------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------ "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ---------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News: June 4, 1997 Issue #741 HEADLINES: ========== BKK POST: MORE THAN 300 MON REBELS SURRENDER SLORC: INFORMATION SHEET NO-A-0051 LA TIMES: UNOCAL SHAREHOLDERS BACK MYANMAR DEALS KOREA HERALD: HYUNDAI-DAEWOO-LG CONSORTIUM THAILAND TIMES: THAILAND TO TAKE STRICT MEASURES BKK POST: BURMA REFUSES TO BACK DOWN IN BORDER BKK POST: PHILIPPINE PRESS OUTRAGED BKK POST: YADANA PIPELINE RUNS INTO FOREST BAN WP: ROAD OF WWII FAME NOW BRINGS ARMS FROM CHINA THE NATION:FOUR COUNTRIES SQUARE OFF ON THE BANKS S.H.A.N:FIAN INTERNATIONAL CAMPAIGN FOR SHAN REFUGEES ----------------------------------------------------------------- BKK POST: MORE THAN 300 MON REBELS SURRENDER June 3, 1997 Suthep Chaviwan Solemn ceremony held at last stronghold More than 300 Mon rebels surrendered to the Burmese forces near the Thai border in Prachuab Khiri Khan and handed over some 1,700 pieces of arms and ammunition yesterday, a Mon rebel source said. The solemn surrendering ceremony was held at the last Mon stronghold in Chong Chee, an unofficial border pass between Thailand and Burma, close to the Thai border district of Bang Saphan. The rebels are now under the complete control of Burma's 2nd Tactical Command, headed by Col Khin Muang Kyi who disarmed them, said the source. The 300, under the command of Lt-Col Aung Hliang, and more than 1,000 members of their families had broken away from the mainstream New Mon State Party nearly two years ago. They had denounced their leader, Nai Shwe Kyin, who is the president of the New Mon State Party and also commander of the Mon forces, for contacting the ruling junta and signing a ceasefire agreement with the Slorc. The 300 Mon rebels who opted for a new name, "Mergui Mon Army", also rebelled against the mainstream NMSP's armed fighters, and their former regional commander, Col Nai Aung Nai, who was in charge in this area and was driven out after expressing support for NMSP president Nai Shwe Kyin's decision to seek peace and negotiate with the ruling junta. The 300-strong force of the Mon rebels announced that they will fight until they achieve their goal of obtaining autonomy for the Mon state. Two Mon rebel officers said they were under heavy pressure to give up fighting because the rebel force had been surrounded by the 2nd Tactical Command of Col Khin Muang Kyi since last week. "The 2nd Tactical Command had dispatched more than 1,000 armed soldiers to our area. If we do not surrender we will die," said the two Mon officers, who fled to Bangkok. The breakaway Mergui Mon Army was earlier regarded as tough. They had the largest arms cache and many of these weapons were left behind by those who left the force, seeking asylum in Thailand in an effort to resume normal life, or surrendering. Some 700 family members of the 300 Mon rebels have moved into Thailand's Bang Saphan district. A Christian relief worker who is familiar with Mon affairs said after this latest Mon surrender that none of the Mon groups are now fighting against the Slorc. It is too early to predict the fate of those who surrendered. The Slorc may help them in some way, he said. There are about 17,200 Mon refugees in Thailand. There are an estimated four million ethnic Mons in Burma. (BP) *************************************** SLORC: INFORMATION SHEET NO-A-0051 June 3, 1997 From: OKKAR66127@aol.com (1) The break away group from the mainstream New Mon State Party called Beik Mon Army traded their arms for peace on the 31st of May 1997. This group of (150) men headed by Battalion Commander Aung Thaik Hym handed over (470) assorted arms to the local commander. This group is being assisted by the authorities concerned to reside in Chaun- Chi area near Beik region. The Beik Mon Army was part of the New Mon State Party which was lead by Chairman U Naing Shwe Kyin. The NMSP came back into the legal fold on the 29th of June 1995 and on the 6th of November 1996 a group headed by Aung Thaik Hym broke away from the NMSP because of interparty differences. The Beik Mon Army has brought in 90 family members together with them and the remaining (150) men in arms and 700 family members stationed across the border are expected to follow suit, it is learnt. (2) On the 28th. of May 1997 at Myanmar-China border near Muse called Kyu-Hkok an arrest was made where 100 kg of Amphetamine Base was seized. It is learnt that the chemicals were caught on a vehicle coming in from across the border. (3) On the 31st. of May morning the spouse of the British Ambassador Mr. Gordon visited Mrs. Aris at the latter's residence at the University Avenue, it is learnt. ********************************* LA TIMES: UNOCAL SHAREHOLDERS BACK MYANMAR DEALS June 3, 1997 Evelyn Iritani Energy: Proposals critical of company's involvement in the country are soundly rejected. Unocal shareholders cast a strong vote of support Monday for the company's effort to transform itself into a global energy player and overwhelmingly rejected two proposals critical of the company's controversial partnership with Myanmar. While a group of 50 colorfully clad protesters kept