------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------ "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" ---------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News: August 11, 1997 Issue #794 HEADLINES: ========== REUTER: BURMA OPPOSITION CALLS FOR TALKS BORDER SOURCE: BORDER SITUATION UPDATE THAILAND TIMES: WA REBELS TO SURRENDER TO RANGOON ARAKAN BURMA: SITUATION IN ARAKAN BKK POST: BRIDGE USERS BANNED FROM BURMESE TOWNS UNHCR: THE STATE OF THE WORLD'S REFUGEES 1995 KCHC TRANSLATION: SAW BA U GYI: THE LAST DAYS THAILAND TIMES: KORN TO OPEN FRIENDSHIP BRIDGE BKK POST: BURMESE REFUGEES NEED ASSISTANCE JAPAN TIMES: MYANMAR ACTIVIST END HUNGER STRIKE FBC - PHILIPPINES: 8.8.88 COMMEMORATION REUTER: BURMESE DISSIDENTS REMEMBER BLOODY 1988 --------------------------------------------------------------------------- REUTER: BURMA OPPOSITION CALLS FOR TALKS WITH MILITARY August 8, 1997 RANGOON, Aug 8 (Reuter) - Burma's main opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) has asked for further talks with the military government, saying the two sides share the same political goal. The NLD this week sent an 18-page open letter to Senior General Than Shwe, the chairman of the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). ``The SLORC has repeatedly pledged to establish democracy in Myanmar (Burma)... As for the NLD, to build democracy in the country has always been the main objective of the NLD,'' said the letter, signed by NLD Chairman Aung Shwe. ``Since the two groups are sharing a common objective, there should be no reason that prevents them from holding talks for resolving the problems which the country is facing.'' A meeting between Aung Shwe and the SLORC's Lieutenant General Khin Nyunt last month was the first high level contact between the two groups since NLD leader and Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi was released from six years of house arrest in 1995. The NLD won a landslide election in 1990 that the SLORC has never recognised. The NLD has made repeated requests for dialogue since Suu Kyi's release, but those calls went unanswered until last month. Further talks would help the two sides satisfy the wishes of the Burmese people, the NLD letter said. ``By holding dialogue, both the SLORC and the NLD will be fulfilling the desire of the entire people,'' the letter said. The NLD stopped short of calling last month's talks with Khin Nyunt ``dialogue'' as they say true dialogue must include Suu Kyi. ***************************** BORDER SOURCE: BORDER SITUATION UPDATE August 8, 1997 SITUATION UPDATE: REFUGEES ARRIVING AT KANCHANABURI, RATCHABURI AND PROVINCES TO THE SOUTH KANCHANABURI PROVINCE Ban Don Yang It was reported that on July 24 the Thai 9th Division took three refugee leaders to meet with the SLORC at a border location near here, thought to be Three Pagodas Pass. Colonel Manat was reportedly present. The three reugees met with the SLORC and the topic of repatriation to Burma was raised. The SLORC are reported to have told them that the refugees should return to Burma but that they should understand that the Burmese government has 'no programme to feed and care for those who have fled outside to other countries and brought disgrace to Burma. Upon return those who have fled must be punished.' After the meeting the three were returned to the camp. The population at Htee Wah Doh have still not received permission to enter Don Yang camp. RATCHABURI PROVINCE Tham Hin The principle concern here remains that the 9th Division is continuing to withold permission to build a school in the camp. The residents of the camp are increasingly concerned that the more than 2,000 children in the camp are losing out on their education. As time goes on it is becoming increasingly difficult to retain teachers in the camp; those with families to support will increasingly seek work outside the camp. NGOs are ready to support both a school building and school supplies once official permission has been granted. The area has been subjected to heavy rain recently and the camp still only has plastic sheeting for cover. The clinic is said to have many patinets suffering malaria and diarrhoea. The displaced persons at Meh Pya Kee mentioned in the last report have still not recived permission to enter the camp. On July 26 some of this group had crossed over the border and settled at the Border Patrol Police checkpoint, behind the old Bo Wi site, fleeing the SLORC troops advancing on their position from the north at Htaw Ma Maw and from the south up the river from Withuray. Some 150 had crossed by July 30 but the 9th Division is still refusing