to make predictions, it is only fair=20 (although probably not wise) to do the same. So here are a number of=20 predictions for 1997: 1. The United States will impose sanctions on Burma pursuant to the=20 Cohen-Feinstein Amendment, which will prohibit future investment in Burma= =20 by Americans. 2. Unocal will sell its stake in the Yadana pipeline to another=20 investor. Likely buyers are Total and Thailand's CP Group. 3. There will be more student demonstrations in 1997, to be followed by=20 more arrests. 4. After the U.S. imposes sanctions, SLORC will formalize the de facto=20 house arrest of Aung San Suu Kyi. 5. After SLORC formalizes the house arrest of Suu Kyi, the Japanese will=20 stop forgiving the foreign debt SLORC owed them ($150 million in interest= =20 every year on a principal of $3 billion). 6. Lo Hsing Han and/or one or more members of the SLORC will be indicted=20 in the United States on drug related charges. 7. After Singapore's election is over, the United States will increase=20 pressure on Singapore's government to cut its links to the SLORC through=20 its Government Investment fund. Singapore will distance itself from the SL= ORC. 8. The economy will continue to deteriorate and inflation will continue=20 at over 30%. News of SLORC's defaults on payments to foreign creditors=20 will scare off most new foreign investment. ***************************************************************** NATION: A TIME FOR CELEBRATIONS January 5, 1997 Burma's ethnic Mon guerrillas have been struggling for more than half a century for equal rights and self-determination - and their battle is far from over. The ceasefire that the New on State Party (NMSP) agreed to with the ruling Burmese military junta in June 1995 is anything but a permanent solution to the longstanding political turmoil involving the country's rich ethnic diversit= y. Unless the controversial political question is properly addressed to the satisfaction of more than a dozen major ethnic races, the country's 130-plus ethnic tribes, as well as the 15 armed ethnic groups, including the Mon. vow not to lay down their arms or surrender.=20 Like other ceasefire groups, the Mon are unhappy with the temporary truce and the junta's vague promise of prosperity from economic activities and social development in areas under their control. In fact, gross violations of human rights continue unabated, though different forms. Instead of forcibly recruiting villagers as unpaid workers= , Burmese=20 troops now use a new method of taxing and extracting the already meagre income of the poor locals to pay off their labour force. Some 17 different enterprises that the NMSP hoped would secure them a steady financial income during the transitional period have on the whole not-taken off and those that have usually run into difficulties from authoritative restrictions. An agreement from the ruling Burmese State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc) to allow the teaching of the Mon language and culture in NMSP-controlled schools and villages was met with a blunt order to end to such practices. (*BurmaNet Editor=92s Note: This is not exactly true. At the time of the ceasefire, the SLORC said they would not pay the salaries of Mon teachers teaching the Mon curriculum. They would pay the salaries of teachers teaching the SLORC curriculum, including former Mon teachers who were retrained to teach the SLORC curriculum. If the Mon wanted to use their curriculum, they could, but with no financial support. Since the NMSP gave up its right to tax the people, they have little money for a large-scale educational program. Nevertheless, they have managed to continue teaching their curriculum in most NMSP-controlled areas, although some teachers have faced intimidation from SLORC officials and troops and have had to close their schools. The Mon Education Department has also sponsored the teachin= g of Mon in Slorc-controlled schools. The Mons wanted to be able to teach Mo= n during school hours but were forced to accept an arrangement to teach after school is over. Various Mon groups have also organized summer education programs. The SLORC will not allow them to use schools for the Mon programs, so they must teach in monasteries or pavillions.) Worse still, the order for the eviction of Mon forces from their controlled territory in Mergui district brought about a serious split within the NMSP. In early November, some 100 Mon troops under the command of Col Oung Seik Hlein and Maj Sein Ba Than rose up against their leadership, stationed some 100 kilometres to the north, and formed their own movement called the Mon Army. The split unfortunately weakened the already weak Mon organisation that needs, more than anything else, a unified strong position to press, along with other armed ethnic groups, Slorc to agree to political negotiations. =20 =20 To boost the sagging morale and spirit of both the Mon troops and its civilians, the Mon National Liberation Army, the NMSP's_ military wing, decided to hold a celebration on Dec 18 at a=20 small village of Nyi Sa to mark the silver jubilee of its existence.=20 Some 500 Mon civilians from the neighbouring villages and towns, including Moulmein, the capital of Burma's Mon State, participated in the three-day event. About 30 Buddhist monks and novices from various temples, near and far, also attended the ceremony to give their blessings. A popular performing troupe of traditional Mon classical dance; travelled from Moulmein to entertain the locals and guests for the three nights.