up a steady chant outside Monday's annual meeting in Brea, Chairman and Chief Executive Roger Beach delivered an upbeat assessment of the "New Unocal," which has all but abandoned its California roots in the last year. The biggest step was its $2-billion sale earlier this year of its domestic refineries and gas station network to Tosco to free up money to invest in more lucrative exploration operations abroad, particularly in Asia. To make his point that Unocal is headed in the right direction, Beach highlighted the company's improved 1996 numbers: earnings of more than double the previous year's, an increase in shareholder value of 46% and record energy production. "The challenge of the future is not finding the opportunities but deciding which ones to pursue," Beach said. But the standing-room-only crowd heard a different interpretation from critics who accused the company of jeopardizing its long-term profitability by cozying up to dictators and profiting from forced labor, political repression and environmental abuse. They were particularly critical of Unocal's participation in a $1.2-billion pipeline in Myanmar (formerly Burma), whose repressive military regime has been widely condemned for waging a war of terror against its political opponents. Some also questioned Unocal's loyalty to the U.S., accusing the longtime California company of pursuing a "de-Americanization campaign." The audience included at least a dozen former Unocal employees who had lost their jobs in the Tosco sale. While the new owner agreed to keep all but 100 of Unocal's union jobs, the employees are unhappy with their slimmed-down work force and the terms of their new contract. Urban Showe, who was waving a protest sign outside Monday's meeting, was hired by Tosco. But the longtime member of the Oil, Chemical & Atomic Workers Union said he still felt betrayed by Unocal's decision to spend its money in such political hot spots as China, Azerbaijan and Indonesia. "They gave up on American labor and took all their jobs overseas," said the 28-year-old refinery operator from Long Beach. On Monday, the company announced it was joining an oil exploration project off the coast of Brunei in the South China Sea. Numerous other big U.S. oil companies are following similar overseas strategies, a response to dwindling reserves and shrinking profit margins at home. While the two Myanmar shareholder resolutions were soundly defeated Monday, Joe Drexler, a spokesman for the oil workers union, which backed one of the measures, said he was "ecstatic" to have gotten enough votes--more than 3%--to get the measures reintroduced next year. One resolution required Unocal to assess the financial cost of the growing opposition to its business in Myanmar. The other called for investigation into charges that the state-owned Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise, a Unocal partner in Myanmar, is involved in the heroin trade. Beach said he and other top Unocal executives could not speak freely on Myanmar because they are defendants in one of two pending federal lawsuits. The plaintiffs are attempting to hold Unocal responsible for human rights abuses allegedly committed by Myanmar's leaders. Unocal's chief assured his audience that the lawsuits and other anti-Myanmar measures--such as boycotts and selective purchasing laws--were "without merit" and had only cost the company $1 million last year in lost business or legal fees. Beach also reiterated that the Clinton administration's recent ban on new investment by U.S. companies in Myanmar would not halt the company's present projects, including the Yadana gas pipeline, a second energy project for Myanmar and an additional offshore exploration project. ************************************** KOREA HERALD: HYUNDAI-DAEWOO-LG CONSORTIUM SEEKING BUSINESS IN BURMA May 29, 1997 A consortium of three Korean general trading companies (GTCs) has won a $15 million contract to supply electric machinery and equipment to Myanmar [Burma], company officials said yesterday. In what the officials said is another case of strategic alliance among domestic competitors, Hyundai Corp., Daewoo Corp. and LG International Corp. will jointly supply electric wires, transformers, insulators, circuit breakers and street lamps to the Southeast Asian country by December. Representatives of the consortium signed the contract with Myanmar Electric Power Enterprise in Yangon Thursday. The contract will be financed with the low-cost loans from the Korean government's Economic Development Cooperation Fund (EDCF), said an official at Daewoo Corp. "It illustrates a good example for the domestic trading giants to develop overseas markets through mutual cooperation," said the official. "The contract carries particular significance for providing us with greater cooperative potential." The three companies plan to go all out to secure more business opportunities in Myanmar, formerly Burma, and its neighboring countries. It is the second Myanmar project for Daewoo, which supplied $5 million worth of power transmission and distribution equipment to the country in 1995, the company official said. Daewoo was the largest Korean exporter to Myanmar with $40 million last year, followed by Hyundai's $16.5 