them permission to enter Htam Hin camp where they could be provided for. The area is now enduring heavy rain. ***************************************** THAILAND TIMES: WA REBELS TO SURRENDER TO RANGOON JUNTA August 10, 1997 BY KHACHORN BOONPHAT MAE HONG SON- One of the last ethnic rebel groups to have held out against the Burmese junta is to surrender in exchange for control of territory in Shan state, a rebel source said. The move, however, has come under fierce criticism from ethnic groups who are still fighting for autonomy from the Burmese government. Speaking from the Burmese border town of Tachilek, the source said the Wa National Organization (WNO) led by Col Chao Maha San has agreed to lay down their arms to the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) and give up the struggle for autonomy. The source said negotiations last month, when the rebel army expressed its intention to surrender, paved the way for a final ceasefire deal on July 29. Col Chao Maha San and his brother Col Maha Cha arranged the peace pact with Maj Cho Aung Thein, a SLORC military intelligence official, he said. After the second round of talks the WNO leader confirmed that his group will surrender to the junta, but the rebels would not give exact timing or location for the surrender ceremony. The source said the event is expected to take place in Mong Tong township opposite Thailand's Chiang Mai province, as more than 500 WNO soldiers are based there. Other ethic rebel groups however said the WNO has been trapped into surrendering by the junta, which will use the ceasefire to further its brutal suppression of the ethnic minorities. They said that while WNO leaders will reap benefits from the peace settlement, ordinary Wa people will be subjected to more human rights abuses at the hands of the SLORC. A key figure of former drug lord Khun Sa's Mong Tai Army (MTA), which surrendered to the junta early last year, said the WNO have always been halfhearted freedom fighters who have exploited the MTA's reputation for involvement in the illegal drug trade. ******************************************** ARAKAN BURMA: SITUATION IN ARAKAN August 9, 1997 From: Arakan Burma Arakan-Burma's back water north western province remains as neglected as before, undeveloped and unaffected by the present superficial economic openness witnessed by other parts of Burma. Foreigners are not allowed to visit Arakan except at certain tourist points in guided tours. Northern Arakan with a Muslim ( Rohingya ) majority population remains tense and volatile. SLORC's policy of genocide and ethnic cleansing against Rohingyas Muslims continues with more ferocity. The Muslims in Arakan have been passing their days in sub-human condition in utter misery, fear and extreme poverty. Ninety five percent of the Muslims population are under-fed and in an environment of continuous fear and lack access to health facilities make them physically crippled. Because of poverty, lack of educational institutions in Muslim villages and a discouraging political and social environment the number of educated Muslims is sharply falling. Except cultivation and fishing, Muslims have no other employment as the government prohibits employing Muslims in any governmental service. The Rohingyas have been declared as foreign residents by the SLORC. Whatever the farmers produce from their land, most of it has to be given to the government in the name of tax imposed only on the Muslims. If one fails to surrender the fixed quantity, one is either jailed or one's entire land is confiscated. Added to this the poor cultivators who maintain their living as manual day labourers are often rounded up by the security forces to engage them as slave labourers without payment for a long time making them hand to mouth or to face complete starvation. Only a handful of Muslims who can afford to act as government's informers or spies could engage themselves in the local and cross border trade. No Muslims are allowed to move freely from one locality to another. They are kept under constant surveillance. Youths are subjected to summary execution, arrest and torture often with allegations of links with rebel groups. Many Muslims who have been detained by various law enforcing agencies never return home, presumably killed and dumped in mass graves. On May, 1994 a bomb was exploded in Maungdaw township More than 300 people have either been executed extrajudicially or disappeared completely. In 1996 alone there were more than one hundred case of summary executions and disappearance after arrest in different parts of Arakan. Long sentences ranging from 5 to 20 years imprisonment