=20 The highlight of the event was a colourful parade of some 450 Mon troops, men and women, before the senior Mon leadership during which they pledged allegiance to the political cause of the Mon.: Although the celebration, which ended with a religious rite for, the construction of a Buddhist pagoda, was a time of joy and cheer, the Mon troops and people were repeatedly reminded that they are in need of strong unity and a commitment to carry on the unfinished task. In a declaration released on the occasion, the NMSP said the Mon was once a great kingdom and the Mon people, like other Burmese ethnic minorities, want all their national and ethnic rights respected. The ceasefire, it said, is not the answer to peace, national and ethnic rights, and national reconciliation. For the country and all its peoples to enjoy real peace and stability, a permanent solution that addresses the thorny question of ethnic rights and identities must be achieved through political dialogue. ********************************************************* NATION: LETTER TO EDITOR - SHANS NOT INVOLVED IN BORDER DRUG TRADE January 7, 1997 The article entitled =93Burmese unrest seen fuelling trade in heroin=94 by = Prith Iampongpaiboon was a very interesting report which once again proves that a= s long as political problems are not resolved, drugs will continue to stay an= d grow despite victories over drug warlords. However, I wish to point out that there=92s some misleading and unfounded accusations that ex-MTA forces who have defected and formed their own movements are involved in the drug trade. The Shan United Revolutionary Army is lead by ex-MTA and its guiding principles are: 1. National unity 2. Anti-aggression 9meaning SLORC as the aggressors) 3. Right of self-determination 4. Democracy 5. Peace 6. Anti-narcotics Members are not involved in drug production. They have pledged to a neighboring government (that greatly fears the influx of Shan drugs) that they will not engage in such activities and will do their best to cooperate with that government. - Sai Oot Kesi Chiang Mai ****************************************************** BKK POST: ESCAPE TO THAILAND January 5, 1997 RALPH BACHOE and PRASONG CHARASDMRONG It is not unusual for visitors walking on the main road in Mae Hong Son's Amphur Muang to be approached and asked, "Would you like a girl, sir?" Even before the visitor has a chance to reply, a small album emerges from a pocket. "Take a look, sir." The book contains snapshots of girls, of different ages and in various costumes from a youngster in a bathing suit to a smiling student lying on a king-sized bed. While the visitor scans the album, the salesman provides a running commentary: "That girl is a Thai Yai [from Burma's Shan State]. That one is a Pa-o [a Burmese hilltribe]. They just arrived." Such meetings also occur in other border areas, including Chiang Rai, Chiang Mai, and Tak. They take place in Kanchanaburi, in the central plains, and even in Ranong in the South. "Choose any girl, sir, I'll bring her to you right away." The offer is not necessarily one of prostitution, child labour is peddled and sold in the same way, providing a heap work force for construction, logging and mining jobs shunned y most Thai workers. For those in need of restaurant workers or farm hands for harvesting rice, planting onion bulbs or feeding pigs, this source of inexpensive labour is readily available.=20 =20 No job is too menial for an ever increasing number of hilltribe people Shan and several other ethnic groups as well as Burmans, all of whom easily cross the thousands of kilometres, long border Thailand shares with Burma along her western and northern frontiers.=20 The phenomenon is not just limited to Burma, either. Cheap foreign labour is also arriving from Laos and Cambodia. =20 Some observers blame economic difficulties in these neighbouring countries for the influx of foreign workers.=20 However, a strong case can be made that blatant human rights abuses committed by the governments of these countries is the real reason why their citizens are leaving for Thailand. Shan refugees: It was reported last March that Burma's ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc) had launched one of its largest relocation programmes ever within the Central Shan State, a programme which continues to this day.=20 =20 According to a recent report by the Shan Human Rights Foundation (SHRF), the Slorc has relocated over 100,000 people from over 600 villages in over 8,000 square kilometres into 45 main relocation sites. The report describes these new sites as nothing but barren land, and the people must build their own shelter and find their own food. For many the only "work" is forced labour on Slorc's infrastructure projects. The Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) and the Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN) estimate that over 20,000 Shan, including young children and elderly men and women have fled into Thailand in search of food and security. With the addition ' of these Shan and other refugees from I Burma, the number of displaced Burmese in Thailand has swelled to , 700,000. However, when the deadline for illega= l immigrants in Thailand to apply for temporary work permits expired on November 29, 1996, less than half this number actually registered. Alien workers whether they be here legally or illegally, are being employed at construction sites and farms throughout the Kingdom, and, in some instances, women moonlight as prostitutes. The 'four cuts': Displacement of Burmese tribesmen and the forced re; location in the Shan State are nothing new. In 1950, when the Burmese Army first entered the area on the pretext of driving away the Chinese nationalist KMT (who were pushed into the Shan State from China's Yunnan province by Mao Tse Tung's troops), various human rights violations were committed by both the Burmese army and the KMT. The situation worsened after the military seized power in 1962 and resistance forces sprang up all over the Shan State. In their attempts to crush the opposition forces, the Burmese Army gave little thought to the well being of the Burmese people. One-of their most infamous tools was the so-called "Four Cuts Operation"=97the goal being to cut off food, funds, intelligence and recruits provided by local villagers to the resistance armies. Hence, whole villages were forced to move to sites which could be closely guarded. Throughout the past 30 years, large areas of the Shan State have been subject to such disruptions. However, the massive forced relocations in 1996 were unprecedented in scale. Before the 1996 relocation: Last January, the Khun Sa-led Shan Mong Tai Army (MTA) surrendered to the Slorc. Some members of the army, however, moved north, away from former MTA areas along the Thai-Burmese border, to join other resistance groups such as the Shan State Army and the Shan State National Army, both of which had signed ceasefire agreements with the Slorc.