million and LG's $8 million, he added. *********************************************** THAILAND TIMES: THAILAND TO TAKE STRICT MEASURES AGAINST ENCROACHERS ON DISPUTED ISLET June 3, 1997 TAK: Thailand is to take strict action against every trespasser encroaching on Mae Sot's disputed islet to prevent any possible trouble there, a senior military official said yesterday. Col Chatchaphat Yamngamriap, the 4th Infantry Special Task Force Commander, said the 431 Infantry Company have established a checkpoint close to Tambon Tha Sai Laud's Kok Chang Phuak islet where many hundreds of Burmese and Karen people cross the border daily, any alien that enters the country without the required documentation or border pass will be immediately arrested. He said the country aims to prevent any troublemakers such as anti-Burmese government ethnic groups from coming near the islet, where both countries have been trying to play down disputes which have threatened to seriously sour relations. Chao Cham Huang, a son of former drug warlord Khun Sa, has reportedly donated 100 million kyat to the Burmese government for the construction of a dam near Myawaddy township in exchange for permission to go ahead with his joint-venture to build a casino and business complex there. ******************************* BKK POST: BURMA REFUSES TO BACK DOWN IN BORDER DISPUTE June 3, 1997 Wasana Nanuam Claiming major flood changed river course Burma is intent on restoring its claimed border to the course of the Moei River before a major flood in 1994, a military source yesterday. Rangoon's position is that flood changed the course of the river to create a 150-rai islet now annexed to Thai territory, he said. Burma had moved in machinery and workers to dredge the river near Ban Rim Moei, Mae Sot, last month drawing strong protests as the work in some areas violated Thai territory. The source said the Royal Thai Survey Department and the Department of Treaties and Legal Affairs were preparing aerial maps taken in 1989 and 1992 for discussions with Burma. Army commander Gen Chettha Thanajaro, who phoned Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, secretary 1 of Burma's State Law and Order Restoration Council on Saturday, called a meeting of senior government officials at army headquarters to discuss the problem yesterday. "The army commander related what he had discussed with Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt and agreement reached during the talks," he said. "Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt wanted us to speed up the case as it was concerned that the upcoming rainy season could hamper the dredging," he said. The officer said the army commander was unhappy with development in Mae Sot where villagers had taken him to task over the dredging. "There is attempt to make it a political issue," he said. Earlier, Paniti Tangpati, deputy chairman of Tak Chamber of Commerce, expressed surprise at Burma's claim that the work had been approved by Gen Chettha and Gen Chavalit. Mr Paniti said it was beyond his understanding how the army commander or the premier could make a pledge that could have directly affected Thai territory. So far, Gen Chettha and Gen Chavalit have not commented on the issue. (BP) ******************************************************* BKK POST: PHILIPPINE PRESS OUTRAGED May 3, 1997 AFP Manila - The Philippine press slammed its government yesterday for backing the entry of Burma into the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), saying it debased Manila's democracy. "Democracy has taken a step backward," said the Manila Standard newspaper in an editorial titled: "Asean: Partners in Crime". "The Philippines cast its vote to accept Burma under the generals when the Philippines had the wherewithal, by the rules of consensus, to turn Burma away at the door all by itself," the Today newspaper said in its editorial. "We have now lost our international honour and become just one of the gang of thuggish states that yet pretend their authoritarianism is but a necessary step to what the Philippines already has: democracy," it said.(BP) ******************************************************* BKK POST: YADANA PIPELINE RUNS INTO FOREST BAN June 3, 1997 Chakrit Ridmontri and Suebpong Unarat PTT yet to obtain ministry approval The Petroleum Authority of Thailand does not have permission to build the Yadana gas pipeline through forest in Kanchanaburi, the agriculture minister said yesterday. The ministry would have to consider if the project would have adverse effects on forest, said Chucheep Harnsawat. "We will ask the PTT to clarify its proposed environmental impact mitigation plan before approval can be made," he said. The development, threatening to further complicate the project which has been strongly opposed by environmentalists, came amid a warning by Korn Dabbaransi, the Industry Minister, that Burma will impose a daily fine of 40 million baht if the pipeline is not completed by July next year. Mr Korn said re-routing the pipeline would pose a greater threat to forest in Kanchanaburi. Mr Chucheep expressed concern about the project when he went to Kanchanaburi last weekend but declined to say if the pipeline should be re-routed if the environmental