have been awarded to people without any proven guilt or for commiting minor offences. Extortion from the Muslims after indictment on false charges is a regular phenomenon. Rohingyas women happened to be the most vulnerable among the oppressed. They have virtually no human rights. Being deprived of education, they are totally dependent on their husband or their sons for protection of their modesty and safety. When the male members of the family are taken away to perform forced labour, the woman are often subjected to violations of their modesty at the hands of the security personnel. Besides, religious personalities are often humiliated and in 1996 many religious schools were forced to close down in the township of Kyauktaw, Minbya, and Mrohaung. Recently, the Jamiah Islamiyah, the biggest religious school in Maungdaw was forced to close down at the order of local SLORC authorities. Another remarkable feature taking place in northern Arakan is expulsion of the Muslims from their centuries old villages without giving them any alternative site for resettlement. There are relocation of Muslim villages too. More Buddhists villages are being established in Muslim majority areas and Buddhists are appointed by the authorities as head of Muslims villages. Out of 300,000 Rohingyas refugees who fled to Bangladesh in 1991-92 because of persecution by the SLORC, about 250,000 have been returned to their homes in spite of uncertain future back in Arakan. Meanwhile, about 20,000 disappeared in Bangladesh and rest are awaiting repartition in four camps along Burma-Bangladesh border. While the repartition of the aforesaid refugees is yet to finish, a fresh batch of about 15,000 refugees entered into Bangladesh again since early 1997 because of forced labour, torture, starvation etc. Some of them were detained and sent them back to Burma. Their fate are not known since they were forced back to Burma. And most of them are disappeared in Bangladesh. ******************************************** BKK POST: BRIDGE USERS BANNED FROM VISITING BURMESE TOWNS August 10, 1997 Supamart Kasem, Tak People crossing the border at Mae Sot district into Burma after the Thai-Burmese Friendship Bridge opens on August 15 will not be allowed to enter any Burmese towns, except Myawaddy, for security reasons. According to a border official, the travel restrictions apparently stemmed from Burma's concern for safety of visitors due to ongoing clashes between Rangoon forces and rebels of the Karen National Union. Deputy provincial governor Somboon Ngamlak, its MP Chaiyawuth Bannawat, adviser to the panel overseeing construction of the bridge, Udon Tantisunthorn, and concerned government officials met in Mae Sot recently to discuss preparations for opening of the bridge. The meeting reaffirmed that Mae Sot-Myawaddy, Mae Sai-Tachilek and Ranong-Kawthaung checkpoints as well as the friendship bridge will open on August 15 according to the cabinet resolution of July 29. Both Burma and Thailand will erect temporary shelters to house Immigration, Customs, Public Health, and Livestock Department offices pending construction of permanent buildings: Burmese authorities in Myawaddy also requested that Thai officials provide 250 flag poles and 20 tents to be used during the bridge opening, Mr Chaiyawuth said. Thais living in border areas can apply for a border pass which will be valid for two years. It will entitle them to a two-week stay in Burma, while tourists can request a temporary pass valid for a week's stay. Thai representatives will soon discuss with Burmese authorities regulations on cross-border trade and immigration procedures for foreign passport holders. They will also push for access to other Burmese towns. ****************************************** UNHCR: THE STATE OF THE WORLD'S REFUGEES 1995 1995 THE STATE OF THE WORLD'S REFUGEES 1995 IN SEARCH OF SOLUTIONS (UNHCR, Oxford University Press, paperbacks $A24.95) Although the information in this book is from 1995, the excerpts provide relevant background information on Rohingyan repatriation, a current topic of concern. -- BurmaNet Note IN SEARCH OF SOLUTIONS, BOX 2.2 PP-62. Repatriation to Myanmar ----------------------- Between late 1991 and the middle of 1992, more than 250,000 people fled from the Rakhine State of Myanmar (formerly Burma) to neighbouring Bangladesh. Almost all of the refugees were Rohingyas, a Muslim minority group living in a predominantly Buddhist country. Although accurate statistics are not available, the Rohingyas are thought to constitute just under half of Rakhine State's population, which is estimated to be some 4.5 million. When the refugee