Subject: BurmaNet News January 21, 1997 Date: Tue, 21 Jan 1997 03:14:53 -0800 (PST) From: strider@igc.apc.org Reply-To: Conference "reg.burma" To: Recipients of burmanet-l ------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------ "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ---------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News: January 21, 1997 Issue #617 HEADLINES: ========== THE ECONOMIST: TROUBLE IN THE PIPELINE STRAITS TIMES: EUROPE-ASIA TIES HEADED FOR ROUGH PATCH INDEPENDENT LETTER: RE - NLD LEADERSHIP NATION: NLD MEETS BLOCKED OVER COMPLAINTS, CLAIMS SLORC FBC PRESS STATEMENT: J. CREW DROPS BURMA ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- THE ECONOMIST: TROUBLE IN THE PIPELINE January 18, 1997 Myanmar IN THE past couple of years, a stream of western companies have stopped doing business in Myanmar. But the demurrings of companies like Heineken, a Dutch brewer, and Macy's, a New York department store, are mere pinpricks. Arguably, there is only one project that really matters to the military junta that runs the county. That is the pipeline being built by two oil companies, Unocal of California and Total of France. Their $1 billion joint venture with state owned companies from both Myanmar and Thailand, to pipe gas from the Andaman Sea to Thailand, accounts for about a third of all foreign investment committed in Myanmar. The gas sold to Thailand will, on conservative estimates, earn Myanmar $200m a year -- equivalent to a quarter of the country's total 1996 export earnings. Gas used domestically would increase Myanmar's generating capacity by 30%. Small wonder the pipeline is known as Yadana, "treasure". The pipeline may be a treasure to the junta but it is an increasing worry to the western companies involved. Late last year, Bill Clinton signed legislation giving him the power to ban all new American investment in Myanmar. Unocal, whose investment is already under way; may not be directly affected. But it could still get fed up with the hassle associated with its involvement. The company says it would have no trouble finding a buyer, probably in Asia, for its 28.26% stake in the project. Unocal and Total (the pipeline's operator) see themselves as victims of a concerted disinformation campaign. At first they were attacked for the environmental consequences of the project; then attention turned to alleged mistreatment of the locals. They are fighting back, taking journalists and American congressmen on tours of the pipeline area. Work is proceeding steadily, on schedule for production to start in July 1998. Thousands of lengths of pipe have already been shipped in. Many lie ready for welding and burying. In the next few months, the dry season, the way will be cleared through hilly jungle to the Thai border. The pipeline will have to be heavily protected because it has become a target for the junta's enemies,. including a rebel ethnic group the Karen National Union. In March 1995, a Total survey team, guarded by soldiers, was ambushed by guerrillas from this group. Five of Total's local employees were killed. Total denies reports of three further attacks, the most recent last October. But its workers and subcontractors now move by bullet-proof jeep and helicopter within a "security corridor" along the proposed route. In theory, they stay inside the corridor, and the government's soldiers stay out. Reality is messier than that. The government of Myanmar is contractually obliged to provide access to Total's corridor and to protect it. Two lawsuits brought by human rights activists in America allege that, in securing access to the pipeline, the army has indulged in a range of brutal behaviour. One suit includes evidence from local inhabitants. If its backers can establish jurisdiction in America, they say they will have to prove only "proximate cause" -- that the project's sponsors should have foreseen that there would be brutality. Refugees who have fled the area for the Thai border say some villagers have been forcibly uprooted, and that conscript labour is widely used for building roads and for a north-south railway line that will cross the pipeline. Total says that, to win local support, it gives generous compensation for land acquired for the route, and pays, by Myanmar's standards, high wages to its workers, whom it hires directly. It also pays for a $2m a-year "socio-economic programme". It has brought generators to villages that had no electricity, and provided schools, doctors, hospitals and even a church roof. It also gives seed money for shrimp, pig, cattle, poultry and goat farms. Because of all this, says Total, the 35,000 people in the 13 villages in its corridor welcome the project. And indeed, when confronted by a delegation of oil-company managers and journalists, local residents confirm