impact is unacceptable. Pitiphong Puengboon, deputy permanent secretary for agriculture, said problems centred on Sai Yoke national park and Huay Khayeng national forest in Thong Pha Phum district. Part of the route through the national park would not have a severe impact because the area is degraded forest, he said. But the process in allowing the PTT to use the area would take time because the area's national park status would have to be changed. In contrast, the 6km pipeline that will pass Huay Khayeng forest would have an adverse impact because the area is fertile. However, the approval process is easier than the park. "If it is inevitable to use this forest area, the ministry has make sure the PTT sticks by environmental mitigation measures. Anyway, the Forestry Department has yet to give the PTT approval to use these two forest areas," said Mr Pitiphong. The PTT began work on the 260km project this year after the environmental impact assessment was approved by the National Environment Board. It will receive gas from Yadana and Yetagun fields in Burma at I-Tong village in Thong Pha Phum. Apart from conservationists, international human right activists oppose the project on the grounds the military junta in Burma is suppressing ethnic minorities along the route. Earlier, Mr Korn asked the PTT to tailor its public relations strategy to counter growing opposition to the project. Pala Sukhavech, the PTT governor, said the current route was suitable as an environment study showed it would minimise the impact. "It's impossible to re-route the pipeline as it will greatly affect the environment and forest resources," he claimed. Sources said work will proceed at 200m a day on rugged terrain and up to 2km on flat land. Thailand will buy gas from Burma two years after completion of the pipeline. (BP) ******************************************************* WASHINGTON POST: BURMA ROAD OF WWII FAME NOW BRINGS ARMS FROM CHINA June 1, 1997 By R. Jeffrey Smith Rangoon's Rulers, Shunned in West, Are Buoyed by Asian Neighbors PYIN-U-LWIN, Burma -- Fifty-seven years ago, the main road through this small resort town northeast of Mandalay served as a gateway to the famous Burma Road, a vital supply line through the jungle for war materiel being shipped north by the United States and its allies into China for use against the Japanese. Today, the rutted, two-lane highway is still being used to transport armaments, but the flow has been reversed: Chinese-made weapons are coming south on Japanese-made trucks at the behest of the military government of Burma, which uses some of the arms to help keep its restive citizens under strict control, according to Western officials. Burma's generals became notorious in 1988 for brutally suppressing student protests and in 1990 for annulling a democratic election won by an opposition party. Since then they have been able to forge normal economic relations with few developed nations. "Only the door to China has been open" without interruption since then, a diplomat said in Rangoon, the capital. As a result, the government has relied heavily on weaponry imported from China -- and lately from Russia as well -- to keep its military forces equipped for offensives against insurgent ethnic minorities and to preserve domestic order. Buying military equipment from China is only one of several ways that Burma has been able to evade a Western-led embargo on trade. Narcotics merchants in China also have played a helpful role in Burma's continued export of near-record levels of opium gum for heroin production, and wealthy investors from a few other Asian nations have been spending just enough money on new Burmese hotels, real estate, mining and manufacturing projects to keep the country's economy afloat. The economic or political support Burma gets from other Southeast Asian countries and from China has "effectively annulled the West's attempt to induce domestic political change through international pressure," said Muthiah Alagappa, a Malaysian political scientist and senior fellow at the East-West Center in Hawaii. Besides providing access to weaponry and economic breathing room, Burma's China connection also gives it important refuge from the world's disapproval, according to a diplomat. "If they keep deepening the relationship, Burma will always have China to turn to" if needed to veto trade sanctions that might be sought by the U.N. Security Council, he said. Exact figures on China's military trade with Burma are elusive. The relationship is not openly discussed here. But the shipments include hundreds of millions of dollars' worth of tanks, personnel carriers, rockets, mortars, artillery, assault rifles, grenade launchers, trucks, attack aircraft and helicopters, according to a recent analysis by Andrew Selth, an Australian defense intelligence official, with which officials from two other governments concurred. China also has sold Burma naval vessels, including some armed with anti-ship cruise missiles, and has trained Burmese military personnel. Members of the ruling junta signify the importance they attach to this relationship by making a rare public appearance each year at the Chinese Embassy's national day celebration in Rangoon. Although most