exodus took place, the new arrivals in Bangladesh said that they had been subjected to a variety of human rights violations by the Myanmar security forces. According to refugee accounts, these abuses took place amidst efforts to conscript military porters, to recruit unpaid labour for public works projects and to relocate some of teh Muslim population within Rakhine State. The Myanmar government has denied these accusations. >From the early days of the exodus, it became apparent that voluntary repatriation represented the only viable solution for the vast majority of the refugees. But before UNHCR could participate in the repatriation process, the organization had to be sure that the refugees were willing to return and that their safety and welfare could be monitored once they had gone back to their homes. Proactive role For many years, the timing of UNHCR's involvement in voluntary repatriation programmes was determined largely by refugees themselve. They decided when to return, and received protection and assistance from the international community until the day when they chose to return. During the 1980s, however, UNHCR began to play a more proactive role in the search for solutions, actively assisting refugees to return to and reintegrate in their homeland once conditions there had substantially improved. More recently, the implementation of comprehansive peace settlements in a number of war-torn countries, supervised by UN peacekeeping forces and civilian personnel, has enabled UNHCR to go one step further in the repatriation process. Thus in countries such as Cambodia and Mozambique, the organization's repatriation programmes have been based on the premise that the vast majority of refugees will be able to - and want to return to their own country and participate in the election of a new government. The question of safety and voluntaryness have been more problematic in relation to the Rohingya refugee situation. On the Bangladesh side of the border, UNHCR did not initially have full access to the camps where the refugees were accommodated. And in MYanmar, unlike Cambodia and Mozambique, the political situation remained unchanged at the national level. Furthermore, UNHCR did not have a presence in the country and was therefore unable to monitor the situation within the refugee's area of origin. The repatriation of the Myanmar refugees was further complicated by social, economic and legal factors. The people who fled to Bangladesh were predominantly landless day labourers, with very limited income-generating opportunities available to them in Rakhine State. As a result of the country's nationality laws, the Rohingyas were generally not recognized as citizens of Myanmar, nor did they have the right to move freely around the country. The majority of population of Myanmar generally regard the Rohingyas as aliens, a view which has been coloured by a variety of different factors: the aincient Arab and Persian origins of the Rohingyas; their loyalty to the Britain during the colonial period; fears of illegal immigration from the overcrowded and overwhelming Muslim country of Bangladesh; and concern over the security threat posed by two groups of armed Rohingya rebels, which are said to be supported by foreign governments. The integration of this group after their return therefore promised to be a difficult undertaking. Despite all of these uncertainities, in April 1994, UNHCR initiated an organized repatriation programme for the refugees, which has allowed many thousands to go home under the organization's auspicious. At current rates of return, the vast majority of the refugees will have returned to Myanmar before the end of 1995. Long-term option UNHCR's readiness to organize this repatriation programme - and the refugees' willingness to participate in it - is the result of several considerations. Bangladesh is one of the poorest and most densely populated counties in the world, and has neither the land nor the resources to absorb so many people. Local settlement in Bangladesh does not represent a realistic long-term option. A number of safeguards have been built into the repatriation programme. Under the current arrangements, the refugees indicate their willingness to return to Myanmar by registering for repatriation. Once registered, they are free to change their minds for any reason and at any point before they cross the border - a right which many refugees have exercised, usually for a temporary reason such as illness in the family. Within Myanmar, the government has invited UNHCR to establish a presence, both in the capital city of Yangon and in Rakhine State itself. As