=20 =20 These ex-MTA soldiers regrouped and formed a new army which was later called the Shan United Revolutionary Army (Sura), under the leadership of Major Yord Serk. By late January, the breakaway Shan troops had moved north of the Salween River and were headed toward Larng Kher. Early in February, they clashed with Slorc Infantry Battalion 99 on the Larng Kher-Murng Pan Road, 4.8 kilometres east of Larng Kher. Slorc troops suffered heavy casualties. In an attempt to stop the Shan troops from heading further north,=20 the Slorc ordered locals to stand guard along the Murng Nai-Keng Tong-Keng Kham roads. Despite this, the Shan group managed to get through at Par Sar village, eight kilometres sought of the battalion's base at Ton Hong Keng Tong village, and the Slorc troops were furious. According to witnesses, they set fire to Par Sar village. By February, the breakaway Shan troops were in central Shan State. The Slorc responded with drastic measures. In early March, to prevent villagers from providing support to Shan soldiers, the Slorc systematically relocated entire villages to sites along main roads and near Slorc army bases. Forced relocation: Once- thriving farming communities in eight=20 townships became depopulated "free-fire" zones; Larng Kher, Murng Nai,=20 Nam Zarng, Lai Kha, Murng Kerng, Kun Hing, Ke See and Murng Su. The villagers were given five days to move. Soldiers threatened to shoot anyone who did not comply. Relocation sites were often a day away on foot. Villagers with bullock carts were able to carry some of their belongings with them; those walking could only bring what they were able to carry in their arms. Farmers were forced to leave their arms. Farmers were forced to leave their crops and most of their animals, many of which were then "confiscated" by Slorc troops. The relocation sites were merely empty areas along roads. Those lucky enough to have relatives in towns were able to stay with them; rest had to build makeshift huts for shelter. Living conditions were crude and unsanitary, and many of the villagers died of malnurishemnt and illness. Those that survived resorted to begging.=20 At some sites, Slorc troops forced villagers to stand guard along the roads and to clear trees and bushes so that reble soldiers would not have a place to hide. Others had to work in Slorc military camps or on road-building projects. Over 100,000 people were affected and 20,000 of these have already moved to Thailand. Continuing migration; An immigration officer in Mae Hong Son who denied knowing anything about the forced relocation commented, "I have a feeling that the influx will continue." Ten illegal immigrants are arrested by Thai police every day. They are taken to court, given jail sentences, and after serving their prison term, are returned to various border points. Despite such risks, the process then starts all over again once the workers are released. In the Burmese village of Na Mon, 10 kilometres from the Thai border and 14 kilometres from Khun Sa's former Mong Tai Army headquarters in Ho Mong, a steady stream of young men and women make their way for Thailand. When Sunday Perspective asked one young man where he was going he answered matter of factly, "We are going to Mae Hong Son to find a job." ************************************************************* ANNOUNCEMENT: JOIN THE BURMESE STUDIES GROUP January 6, 1997 From: "Myo Nyunt" The Burmese Studies Group is a network of students, academics and members of the wider community who have a common interest in the better understandi= ng of Burma. At present most of the Burmese Studies Group are located in Perth, Western Australia, but have associates and members in other States and in Burma, Netherlands, Canada, Malaysia, Papua New Guinea and Singapore= . The aim of the BSG is the promotion of Burmese Studies and Knowledge of Burma in Australia through the organisation of academic activities includin= g seminars, lectures, informal discussions, conferences, workshops etc on a w= ide range of areas in Burmese Studies, including history, geography, economics, politics, language, environment, culture, and current affairs. Membership is open to any person who has an interest in Burmese Studies. Benefits to members includes (i) notification of BSG activities (ii) list of Burmese Studies research being carried out by BSG members (iii) free admission to BSG monthly seminars (iv) opportunity to meet and exchange ideas with scholars of Burma in Western Australia The operational cost of the BSG is supported by an annual membership fee and donations. The fee for students is $5.00 and for non-students $10.00. The Burmese Studies Group Committee (interim) consists of- Coordinator: Dr Nancy Hudson -Rodd, Director, Centre for Development Studies, Edith Cowan University Secretary: Dr Myo Nyunt, Research Scholar, Centre for Development Studies, Edith Cowan University Committee: Mr Thaung Naing; Mr Robert Peters; Ms Khin Myo Myint Burmese Studies Group Dr Myo Nyunt Centre for Development Studies Faculty of Health and Human Sciences Edith Cowan University Pearson Street, Churchlands Western Australia 6018 Tel. (09) 2738572, Fax (09) 2738872 email M.Nyunt@cowan.edu.au *********************************************************