artillery and other heavy armaments have been deployed in rural areas, some of the Chinese-made tanks and automatic weapons have been used in displays of force aimed at dissenters in major cities. Western and local sources say some of the Chinese armaments have entered the country near the town of Mongyu, then south along the road to Lashio -- a city with more than 50,000 ethnic Chinese -- before passing through the teak forests and coffee plantations around here to reach Mandalay, Burma's second-largest city. Pyin-U-Lwin is dotted with important military facilities, including the Defense Services Institute of Technology. Much of Burma's arms purchases evidently have been financed by China at discounted interest rates, according to these sources. But China may also have been paid in valuable Burmese goods, such as timber, agricultural products, minerals and gems. The road north to China also is frequently used to transport opium gum derived from Burmese poppies. Chinese narcotics merchants then smuggle it elsewhere in the region, and later ship the resulting heroin to the United States, U.S. officials say. Some of the drug profits allegedly have been plowed into commercial investments or been used to help buy food for troops and import additional weapons. Having been blocked by Washington and its allies from gaining access to international loans, "the regime is essentially depending on drug money to get it through" and keep the economy afloat, according to a longtime foreign observer in Burma. A recent visitor on a drive along the road near here saw a handful of green Burmese army trucks dodging immense potholes on their way south, each packed high with boxes and crates covered by heavy tarpaulins. The ruling generals in this country control a wide range of private businesses as well as military forces, so the items might well have been Chinese-made commercial appliances instead of armaments, and have been destined for the public marketplace in Mandalay, several Western officials said. The United States, Britain and Germany, which formerly had equipped much of the Burmese army, imposed an embargo on military trade with the country beginning in 1988, after the "retired" military officials that had ruled the country with an iron fist since 1962 officially stepped aside in favor of more direct rule by active military personnel. The Clinton administration, citing the forced closure of all Burmese universities and other Draconian government measures to stifle dissent, last month expanded controls on U.S. trade with Burma by barring most new investments by American firms in commercial and energy projects. It also has lent rhetorical support to Aung San Suu Kyi, a 1991 Nobel Peace Prize laureate and democracy activist in Burma whom the regime has barred from making public speeches or meeting with foreign reporters. But Suu Kyi's calls for worldwide economic isolation of the country have had no apparent impact on China or Burma's other Asian neighbors. Singapore is now the leading source of overall foreign investment in Burma, with Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia and Japan also playing important economic roles here. Officials in Thailand have been quoted by Thai newspapers as hailing the U.S. sanctions as a potential boon to that country's own commercial prospects in Burma. A visiting Singaporean businessman said in an interview here, "We have a different standard than America does for human rights and foreign trade. These people are free to pursue their own work." Western diplomats here say many of Burma's neighbors are willing to overlook the government's abuses because they seek access to its cheap labor and abundant natural resources, including rare hardwoods and some of the world's finest jade and gems. Thailand, in particular, is said to be worried that serious political instability in Burma would push refugees across its border. *********************************************** THE NATION:FOUR COUNTRIES SQUARE OFF ON THE BANKS OF THE MIGHTY MEKONG May 27, 1997 Kulachada Chaipipat In spite of the financial gains that China,Thailand, Laos and Burma could make, plans for the Economic Growth Quadrangle are floundering on the river's shores, writes The Nation's Kulachada Chaipipat. Geometric growth zones that are sweeping the region and have been successfully exploited in other parts of Asia may be the right model for Southeast Asia. Yet, the idea is still a little before its time in a region that is warped by overwhelming security concerns. In this regard, China has made tremendous efforts to open up its southwestern region to Southeast Asia via the Economic Growth Quadrangle. This economic zone encompasses an area of some 250,000- square- kilometres: from China's southern Yunnan province to northern Thailand and Laos to Burma's Shan state. With a market size of an estimated 120 million people whose GDP output is set to reach US$545.4 billion (Bt14.18 trillion) and per capita income of $2,700 by the year 2000, the geometric growth zone offers a wide array of trade investment opportunities. But with a four-year framework in place, Beijing found that its push failed to move other participants at the same speed. The sole indicator of growth is tourism and