a result, the organization is now in a position to monitor the welfare of the returnees. At the same time, the organization is providing the refugees with food, a cash grant and other form of assistance upon their return to Myanmar, as well as implementing community-based rehabilitation projects in their home areas. According to UNHCR staff in the region, these initiatives have played a major part in the refugees' willingness to return to Myanmar. While their situation in Rakhine State may not be an easy one, the refugees appear to have recognized that it is better to go home now and to benefit from UNHCR's presence and programme, rather than to remain in refugee camps which can offer then no future. Coerced returns UNHCR's involvement in the refugees' return to Myanmar has assumed a particular significance in view of the events which preceded the launch of the organization's repatriation programme. In April 1992, the governments of Bangladesh and Myanmar signed a bilateral repatriation agreement, without the participation of UNHCR. Refugees began to repatriate to Myanmar five months later, and in October 1992, UNHCR was formally given permission to interview the refugees and to ascertain the voluntariness of their return. The organization quickly withdrew from this role, however, because of difficulties in gaining access to the refugees as well as widespread reports that they were being subjected to abuses by camp officials and forced to go back to Myanmar. UNHCR and other members of the international community protested vigorously against these developments, with the result that the violations were subquently halted and the camp officials concerned were removed from their posts. At the same time, UNHCR negotiated new agreements with the Bangladesh authorities, which provided the organization with better access to the camps and which enabled UNHCR staff to interview potential returnees. In November 1993, after nearly 50,000 refugees had returned under the bilateral repatriation programme, UNHCR was also granted access to Rakhine state by the Myanmar authorities. The organization was subsequently given permission to travel freely throughout the area (although logistically this can be difficult) and to monitor the situation of the returnees. UNHCR's efforts to help the returnees re-establish themselves in MYanmar by means of water, health, education and income-generating projects provide an additional means of promoting and monitoring the welfare of former refugees. By mid-1995, UNHCR had found no evidence to suggest that the returnees were being subjected to persecution or discrimination, although some incidents have taken place involving the detention and relocation of former refugees. Despite these encouraging results, two important issues remain to be resolved. First, an unknown but in all likelihood relatively small number of the remaining refugees may choose not to go back to Myanmar because of their political activities and allegiances. Another category of 'residual cases' whose future will have to be determined consists of refugee camp residents who migrated illegally from Bangladesh to Myanmar prior to 1991, and who consequently have no right to return to Rakhine State. A second and perhaps more significant issue concerns the prevention of any further exoduses or expulsions from Myanmar to Bangladesh. To avert any further occurrences of this type, efforts will evidently be needed to provide Myanmar's Muslim minority with greater security, by protecting their human rights, by improving their legal and social status and by providing htem with greater income-earning opportunities. While UNHCR is currently attempting to address these concerns, ultimate responsibility for such issues must be assumed by the country of origin. . ******************************************************* KCHC TRANSLATION: SAW BA U GYI: THE LAST DAYS OF A KAREN REVOLUTIONARY August 10, 1997 From: "Nemesis G. 739" Note- The following essay is about Saw Ba U Kyi, an early leader of the Karen nationalist cause and an Oxford educated barrister. Saw Ba U Gyi, founding chairman of the Karen National Union in 1947, took part in negotiations with the British and Burmese to secure Karen rights. Dissatisfied with the provisions for a Karen state, he eventually resigned from the Governor's Executive Council. In 1949 he led the KNU insurrection. In 1950, at the age of 38, Saw Ba U Gyi was killed by the Tatmadaw in an ambush. The Karen people lost an important spokesperson. --BurmaNet MY LAST MEETING WITH GAW KHO* SAW BA U GYI IN THE REVOLUTION AREA ON AUGUST 9, 1950 , BY Saw Johny Htoo It was on August 8, 