this. But in one tea-shop the jolly music blaring from a cassette player is a Karen National Union campaign song. The social budget has another use: paying local inhabitants conscripted by the army for forced labour. Total officials reason that, since the practice cannot be stopped altogether even in "their" area, its effects should at least be mitigated. In one six week period last dry season, 463 villagers were paid for conscripted labour, even though Total says the tasks they performed had nothing to do with their project. Such payments sum up the debate about foreign investment in Myanmar. Do they show how foreign money can help improve life? Or do they, rather show how it helps prop up a repellent system? Myanmar's opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi has no doubt. She has repeatedly asked foreigners, to wait before investing. In 1990, her party easily won a free election so she is more than just a carping dissident. Foreign businesses naturally resist taking sides in domestic political disputes. Miss Suu Kyi, however has left them no choice. ********************************************************** STRAITS TIMES: EUROPE-ASIA TIES HEADED FOR ROUGH PATCH OVER MYANMAR January 20, 1997 BRUSSELS -- The European Union's drive to deepen ties with Asia is in danger of coming apart at the seams over the divisive issue of how to handle Myanmar's military government, senior sources in Brussels fear. EU foreign ministers meet here today to lay the ground for a meeting with their Asian counterparts in Singapore next month. The Singapore talks are due to discuss the follow-up to last year's landmark Europe-Asia summit in Bangkok. But with the days ticking away to the Feb 14-15 encounter, officials here admit that the EU has little idea of how it will be able to avoid divisions over Myanmar, wrecking plans for Britain to host a second summit of European and Asian leaders next year. With Myanmar set to join Asean some time this year, the EU will hardly be able to exclude it from the broader Asia-Europe Meeting forum established in Bangkok, which includes China, Japan and South Korea as well as the Asean states. But with the Yangon leaders currently banned from visiting Europe under EU visa restrictions imposed as part of a package of sanctions introduced last year, it is difficult to see how the current Myanmar government could be represented at the London summit. >From the EU's point of view, the ideal solution would be for Myanmar's entry to Asean to be delayed. But attempts last year to apply behind-the-scenes pressure on this point backfired. Proposals from the European Commission to upgrade EU-Asean ties are also being blocked by Portugal, which is attempting to squeeze concessions from Indonesia over East Timor. A senior British official said discussions in Singapore would focus largely on trade and other economic issues, with the sensitive political points left to contacts on the sidelines. "It is a question of inching forward rather than taking big steps," he acknowledged. The EU could choose to adopt a more aggressive stance on Myanmar and other human-rights issues, he said. "But if by doing that, the relationship breaks down, then we will achieve nothing." The EU is particularly concerned that a breakdown in its political relationship with Asean could have a detrimental impact on its trade with the most dynamic economies in the world. The total value of exchanges more than doubled between 1994 and 1995 to 130 billion ECUs (S$220.2 billion).(ST) ******************************************************** INDEPENDENT LETTER: RE - NLD LEADERSHIP January 20, 1997 From: Chan Re: An article printed in the 10th of January, Asia Times by Stephen Brookes titled, "Myanmar opposition banishes dissenters", "The Lines Between Has Been Read" by Wunna Thi Ha, Bangkok, Thailand and " SLORC has Sowed Dissension in the NLD" by Zarni. First of all I appreciate all authors interest on this issue. AFP's report is read as one-sided at glance view of what is going on in Burma. Zarni's explanation is read the observation of a student activist who, if I am correct, was not been a member of the NLD party. The argument of Wunna Thi Ha, I do not know who he represents was just an anti-NLD and anti-Daw Aung San Suu Kyi sentiment. My concern is on your discussion of the NLD leadership. As a member and who contested with NLD ticket in 1990 election, I am obliged to add my point of view. I admire of Zarni's knowledge of the NLD while I was sorry to read Wunna Thi Ha's blind allegation. Among three of us I might be the guy who knows NLD better than others. Anyhow as I have been physically away from it for almost six years mine is not an official response. The NLD itself is not in a position to express freely either. You know the NLD was formed on 27th September 1988 led by 33-member Central committee. Practically is not a single political party but a league which simulates the AFPFL formed at the wake of Independence. Remember this is a struggle for second independence. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, in 1989 told that a political party needed 2 to 5 years to constitute to become a well-organised democratic party. Many disagreed with her comment at that time because the majority of people were dying to replace the military regime as quickly as possible. But she was not wrong. NLD welcomed the people of all walks of life. Ex-military personals, former BSPP members, veterans, freshers and those who once have read Marxism. The NLD contested the election before it could convene a country-wide conference. Party elections were able to carry out in some districts at the level of village- tracts and townships. It is not deniable that, till today the party has no elected leadership from the grass-root. But it is the party which has mandate of the people. It was to be proud that the entire population, not the NLD steered to win the election 1I May 1990. NLD leadership and individual elected MPs thank to the people saying that the people deserved credit. Moreover, other political parties like DPNS, Thakin Soe's party, PPP, and all parties of young generation helped NLD wining against the SLORC-backed NUP. Many NLD candidates understood that they won not because they could woo the voters. The voters realised that solid majority was necessary to cut roots of Ne Win's regime. The NLD leadership proved qualified and eligible. Don't forget the Gandhi conference. When Aung San Suu Kyi was released from house-arrest she asked the people, not only her party but all other parties and the people to offer 100% support. She appealed for full backing and to put difference on the ice for the time being. On behalf of the NLD she sought such help because it was a crucial cross-road. NLD is staging a war against a brutal tyranny. She was not wrong, wasn't she? The present NLD has seven top leaders after her release. You can recall how the party was reinforced. In her and U Kyi Maung's absence, many sad things happened in the party circle. It was natural but not normal. Who can guess accurately how SLORC ventured to sabotage the NLD? The then leadership had a thin line to walk: survival of the party and implementation of the party policies under constant pressure by SLORC and its members. The decisions to participate and to walk out of the National convention were also reasonable. Everyone recognised how delicate the interim (U Aung Shwe) leadership of NLD was. But he proved he had led the party intact for last six years. It is not a joke. When the jailed leaders resumed their work they were right to review the policies. The party thought 1996 was the year to double the effort. The strategy was not just to wait and see and follow after the SLORC's direction. The NLD did everything its best as a legal election wining political party. It was not only courageous but also wise. The reason why NLD walked out the NC was clear and rational. It might not be of 100%. Give a safe margin of 80. Investment and visit year sanction calls are also the upright claims if you learn the experiences of struggles against the unjust regimes. These are not the policies mentioned in the manifesto but the tolls of pressure the junta to succumb the drives and demands. Here also it can't be cent percent agreed. The leadership had received the mandate given by majority of township level representatives. The leadership constantly tried to consult with remote party branches. Like Wunna Thi Ha, SLORC did not fail to accuse NLD of centralised decision makings. What happened to the country-wide party congress in the last May? Do you expect 100% agreement among 2 million members and 392 elected MPs? In a healthy democratic atmosphere, minority views will not be ignored and be protected. The situation in Burma is not normal. I am absolutely sure the NLD leadership is doing its best to fulfil the will of (82% of) the people. My colleagues and I give 100% support to them. Tint Swe Elected Peoples' Hluttaw Representative Pale constituency (2), NLD ************************************************** NATION: NLD MEETS BLOCKED OVER COMPLAINTS, CLAIMS SLORC January 20, 1997 Agence France-Presse BURMA'S military junta claimed yesterday that supporters of Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi were being blocked from gathering to hear pro-democracy speeches because of public complaints. The statement followed an earlier one on Saturday in which Burmese military intelligence disclosed that 20 people, including six members of Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD), were sentenced to seven years in prison for their roles in student demonstrations