that is only between Thailand and China. At a seminar hosted by Chulalongkorn University's Institute of Asian Studies in mid-May, Thai and visiting Chinese scholars argued that the successful model of geometric economy among Asean states, namely Singapore-Malaysia-Indonesia triangular cooperation,should also be the case for the quadrangular cooperation. But the team of seven scholars from two key research institutes in Yunnan spoke of the EGQ's potential and benefits to all participants at great length. The conspicuously hinted at the hindrances that have plagued the cooperation. China faces the dilemma in the development of the Lancang Jiang ­ the Chinese name for the Mekong River ­ and the development alliance with downstream nations. While Thai scholars see the long-term potential of this geometric economy, they view the short-run beneficiary to be China. Moreover, they perceive Beijing to be the most active player, and is in itself a barrier to meaningful cooperation with its neighbours. Nevertheless, both Thai and Chinese scholars pointed out that political instability in Burma and Laos' lack of expertise to deal with rapid expansion of regional capitalism are major factors preventing the scheme from taking off. Academic experts also agreed that these factors were exacerbated by the competing capital demand for infrastructure development in the Mekong sub-region. Head of the Chinese team Prof Chen Lufan said that another reason for delay is a decrease in the governments' level of enthusiasm as a result of various changes of those governments. The slow progress in the two pilot projects ­ one on the ring road connecting these quadrangular territories and the other on navigation in the upper reaches of the Mekong ­ have been cited as clear evidence of political and economic constraints confronting the other partners, Burma and Laos, in the scheme. From the perspective of China, the quadrangular framework possesses all necessary conditions to become the region's new potential growth zone ­ vast deposits of natural resources in Laos, Burma and Yunnan along with land and cheap labour, the closeness of their borders and culture, and the political will of the region's leaders. Chinese panelist Zhang Guang Ping suggested that to move forward, the cooperation needs to streamline its present working measures. ''It unnecessarily involves a massive volume of trade. There is no need for binding agreements, established rules and a uniformed system for trade and custom procedures," he said. But what the framework lacks is a coordinating mechanism in each country. Such an agency would liaise among participating states through regular meetings and arrange services with lending and development agencies,said Zhang, an economist with the Yunnan Research and Coordination Office for Lancang-Mekong River Subregional Cooperation. So far, only China and Thailand have such coordinating bureaus. However, when presenting this view, Zhang was selective and ignored the holistic approach to explore the constraints of the alliance. Chulalongkorn University's Sinologist Vorasit Mahathanobol said a failure to take a holistic view with this type of economic zone is itself an obstacle to its progress. Vorasit said China's selective approach to development strategies of the Mekong River in Yunnan and on quadrangular cooperation has raised suspicions among the other five river basin states, including Cambodia and Vietnam. Vorasit pointed out that while China defended its right to exploit the hydropower potential of the Lancang Jiang, regardless of downstream concerns and the impacts of such development, it has also pushed for navigation of the river beyond its territory. China's ambiguous stance may have taken advantage of the newly-defined nation state irrespective of historical reality that the Mekong has long been known as an international river, he added. Vorasit said that whether it is called the Lancang Jiang or the Mekong, it is the same. He suggested that China should come up with a holistic and coherent explanation about its development strategies for the Mekong region. For failure to bring clarity to this position may further delay China's bid to open the river for navigation. China's vacillating stance has obviously been the cause of worry for Burma. But Burma's larger concern is security in Shan state which forms part of the quadrangle with its 31-kilometre border edged by the Mekong River. In a paper presented by Yunnan Institute of International Studies' researcher Huang Guan Yang, China believed that Rangoon's inability to control Shan state ­ where various ethnic groups including the United Wa State Army group live ­ is a major setback to Burma's full cooperation in the framework, specifically to the river's navigation. Yet Burma's initial reluctance to take a 300-million-baht soft loan offered by the Thai government for construction of the 164-kilometre-long route from Chiang Rai to the Burmese border town of Kentung was also used as another pretext for this concern, Pornphimol Trichote of the Institute of Asian Studies said. Both agreed that the navigation and easy road access will further expose Shan state to outside influences, particularly from China and the United States. Huang's