1950, when I was stationed at Ka Ter Ti village, Papun District, an urgent matter came up and I had to go to Papun. We left Ka Ter Ti with two bullockcarts and stopped by Htwee Thee Ou village on our way. Whenever I stop by there I used to stay at my aunt Mu Yah Dah house, but this time as soon as I entered the village and saw my aunt, she ran to me and told me: "Can you please go stay with village headman this time, because my house is already filled with Gaw Koh Ba U Gyi and his men? They came with two bullockcarts too." As I was traveling with a few other people, I went to stay at the village headman's house. Then, I decided to go and meet with Saw Ba U Gyi at my aunt's house. He was there with his other nine friends including General Saw San Kay and a secretary from British Embassy. After a short discussion with him, I found out that they were on their way to Bangkok for the meeting with some foreign officials there. And just before I left the place, I asked him when he was going to leave, and he told me, "early in the morning." Then I asked him if he wanted some tea, and he asked me in return, "do you bring me just plain tea or tea?" "Of course, sweet tea," I answered. He then said, "good! let's have some tea before we leave tomorrow." "we will pray for you that your next child be a boy," he uttered, because until then I had only daughters. That night I came back to the place where I stay and asked one of my lieutenants to boil me a pot of water the next day before 4 o'clock in the morning. For some reasons, I had a strange dream that night. In my dream I saw Saw Ba U Gyi with his head shaved, and he shaved his beard too. I thought he did that probably because he is going to a foreign country. I then suddenly woke up. I was going to go and see him so that I could have a final talk with him before he leaves. But I looked at my watch and it was too early, only 3 o'clock in the morning, so I went to sleep again. The next day, I woke up at 4 a.m. and then I made some tea and took it to him. Soon after the breakfast we departed: he continued his trip as I headed to Papun. At first I thought, in my mind, to tell him about my dream but I didn't, because I knew that he does not believe in that type of things like dreams or omens. Karen people used to say that if we dreamed of someone naked, he or she will lose his or her position or rank, and if we dreamed of somebody with shaved he or she will lose his or her life. The day I met with Saw Ba U Gyi was August 8, 1950, and we departed on the next day. On August 12, 1950, at no one's expectation, my first cousin Saw Kye The who was then Signal In-charge in Papun Area intercepted a message which says that the enemy captured and murdered Saw Ba U Gyi and his colleagues at Hto Kaw Koe village. The news came to my surprise and I was trying to find out what went wrong with them. I found out that they left for Hlaine Bwe the next day. Before they took off from Hlaine Bwe, Maj. Gen. Ta Ka Baw who was the Division Commander of that area told Saw Ba U Gyi that he would arrange for him one company to take with him for security reason. Yet, Saw Ba U Gyi flatly replied that he did not want to disturb the soldiers. Then Maj. Gen. Ta Ka Baw insisted again that he better accept at least one platoon, should he not want to take a whole company of troops with him. Saw Ba U Gyi did not even accept one platoon. It was during August and the rain was heavy so he did not want to bother the soldiers, and they continued their trip, heading to another village by themselves with no security arrangement. The next day, Saw Ba U Gyi and his group headed to Hto Kaw Koe village. However, before they got to Hto Kaw Koe, their trip was delayed unexpectedly by a heavy August rain somewhere on the outskirts of Hto Kaw Koe. Unfortunately, that very news was informed by a Karen traitor to the enemy company which stationed near Hlaine Bwe. It was later found out that the company commander was Sein Lwin. While Saw Ba U Gyi and his group were stuck, they were attacked and murdered by the enemy, the then Maj. Sein Lwin and his troops. The remains of Saw Ba U Gyi was brought back to Moulmain and was later dumped into the river at Kaung Say Kyung, a village near Moulmain. Saw Ba U Gyi sacrificed his life for his people. He solemnly had to died in the hands of his enemy, but his principles for Karen people will remain alive forever. His words that he used to tell me, "brother, justice will lift our people up," will always stay in my heart and mind. *Gaw Kho in Karen stands for President. Roughly translated from Karen to English by Saw Kapi of Karen Cultural and Historical Center in