last month. The statement received yesterday said weekend public addresses by NLD leaders were blocked by neighbourhood leaders who were acting on complaints from the community. "Local people living in these wards have objected and prevented the NLD members from using the road junction as a political stage," as they were "very much disturbed by the weekend gatherings," the statement said. In recent weeks, local men organised by ward leaders, to maintain order at large public festivals, have been employed to block gatherings - a task previously undertaken by armed riot police - at a site about a kilometre (half mile) from Aung San Suu Kyi's home. After being pushed out of the area on Saturday afternoon by men in civilian clothes wearing yellow armbands marked "on duty for the people," the crowd dispersed and regrouped at Rangoon's famed Shwedagon Pagoda, witnesses said. NLD co-vice chairman Tin Oo attempted to enter the pagoda's upper platform, but was turned away by the temple trustees, and the crowd dispersed once again without incident. "Since his real intention was quite obvious, the responsible pagoda trustees urged U Tin Oo not to use this sacred religious grounds for staging party politics," the military statement said. On Jan 11, riot police had chased NLD supporters away from their gathering site because they had assembled "with the intention to disrupt" the passing of a ceremonial torch to the national games along the route, it said. Roadblocks around Aung San Suu Kyi's residence, first set up at the end of September to prevent the holding of a party congress, have also kept away the crowds that gathered there every weekend for 14 months to hear her speak, following her release from six years of house arrest. The NLD is Burma's largest political party, having won over 80 per cent of the seats in national elections organised by the junta in 1990 but never ratified. In the statement received on Saturday, Burma's military intelligence said 20 people, including six NLD members, had been sentenced to seven years in prison for "inciting students and non-students during December 1996 student demonstrations." Those demonstrations were the most defiant student actions seen in the Burmese capital since the military took power after brutally suppressing nationwide pro-democracy demonstrations in 1988. Aung San Suu Kyi said over telephone from Rangoon on Saturday that the junta conducted summary trials and denied access to counsel. "The families were not given access to the people concerned and neither were the lawyers we had arranged to defend them ... in direct contradiction to the spirit and the letter of the law," she said. The illegitimacy of the proceedings cast doubt on the verdict, the Nobel Peace Prize laureate said. Burma's military government has accused the NLD of being partly responsible for instigating the demonstrations but Aung San Suu Kyi has repeatedly denied any involvement. Up to 1,000 students participated in the biggest of the protests, which was ringed by non-student supporters before it was violently broken up by armed riot police and troops on Dec 7. The spate of demonstrations was triggered by the beating of three students in police custody following a minor incident at a tea shop, but the demands quickly expanded to encompass the right of students to form a national union. ***************************************************************** FBC PRESS STATEMENT: J. CREW DROPS BURMA January 20, 1997 dohrs@u.washington.edu STOPS WORK IN MILITARY-OWNED FACTORY JANUARY 20, 1997--NEW YORK--J. Crew, a $750 million apparel manufacturer and retailer with 80 stores in 25 states, is terminating its operations in the Southeast Asian dictatorship of Burma (Myanmar). The decision is due to numerous requests from customers, according to Diane Chang, J. Crew's Vice President of manufacturing. J. Crew had been working with Yangon Knit Garment Manufacturing Co., Ltd. which is substantially owned by the Burmese junta's Ministry of Industry. The Ministry is headed by Lt.-General Sein Aung, a member of the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). "This is yet another sign that the SLORC is bad for business" says Zarni, coordinator of the US-based Free Burma Coalition. "As long as there is no change in the deplorable political and human rights situation, and no change in the corrupt practices of the generals, business conditions will remain intolerable" he adds. Even hard-nosed financial player Peregrine Investment Holdings of Hong Kong has fled from Burma, saying that promised privatization "has not materialized." Other companies leaving Burma in the past six months include Kodak, Apple Computer, Hewlett Packard, Heineken, Wente Vineyards, Carlsberg, Motorola and Walt Disney. "We want Burma to be free and prosperous. (But) until we have