paper revealed Burma's immediate concern over China's direct political and economic influence due to their cultural and geographic links as well as the increasingly economic interdependence between Shan state's opium-growing Fourth Special Region and Yunnan's Xishuangbanna. He said Burmese leaders feared that the prosperity that would be brought in by Rangoon's full participation in this cooperation would strengthen the Wa and other minority groups against Rangoon's junta and revive Chinese assistance to the now-defunct Communist Party of Burma. Pornphimol said apart from security concerns, Burma also worried that the water and road links would make Kengtung a mere transit point that facilitates Thailand's and China's commercial gains. Huang concurred with Pornphimol that Rangoon's security concerns will continue to outweigh benefits and will not encourage Burma to be fully active in the four-party cooperation. This will continue despite the country's dependence on neighbours' cooperation to ease economic sanctions spearheaded by Western countries as a punishment for Rangoon human rights' abuse. As for Laos, some panelists also agreed that the constraints it faces are more reasons for the cooperation's postponement. However, Songrit Ponern, researcher of Manager Group's Indochina Information Centre said that Laos' reservation has more to do with its inability to absorb foreign investment than its politics. Ironically enough, the establishment of a joint venture company between Thailand-based Usa Family Group and the Lao government in August 1995 was the first concrete evidence of quadrangular cooperation. Yet the company's running problems have become an obstacle for going from the passive to active stage. These problems are with the firm's management and coordination with its Laotian partner, also the limited experience of that market economy. Additional problems for progress stem from the company's capital constraint. The company has a couple of major contracts. The short-term project is to improve the route between Chiang Rai via Bokeo and Luang Namtha provinces in Laos to Yunnan's border town of Mong Han. Over the medium and long term, it is to develop Laos' northern region into a commercial and tourism centre. To finance the projects, it is seeking loans from the Asian Development Bank. But there is a downside to this. According to Sujintana Chanatipsakul, a senior official of the company, the contracts exceed the capacity one private company can handle. Offsetting its aggressive push under the Chuan administration, panelists detected a slow down in the Thai government's effort to promote the quadrangular concept. Li Xun, a Chinese expert on Thai studies said the present government has shifted its priority of national development to Thailand's northeast and southern regions, leaving the quadrangular under the care of the bureaucracy. Yet Li said the country's present economic crisis is a limitation on Thailand's financial and investment clout that is vital to the realisation of the cooperation. However, Manager Group's Indochina Information Centre's Suphalung Kanchankoodee said the Thai government has purposely adopted a more cautious approach toward the cooperation, fearing that the opening up of border areas will aggravate the problems of drug trafficking and illegal immigration already facing the country. Suphalak noted that careful consideration of a proposed upstream navigation pact is a case in point. Thailand has asked for more clarity in drafting the agreement to reflect a commitment of the parties concerned to remove trade barriers including customs and tariffs, and to observe rules to minimise environmental damage of the water route. (TN) ******************************************************* S.H.A.N : FIAN LAUNCHED INTERNATIONAL CAMPAIGN FOR THE SHAN REFUGEES May 19, 1997 From: "SHAN< H.NG.H SPM >" <100706.1311@CompuServe.COM> FIAN ( Food First Information and Action Network ), an international organisation which promotes for the Human Rights to feed oneself, launched an urgent action to respect the right of the Shan refugees to feed themselves. The campaign is based on the fact of forced relocation of about 100,000 Shan peoples by the Burmese military regime. The report said : Burma's ruling junta is constantly oppressing the national minorities of Burma in the border areas of Burma. This oppression and denial of minority rights has resulted in quasi permanent fighting with various resistance groups of these minorities. One of the strategies of the Burmese army to fight these groups has been to cut them off the assistence they could get from the local villages, namely food, funds, intelligence and recruits. For this purpose the army has been relocating the population of the regions where the resistance group could get help. The depopulated areas are declared " fire-free " zones. In 1996, Burma's ruling SLORC ( State Law and Order Restoration Council ) has started another systematic forced relocation program in the Central Shan State in the west of Burma. Until now more than 100.000 persons, from 600 villages have been forcibly evicted. The conditions of the village families were forced to live in the relocation sites along the roadside are very