Bakersfield, California. *********************************************** THAILAND TIMES: KORN TO OPEN FRIENDSHIP BRIDGE INSTEAD OF PM August 10, 1997 [excerpts only] By Assawin Pinitwong TAK/BANGKOK: Prime Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh was initially expected to officially open the bridge with his Burmese counterpart, Gen Than Shwe. However, Foreign Minister Prachuab Chaiyasan said yesterday that Gen Chavalit had appointed Deputy Prime Minister Korn Dabbarangsi to preside over the opening ceremony with Lt Gen Khin Nyunt, Secretary 1 of the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). Prachuab said the idea was proposed by the bridge construction committee, which is led by Deputy Foreign Minister Pitak Intrawityanunt following reports that Burmese military leader Than Shwe would not attend the ceremony. A source from the bridge construction committee said that the committee is working with other agencies in an attempt to persuade Premier Chavalit to open the bridge with Khin Nyunt. The source said as Khin Nyunt, the powerful chief of Burmese military intelligence, is expected to become the next prime minister of Burma, Chavalit should in turn move with respect to ensure warm relations with that country. ************************************************************ BKK POST: BURMESE REFUGEES NEED ASSISTANCE August 10, 1997 Karen, Karenni, Shan and Mon refugees have fled Burma in response to well documented persecution including forced labour, portering, torture and murder. About 100,000 people are currently living in the camps. Thai authorities are facing a serious humanitarian challenge. We, like other members of the community of nations, are well aware of the generous sacrifices you have already made in response to these destitute refugees. I beg you to treat these refugees from Burma well and provide protection for the 100,000 Burmese refugees from attacks and intimidation from across the border. I am concerned at reports that the so-called "safe corridor" cannot be considered safe given the movements of the Burmese army. I urge you to sign the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and to its 1967 Protocol, in order to better ensure the protection of refugees and asylum-seekers in Thailand. This would demonstrate to the international community the commitment to the principle of refugee protection which you have already shown. Amnesty International will be encouraging other governments to assist Thailand in its handling of the refugee crisis. Human Rights Have No Borders ********************************************** JAPAN TIMES: MYANMAR ACTIVIST END HUNGER STRIKE August 10, 1997 Over 30 Myanmarese activists ended a one-day hunger strike in Tokyo's Hibiya Park at noon Saturday after mourning those who were silenced in the country's democracy uprising nine years ago. "The military regime has been tormenting the people of the country since 1962. Let's do what we can here to represent the 45 million people who continue to suffer at home," the activists shouted in chorus as they ended the hunger strike. They began their protest at noon Friday, the ninth anniversary of the 1988 democracy uprising. Thousands of antigovernment activists are believed to have been killed by the military junta on Aug. 8, 1988, during a general strike and demonstrations by protesters calling for democracy. "The political and economic situations in our country have worsened since then," then Aung Thu, vice chairman of the Burma Youth Volunteer Association, which organized the strike [sic: it was organized by the Joint Action Committee, which includes Students' Organization for the Liberation of Burma and NLD-LA (Japan Branch), as well as BYVA]. "We wanted to remind the world that 45 million people there are still suffering," he said. He also said that last month's decision by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations to admit Myanmar's State Law and Order Restoration Council, the military regime, has harmed the people of Myanmar by letting the junta put more pressure on them. The so-called constructive engagement by other countries in Asia has not worked, he argued, and a harder line against the military regime -- as has been adopted by the United States and some European countries -- is necessary. This year's strike, the second in Japan, was conducted simultaneously in Australia, Canada, India, Thailand and the United States. "Although there are some Japanese people who support the democracy movement, not enough attention has been given to the issue in Japan," said Shogo Watanabe, a lawyer who assisted the strike. "Gaining more Japanese support