a system that guarantees rule of law and basic democratic institutions, no amount of aid or investment will benefit our people," says Burmese democracy leader and Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. A European Commission investigation concluded in December that the SLORC is systematically using forced labor in Burma, and called for the withholding of GSP privileges for products from Burma. The US blocks Burmese access to International Monetary Fund and World Bank loans because of SLORC's noncooperation in counternarcotics efforts. Burma produces more opium and heroin than the rest of the world combined. US Assistant Secretary of State for International Narcotics Affairs Robert Gelbard wrote in the November 14 Far Eastern Economic Review "SLORC is protecting the drug trade and flaunting its defiance of international concern." "This is not a place where even responsible companies can do clean business" says Zarni, adding that the US Embassy in Burma concluded in a July, 1996 report "It seems likely that a large share of the garments of Burmese origin recently imported into the United States may have been produced by factories owned at least in part by (SLORC) or by individuals or firms whose wealth originally derived chiefly from the opiates sector." Companies still in Burma include Ralph Lauren, Unocal, PepsiCo, Texaco, ARCO, Mitsui and Mitsubishi. CONTACT: Zarni, Free Burma Coalition, 608-233-2199 Dr. Sein Win, National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma, 202-393-7342 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- ------------ BURMANET SUBJECT-MATTER RESOURCE LIST BurmaNet regularly receives enquiries on a number of different topics related to Burma. If you have questions on any of the following subjects, please direct email to the following volunteer coordinators, who will either answer your question or try to put you in contact with someone who can: Campus activism: zni@students.wisc.edu Boycott campaigns: [Pepsi] ai268@freenet.carleton.ca Buddhism: Buddhist Relief Mission: brelief@gol.com Chin history/culture: [volunteer temporarily away] Fonts: tom@cs.colgate.edu High School Activism: [volunteer needed] History of Burma: zni@students.wisc.edu International Affairs: Julien Moe: moe@interport.net Kachin history/culture: 74750.1267@compuserve.com Karen history/culture: Karen Historical Society: 102113.2571@Compuserve.com Mon history/culture: [volunteer needed] Naga history/culture: Wungram Shishak: z954001@oats.farm.niu.edu Burma-India border Aung San Myint: aungsan@giasd101.vsnl.net.in Pali literature: "Palmleaf": c/o burmanet@igc.apc.org Pipeline Campaign freeburma@irn.org Resettlement info: refugee_help@mail.serve.com Rohingya culture volunteer needed Shan history/culture: Sao Hpa Han: burma@ix.netcom.com Shareholder activism: simon_billenness@mail.cybercom.net Total - France Dawn Star: cd@utopia.EUnet.fr Tourism campaigns: bagp@gn.apc.org "Attn. S.Sutcliffe" volunteering: refugee_help@mail.serve.com World Wide Web: FreeBurma@POBox.com Geographical Contacts: Massachusetts simon_billenness@mail.cybercom.net [Feel free to suggest more areas of coverage] --------------------------------------------------------------------------- FREE BURMA WEB PAGES: http://FreeBurma.org This single page serves only as an easy to remember URL and departure point to resources promoting the establishment of democracy in Burma. Please write to FreeBurma@pobox.com to add a site or for further information." - Glen, system administrator FREE BURMA COALITION: to get involved in the Free Burma Coalition, send a message to: zni@students.wisc.edu or visit their homepage, accessible through: http:// FreeBurma.org There is also an e-mail list-server especially for Free Burma activists BURMANET SUBSCRIPTION INFORMATION: The BurmaNet News is an electronic newspaper covering Burma. Articles from newspapers, magazines, newsletters, the wire services and the Internet as well as original material are published. It is produced with the support of the Burma Information Group (B.I.G) and the Research Department of the ABSDF. We are also grateful to many other friends around the world who send us articles to post. The BurmaNet News is e-mailed directly to subscribers and is also distributed via the soc.culture.burma and seasia-l mailing lists. For a free subscription to the BurmaNet News: send a message to: majordomo@igc.apc.org a. For the BurmaNet News only: in the message, type: subscribe burmanews-l b. For the BurmaNet News and 4-5 other messages a day: in the message, type: subscribe burmanet-l (NOTE: all lower case letters, last letter is a lower case "L", not the numeral one). Letters to the editor, comments or contributions of articles should be sent to the editor at: strider@igc.apc.org ***************************************************