bad and many of them do not have enough to eat. That is why about 20.000 of the forcibly relocated persons tried to escape the desperate situation by fleeing across the border to Thailand. Contrary to its former policies towards Burmese refugees, the government of Thailand doesn't acknowledge the Shan refugees who fled Burma in 1996 and became refugees. Therefore, they cannot stay in refugees camps and do not have the right to receive the humanitarian assistance from international aid organisations, including food aid. The families are trying to feed themselves by working on farms near Chaing Mai or on construction sites in the town. The irregular and underpaid work they can get as illegal migrants isn't enough to nourish the whole family. Starvation and undernourishment are the result and the right to food of the refugees is at stake. Some people, especially elders and children are dying because of diseases related to undernourishment. The refusal of the Thai government to allow the setting up of Shan refugee camps is a manifestation of the transformed relation of the Thai government with the SLORC. The government of Thailand has, in the past, ensured the right to food of the Burmese refugees by approving the construction and maintainance of refugee camps by international aid agencies. However, the government now changes this policy because it doesn't want to impede its good business and diplomatic ties with SLORC which would provide them with natural gas and other economically wanted resources. In order to maintain its good relation with SLORC, the Thai government wants to get rid of the refugees and thus refuses to recognise them as refugees. The Thai government is obliged by the Declaration of Human Rights to respect the right of the refugees to feed themselves. ***** Reasons for the urgent action : An international letter protest action may urge the government of Thailand to review its policy towards the Burmese refugees and allow the construction of refugee camps for the Shan refugees. Recommended action : Please send faxes or letters to the Government of Thailand, the embassy of Thailand in your country and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. Please express your concern about the violations of the refugees right to feed themselves and demand the Thai government to ensure the right to food of the Burmese refugees by allowing them to live in the refugee camps and to be provided with food by international aid agencies. ! ! ! End of Action : 30.06.1997 Participation is easy : send the copy of the letter attached, to the addresses mentioned below. Please take note that the attached letter are models, though these could be used by those without a good command of the language - or who don't have time to write a letter. However, if you are in the position to write, it will undoubtedly have a bigger impact. We encourage you therefore to send personalized letters. We count on your active participation in FIAN Actions ! ! ! Prime Minister General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh Office of the Prime Minister Government House Nakhorn Pathom Road Bangkok 10300 Thailand. Honourable Prime Minister, Recently, I received very alarming information about the situation of around 20.000 refugees from the Central Shan State of Burma. Forcibly evicted by SLORC from their villages they fled across the border to Thailand, where they now face hunger and malnutrition. Being refused the refugee status by the authorities of Thailand they have to live as illegal migrants. This threatens their right to food as they do not live in refugee camps and have no access to the provisions of international aid-organisations. As a person working Internationally for the realisation of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, I am deeply concerned about the situation of the refugees and especially their right to food, which is enshrined in Art. 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The current point of the Thai government supports the gross violations of human rights perpetrated by the SLORC on the population of Burma. It is with these concerns in mind that I respectfully ask you to : - acknowledge the Burmese refugees as refugees - allow for the setting up of refugee camps for the Shan refugees who had to flee Burma - stop any direct or inderect support for the gross violations of human rights by the Burmese government Please inform me about all measures you intend to take to ensure the inalienable right of the Burmese refugees to be free of hunger. Sincerely yours, ******* Addresses : Prime Minister General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh Office of the Prime Minister Government House Nakhorn Pathom Road Bangkok 10300 Thailand Fax : +66 2 2801443 copies to : United Nation High Commissioner for Refugees Case postale 2500 Ch - 1211 Geneve, N0. 2 Depot Switzerland The Embassy of Thailand in your country ------------------------------- Please inform the International secretariat of FIAN of any response to your letters. FIAN International Secretariat P.O. Box 102243 D- 69012 Heidelberg, Germany Tel : ++49 - 6221-830620 Fax : ++49 - 6221-830545 email : FIAN-IS@oln.comlink.apc.org ********************************************