is important in the sense that it builds a bigger momentum for the democracy movement." ************************************ FBC - PHILIPPINES: 8.8.88 COMMEMORATION From: iidmnl August 8, 1997 FREE BURMA COALITION c/o Initiatives for International Dialogue MEDIA RELEASE 9TH YEAR ANNIVERSARY OF AUGUST 8, 1988 BURMA UPRISING COMMEMORATED Makati, Friday, August 8, 1997: FREE BURMA COALITION-Philippines picketed the Burmese embassy at 8:00 A.M. today. The picket was in commemoration of the August 8, 1988 massacre in Rangoon. A photo montage of massacre victims served as an altar where the picketers offered flowers and prayers. Candles and incense were lit in front of the embassy steps. A joint statement by the Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma and the Free Burma Coalition was read by FBC members. The statement expressed the challenge to ASEAN's newest member , Burma's State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) regime to cooperate with ASEAN and ASEAN Regional Forum by promptly commencing dialogue with democracy movement led by Aung San Suu Kyi and the ethnic nationality groups. It also challenged ASEAN and its dialogue partners to implement a coordinated and comprehensive strategy to insure the prompt cessation of human rights violations and the restoration of democracy in Burma. It condemned the association for favoring the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of one another. The joint statement was delivered at the Burmese embassy office by office leaders at the 4th floor , Basic Petroleum Building, Carlos Palanca Street, Legaspi Village, Makati City. Free Burma Coalition-Philippines members who attended the commemoration are the INitiatives for International Dialogue(IID), Philippine Alliance of Human Rights Advocates(PAHRA), Amnesty International-Pilipinas, Bagong Kapisanan ng mga Manggagawa sa PNR, APL-ITF a progressive labor organization. For more information and or to obtain full text of the statement, Please call 411-5753 or 410-0998. Ask for Merci Ferrer E-mail: iidmnl@phil.gn.apc.org ********************************************** REUTER: BURMESE DISSIDENTS REMEMBER BLOODY 1988 PROTEST August 8, 1997 By Deborah Charles BANGKOK, Aug 8 (Reuter) - Dozens of exiled Burmese chanted and hung posters outside the Burmese embassy on Friday to mark the ninth anniversary of one of the bloodiest days in pro-democracy uprisings in the country's history. A group of Burmese dissidents wearing red headbands carried a funeral wreath as they chanted and waved the fighting peacock flag of the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) in their protest outside the embassy in downtown Bangkok. Groups of foreigners and Thai students also arrived at the embassy separately and presented letters of protest to embassy officials who snuck peeks at the demonstration through the mail slot of the embassy gate. Zaw Wint, spokesman for the Burmese Students in Exile, said people who participated in the struggle for democracy in Burma were forced to flee to Thailand due to adverse conditions imposed by the country's military rulers. ``With high aspiration to accomplish the Burmese people's yearning for democracy and human rights, we as anti tyrant-spirited students took stand against the government,'' he said in remembering the August 8, 1988 protest. Hundreds of people were killed by government troops in Rangoon as they demonstrated for democracy on that day when troops opened fire in part of the military crackdown on the pro-democracy demonstrations. The events nine years ago were considered the beginning of a nationwide pro-democracy uprising that was eventually quashed by the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). The SLORC seized power in September 1988 after quelling the protests. Dissidents in Japan marked the day by staging hunger strikes and calling for an end to the rule of the SLORC. The SLORC regularly refers to ``8-8-88'' in speeches and official media to remind people of the results of the unrest that swept the country before the SLORC was formed and took power. The exiles and other activists called on the international community to condemn the SLORC because of its human rights abuses and failure to recognise a 1990 landslide general election victory of the NLD. ``It's already been nine years since the people of Burma have expressed their will for economic stability, human dignity and the democratic civilian government, how long more can the rest of the world fail to support the 48 million people in Burma in their democratic aspirations?'' said activist Debbie Stothard. *****************************************